Journal of Social Inclusion Studies

The controversy over political representation of marginalised groups and the implementation of quotas or reservations for historical injustice constitutes the most salient current battlefront in the conflict over the politics of social justice. Debates about the assumptions of theories of political representation tend to focus on political institutions, and for the most part, tend to debate them within nation-states. I begin by examining the debate on group representation in the Indian context. This article suggests that there is much to be gained in understanding how representation is challenged by following the politics of disadvantaged groups involved in this debate. To overcome the limitations in these theories we need to challenge the basic categories in thinking about political representation, that is about formation of interests, participation, sites of politics, and assertions of claims for representation. The second section focuses on formation of Dalit interests and the arguments for political representation. It examines the way representations of social divisions become problematic and resisted in institutionalized practices and political discourses. The third section point to limitations in our current thinking about theories of representation and the challenges they face. I argue that differences and disagreements within marginalised groups and the potential for intra-group conflicts of interests is challenging. Since shared membership of a disadvantaged group is not sufficient to have success in political representation, we argue that group justice depends in part on the ability to overcome differences and to forge a common political strategy. I argue that representations are eventually battles for meaning in politics through which social identities are constructed in ways that support or contest systems of inclusion and exclusion.

The article focuses on the electoral thoughts and ideas of Ambedkar, Gandhi and Patel. Dr Ambedkar’s efforts for the implementation of representative electoral system have been discussed, along with the evolution of electoral methods that determines every election in India. The article highlights the shortcomings of electoral methods adopted in India as socially marginalized groups and classes have always been underrepresented or represented inappropriately. The article also discusses the functioning of different electoral methods such as two round system and proportional representation system. The present electoral system adopted in India needs to be reformed as per Ambedkar’s electoral ideas to ensure representative, inclusive and equitable democracy.

During the 2000s, political preferences among Dalits in Uttar Pradesh (UP) have undergone significant transformation. The decade has witnessed weakening of identity politics and simultaneously revival of the BJP. Against this backdrop, the article argues that Dalit politics in UP has entered a phase marked by internal fragmentation, uncertainty and a more complex character. Two rapid shifts are visible in their political preferences: from the BSP towards the BJP in the 2014 elections; second, from late 2015, violent protests by Dalits signalling their anger and disillusionment with the BJP. Two developments are responsible for these swift changes: rising economic aspirations among Dalits, a new all-India consciousness and leaders, impacted by the twin forces of globalisation and cultural modernisation. Second, the revival of the BJP under a new leadership that deftly wove together a strategy of promise of social inclusion and rapid economic development, which attracted Dalits, but which the BJP has failed to fulfil. The article points to unravelling of this new social coalition and concludes that the mere politics of symbolism may not help BJP obtain Dalit support in the 2019 elections.

Scheduled Tribes (STs, indigenous people) are one of the most marginalised communities in the political sphere. Political marginalisation of STs due to historical injustices has compelled the Indian state to explore alternative means to ensure adequate representation for them by adopting a political reservation system. Political reservation has, therefore, become their primary means of political empowerment, wherein it has ensured the redistribution of political resources in favour of the marginalised communities. Against this backdrop, the article explores the location of tribal communities in the colonial political system and the reasons for their disproportionate representation, the nature and dynamics of ST reserved constituency and the effects of political reservation on these communities. Further, the article concludes by suggesting that the political reservation system has brought both hope and despair among the STs.

Political participation and representation are pillars of a successful democracy. This article explores Indian democracy from the perspective of village-based Dalit women; it is about how Dalit women understand and engage with the ‘political’ and how they see their representatives. The argument built in the article is that Dalit women see politics and representation from the vantage point of their everyday experiences and from their distinct positions in terms of caste, class and gender.

The 73rd amendment of the Indian Constitution has evolved as a significant mechanism for devolution of power and democratic decentralisation. The template was to transform the power relation at three levels, that is, family, community and state apparatuses. Studies on the representation of underprivileged groups (caste, gender and tribes) in the panchayati raj institutions (PRIs) have highlighted the continued discrimination against these groups. This article analyses both enabling and disabling factors which affect the performance of the elected representatives (ERs) belonging to the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and women from seven states. The findings (both qualitative and quantitative) of the study highlight general as well as group-specific enabling and disabling factors that impact the performance of the ERs in PRIs.

Right to Education (RTE) Act is intended to provide free and compulsory elementary education to all children aged 6–14 years. This article examines key constituents of elementary education in view of the RTE Act such as current attendance rate, types of institutions, medium of instruction, neighbourhood schools, Monthly per capita expenditure on elementary education (MPCEE)and incentives during pre- and post-RTE period using National Sample Survey Organisation’s 64th (2007–2008) and 71st (2014) round of unit level data. The result shows that far from the universalisation, exclusion is getting entrenched across gender, sector, and socio-religious and economic groups. Female children, children from deprived socio-religious groups, rural areas and from the bottom MPCE quintile have not only fared lower in most of the studied parameters during the pre-RTE period, but the gap from their counterpart has widened immensely during the post-RTE period. Free education has declined and monthly per capita expenditure on elementary education has increased sharply. Children are moving out of the government to private schools. The findings raise serious questions on the intention of the government to fulfil its mandate under RTE.