Science,Technology,& Human Values

This article reexamines the classical distinction between professional and organizational work orientations for the case of engineers. Based on data from a survey questionnaire mailed to a sample of 800 engineers in the Rochester, New York, area in 1986, it argues that the two orientations are not opposites. Instead, it is possible to score high on measures of both orientations, or to score low on both. The result is a more complex, fourfold typology of engineers' work orientations. This fourfold typology is then applied to the analysis of engineers' job satisfaction. The most important finding is that the content of engineers' work—that is, the level of challenge and the intrinsic interest of the work—is the central predictor of their satisfaction. The results thus support the conjecture that contemporary engineers have become highly focused—perhaps overly focused—on the gratifications derived from technical work as a process.

This article compares the work, careers, and social values of French engineers employed in traditional and science-based industries. Based on field research and 129 interviews in a metal-working factory and an electronics firm, it first presents a critique of three influential approaches to technical workers: the theories of professionalization, proletarianization, and a "new working class." It then develops the central argu ment : that market situations—especially markets for technical skills—have greater explanatory power than usually recognized and that the evolving structure of technical careers is a nationally distinctive product of society-specific educational and employment institutions.

What happens to professional and technical work when it is computerized? Exploratory analysis of case studies indicates that when expert systems are used to enhance the work of professionals, some tasks of medium- and low-skilled support personnel are integrated into the work of highly skilled experts. Technical workers are thus at risk of having their jobs automated as part of the computer enhancement of professionals. When computerization replaces expertise, job opportunities for medium-skilled personnel shrink and barriers to upward mobility through on-the-job experience are reduced Entry-level professionals or even technicians with computers can perform tasks formerly done by experienced professionals. But working conditions do not promote the development of expertise and professional judgment among these workers. Thus it appears that routinization, deskilling, and automation are not only the problems of manual laborers in the information age; professional workers are also at risk, in complex ways.

The history of modern innovation is primarily that of the industrial research laboratory, but the demise of the independent inventor —like that of the entrepreneur —has been much exaggerated. Independent inventing, in fact, continues to flourish as a cultural and technical practice in the contemporary United States. There are, however, a number of structural and cultural impediments in the way of independent inventors who seek to translate their invention into a commercial innovation. By drawing a comparison with the art world, this article explores these impediments and argues that their existence is revealing of the deep social embeddedness of the invention and innovation process.

It was customary in traditional approaches to the sociology of knowledge to bracket either questions about the possibility of the social determination of natural scientific ideas or questions about the ability of the sociology of knowledge to evaluate other types of knowledge claims. The current strong program in the sociology of knowledge, a typical representative of the new approach to the sociology of science, wants to study the production of natural scientific knowledge scientifically and simultaneously bracket normative considerations. We criticize this neglect of the normative dimension in the strong program on the basis of the role that Marx envisioned for his sociology of knowledge. For example, the sociology of knowledge should be understood as a critique of power that does not merely accept the status quo as a datum. In addition, we attempt to extend Marx's discussion of the social bases of such a critique.