What Does “Good Adjustment” Mean for Chinese International Students? A Qualitative Investigation

Interviewees

The interviewees included nine graduate international students (six women, three men) from seven institutions in the United States (two institutions in the West, two in the Midwest, and three in the Northeast). Four interviewees attended public universities and five attended private institutions. The sample met the recommended sample size for CQR studies (Hill, 2012; Hill et al., 2005). Age ranged from 23 to 29 years (M = 25.00, SD = 1.87). All interviewees moved to the United States for enrollment in an academic program after the age of 18, and had been living in the United States between 1 and 6 years at the time of their interviews (M = 3.00, SD = 1.71). One interviewee identified as lesbian, and the rest of the sample identified as heterosexual. Except for one married interviewee, all interviewees identified as single. Regarding level of formal education, students reported that their fathers had received a bachelor’s degree (n = 7) or graduate degree (n = 2), and their mothers had received a bachelor’s degree (n = 5), graduate degree (n = 2), or some college education (n = 2). At the time of the interview, four interviewees were enrolled in a master’s program, one had graduated from a master’s program 1 month prior, and four were doctoral students. The students represented a number of disciplines (two in architecture, three in chemistry, and one each in biology, journalism, gender studies, and business). Interviewees’ current GPA ranged from 3.40 to 3.92 (M = 3.61, SD = 0.24).

Research team

The research team members who played a role in the analytical process included the interviewer, coders, and the external auditor. Y.L., who had previous experience with phenomenological and CQR methods, served as both the interviewer and a coder. At the time of conducting the interviews, she was a 23-year-old woman who had been a Chinese international student for 6 years. She was working toward a master’s degree in a counseling program and recruited the rest of the coding team by making an announcement in the College of Education at her doctoral institution. Potential coders were interviewed to see if they were a good fit for the project (i.e., fluent in Mandarin and English, had research experience, understood the time commitment, expressed interest in the project). The primary coding team consisted of five coders including Y.L., who were all bilingual female CIS (M_age = 26.00, SD = 2.92). The coders were three master’s students in English and literacy education, one doctoral student in educational psychology, and one doctoral student in counseling psychology (Y.L.). The coding team’s length of stay in the United States ranged from 7 to 98 months (M = 35.00 months, SD = 37.14, Mdn = 29 months). We believe that the researchers’ cultural background and experience, which was similar to that of the interviewees, may have enhanced the interpretation of cultural subtleties and distinctions (Yeh & Inman, 2007). The external auditor (H.C.) was a 34-year-old Asian assistant professor in counseling who was a former international student in the United States. He has had extensive experience in CQR studies and CQR writing. We chose this individual because he was unfamiliar with the research, and thus could provide an additional perspective that did not evolve from a research team groupthink, as is typical in CQR studies (Hill et al., 2005). M.J.M. was Y.L.’s doctoral academic advisor. He mentored the research and writing process, but did not have a role in the analytic process.

Biases and expectations

The interviewer expected CIS to experience challenges in different life domains based on her review of the literature, and recognized that her mid-upper class background could bias her probing of interviewees’ financial stress. To bracket research biases, the interviewer documented and discussed reactions with her mentor (her research mentor in her master’s program when she was conducting interviews) after each interview (Hill, 2012). The interviewer also reflected on taking a perspective of systemic power and oppression when conducting interviews given her training in social justice–oriented counseling programs.

Prior to data analysis, the research team members individually wrote about their biases and expectations about the study, and discussed their reflections as a group. Three coders expected that CIS would view studying abroad as a way to gain academic and work experience. The auditor thought some CIS came to study in the United States due to family expectations. The research team expected CIS to report adjustment challenges in the academic, professional, and social spheres, as well as experiences of discrimination. All coders reported varying levels of difficulty building deep connections with their U.S. peers, and expected CIS to form close ties with other Chinese students. The auditor expected contact with family to be crucial for CIS’ adjustment.

Hill (2012) recommended that the coding team take extra care in thinking about biases and expectations during data analysis, which relies on coders feeling comfortable disagreeing and calling attention to suspected biases. The team openly addressed power dynamics. Y.L. acknowledged her power as the project leader and encouraged other coders to express different perspectives. Three coders acknowledged that their limited research experience might make them question their perspectives. To manage power when reaching consensus, each team member took turns speaking first. When disagreement arose, coders took turns to give their rationale for choosing a specific code. The coding team read or listened to the raw data when disagreements persisted and discussed potential biases that might underlie the different perspectives. Members of the team took turns recording results on the shared electronic document to distribute the power to document the data analysis process. When discussing revisions based on the auditor’s suggestions, the coding team used the same procedure of rotation to distribute power.

Semistructured interview

The semistructured interview included 17 open-ended questions that explored three topic areas: perceptions of the broad sociopolitical context, cultural adjustment experiences and subjective appraisal, and social interactions and support systems (see Appendix A). Six questions were adapted from Tummala-Narra and Claudis’ (2013) work with Muslim international students.

The research team developed interview questions in English and pilot tested the questions with two CIS who were not interviewees for this study. Based on the feedback, prompts were added for the question about the U.S.–China relationship (e.g., How do you think the media describes the U.S.–China relationship?). Y.L. translated the interview protocol into Chinese, and another bilingual Chinese international student who did not know the purpose of the study back-translated the protocol into English. Y.L. and the student who performed the back translation compared the back translation to the original English version, and agreed that most differences resulted from word choice habits. Thus, the back translation was deemed to be consistent with the original English version.

Interviewee recruitment

The Institutional Review Board at Y.L.’s institution approved the study. The research team recruited interviewees using purposeful and snowball sampling (Marshall, 1996; Patton, 1990). Selection criteria included identification as a student visa holder from mainland China who had either enrolled in, or recently (within the past year) graduated from, a graduate program in a U.S. institution. Y.L. contacted other CIS friends and acquaintances in her social group for potential interviewee recommendations. Recruitment was deliberate based on gender, length of stay, discipline, and geographic location to achieve variability on these factors, because common patterns that emerge from a reasonably heterogeneous sample are of great value in capturing people’s core experiences as well as the shared aspects of the process under study (Patton, 1990). Y.L. sent out invitation emails to potential interviewees that briefly described the purpose of the study. All contacts agreed to participate in the study.

Data collection and analysis

Y.L. conducted 40-min to 2.5-hr (M = 59.89 min) audio-taped interviews in person (n = 5) and over the phone (n = 4) from January to August 2014. The variability in interview duration seemed to be due to interviewee idiosyncrasy rather than other factors such as interview method. All interviewees preferred to be interviewed in Mandarin. Van Nes, Abma, Jonsson, and Deeg (2010) recommended that when conducting studies in non-English languages that will be published in English, researchers perform the data analysis in the original language as much as possible. As a result, our coding and data analysis were conducted in Mandarin until the last stage (i.e., cross-analysis), during which a list of categories and subcategories across all cases was generated in English. Y.L. translated quotes, and another coder checked the translations for accuracy.

Y.L. transcribed all interviews verbatim. The coding team met weekly in person. First, the research team followed a common CQR approach and consensually drafted a list of domains (i.e., topics discussed during the interviews) based on the interview protocol. The research team then read aloud three transcripts and consensually assigned thought units into one or more domains. The coders approached the initial list as exploratory rather than confirmatory, and modified the list as they found new information, until a stable domain list emerged. Once coders understood how to assign data to domains, the research team split into two groups of three (Y.L. coding in both groups) for efficiency.

Next, team members summarized information for each domain for a particular case into core ideas (i.e., summaries or abstracts in more concise terms). Team members took turns and stated core ideas independently, working collaboratively to reach agreement. The auditor examined the teams’ consensus version of the core ideas until convinced that the core ideas thoroughly captured all important data in a way that reflected their domains. The coding teams discussed feedback and consensually agreed on revisions. Typical suggestions from the auditor included double-coding data and incorporating a key part of a thought unit that was overlooked in the core idea. There was no instance where the auditor did not agree with the teams’ decision on revisions.

During cross-analysis, core ideas for each domain were gathered across all interviews into a master list. The coding teams read through the core ideas in each domain and consensually constructed categories and subcategories to represent themes. The auditor reviewed the initial list and provided feedback to merge, further divide, modify, or move categories to better represent the data. Once the research team and the auditor deemed the list to be representative of the data, coding teams coded each unique core idea into one or more categories and/or subcategories. The auditor reviewed the findings again and made final revisions until he was satisfied with the representation of the data in cross-analysis. Upon completion of the cross-analysis, the team members labeled each category and subcategory as “general,” “typical,” or “variant” based on its representativeness of the sample (Hill, 2012). General results included categories or subcategories that applied to all or all but one of the cases (i.e., 8 or 9). Typical results applied to more than half of the cases, up to the cutoff for general results (i.e., 5-7). Variant results applied to at least two cases, up to the cutoff for typical results (i.e., 2-4).

Perceptions of Chinese society

Interviewees reported both positive and negative perceptions of Chinese society. A typical category emerged regarding social instability due to limited resources and social inequality. For instance, Interviewee 8 (24-year-old woman who attended a private institution in the West and had lived in the United States for more than 3 years) said, “I think fellows in China have a ton of complaints about living issues. They seem to say that there are a lot of unstable and unsafe factors, including air pollution and high commodity price[s].”

Interviewees typically were concerned about the emphasis on social relationships for success in China (i.e., guanxi). Interviewee 6 (a 25-year-old man who attended a private institution in the Northeast and lived in the United States for less than 3 years) said, “I think only two groups of people can succeed in China. One group includes very smart and strategic people. The second group includes people with privileged family background and social connections.”

Despite concerns about social instability and inequality, interviewees typically thought there was great economic and employment potential in China. For example, Interviewee 5 (a 25-year-old man who attended a private institution in the Northeast and lived in the United States for less than 3 years) said, “China is developing nonstop at a rapid pace; China is changing from an old, rigid, dictatorial and centralized country to a more democratic and open country, and in the process there are lots of opportunities.”

Perceptions of U. S. society

Interviewees predominantly discussed positive perceptions of the United States, often in comparison with their perceptions of Chinese society. Interviewees typically perceived that people in the United States have independent and simple social relationships, and that competition is based on ability rather than social connections. For example, Interviewee 2 (a 27-year-old man who attended a public institution in the West and lived in the United States for over 3 years) said, “In comparison to China, people in the United States live more independently. They tend to have their own independent circles and can enjoy their individual pursuits.” Interviewee 4 (a 24-year-old woman who attended a public institution in the Midwest and lived in the United States for less than 3 years) said,

I did not like the environment in China where you need to find social connections to get a job. Even going to graduate programs in China can be corrupt . . . I think competition in the United States will be a lot fairer.

Interviewees typically thought that the United States had good living conditions due to factors such as well-developed laws and regulations, infrastructure, and good environment. Interviewee 9 (a 24-year-old woman who attended a public institution in the Midwest and lived in the United States for less than 3 years) gave an example of how she felt respected in the United States:

I noticed many details when I went in for my gynecological examination (in the United States). They were so patient, so detailed in their inquiries—that’s how I experienced respect for women in the United States, and how it is so different in China.

Perceptions of U.S.–China relationship

When asked how they would describe the current U.S.–China relationship, interviewees typically thought that the two countries were simultaneously cooperative and conflictual. For instance, Interviewee 2 stated,

I think on the surface, the relationship is peaceful and friendly. The United States opens its gate and welcomes more and more international students from China. But politically, it does not seem to be that simple . . . I think China is still at a disadvantage.

U.S. individuals’ perception of China and/or CIS

Interviewees typically thought that people from the United States held prejudices against CIS and did not like having too many CIS in their country. Interviewees also typically thought that people from the United States would not explicitly express their negative attitudes toward CIS or would be indifferent. For example, Interviewee 1 (a 23-year-old woman who attended a public institution in the West and lived in the United States for less than 3 years) said,

I know some people in the United States don’t like [CIS]. They think there are too many Chinese. They wouldn’t – when they say this to me, they always say ‘no offense,’ but they would still say it . . . China still feels like a country that is looked down upon.

Similarly, Interviewee 8 said, “I think behind our back [people from the United States] must think, must have some negative thoughts about the influx of so many Chinese. But in front of us, they would not directly express that.”

Social difficulties with people from the United States

Eight interviewees discussed their difficulty developing close and meaningful relationships (beyond professional interactions) with people from the United States. Interviewees attributed their superficial relationships with people from the United States to factors such as a lack of shared interests and topics, the language barrier, and a lack of culture-specific knowledge to make sense of social situations. Interviewee 5 discussed his difficulty finding meaningful things to talk about with peers from the United States:

I still don’t have very deep conversations with people from the United States. It’s not like our conversation gets deeper the longer I stay in the United States. With Chinese, you can talk more about personal stuff, like your plans in the future. How do you talk about that with someone from the United States? If I tell people from the United States that I need companies to sponsor my visa, many don’t know what that is. Nor are they interested.

Interviewee 8 recalled,

In the beginning, I really wanted to be good friends with [my roommate from the United States]. Later I realized we had nothing to talk about. In the morning we would carry two trays in the cafeteria, but we would have nothing to talk about after saying “good morning” . . . It was so tiring to talk with people from the United States.

Interviewees typically thought there were cultural differences in entertainment and ways of socializing that made nonprofessional interactions with people from the United States challenging. Interviewee 7 (a 29-year-old woman who attended a public institution in the Northeast and lived in the United States for over 3 years) described the entertainment differences she observed:

People from the United States, a lot of the time, make friends and develop closer relationships by going to the bar or partying. Chinese people like to eat together and play card games. It is hard for the two groups to have fun together. People from the United States may invite Chinese people to their party, but Chinese people don’t go because they find it boring. People from the United States gradually stop inviting Chinese peers.

Due to limited nonprofessional interactions, peers from the United States typically perceived interviewees as quiet and not social, such as “a student who does not talk much before class starts” (Interviewee 3), or someone “who does not actively socialize with [people from the United States]” (Interviewee 2).

Daily living difficulties

Interviewees typically experienced challenges learning to independently manage their everyday life in the United States, such as getting used to food and housing and learning new laws and regulations. For example, Interviewee 3 (a 24-year-old woman who attended a private institution in the Northeast and lived in the United States for less than 3 years) said, “When I first came to the United States, I was afraid to go anywhere and I felt anxious for days. I carried furniture up the stairs myself . . . I had never been under so much stress.”

Employment difficulties

Interviewees typically talked about their difficulty finding temporary postgraduation employment opportunities in the United States. Although some interviewees mentioned language constraints and visa status as employment barriers, their major concern was that they would lack networking and career advancement opportunities. For example, Interviewee 4 said, “You were not born and raised in the United States, and you have a very different culture. It would be very hard to advance to management positions in the future.” Interviewee 6 said, “I would guess that my biggest barrier in the future would be the lack of help and support from my advisor and close ‘comrades.’”

Academic difficulties

Interviewees typically reported academic difficulties due to factors such as the language difficulty, unfamiliar teaching styles, and a heavy workload. For example, Interviewee 1 said,

In the second semester, I had a professor whose way of teaching was very different from that in China. He made me feel very miserable. In China, your professor will tell you what they think is good and not good about your project, and think with you. This professor just said, “I don’t like this and that,” and he walked away . . . He said, “I will never tell you what to do, it is up to you what you want to do.” I later realized professors in the United States are like that, so I thought I should change myself.

Social support strategies

Interviewees typically reported receiving instrumental support from people from the United States, including from strangers, peers, and staff at school. Interviewee 9 stated,

I was not familiar with the concept of race. My friends from the United States helped me a lot. They made me realize that race in the United States is a deeply rooted concept, and that I may experience racism in the United States.

Interviewee 4 once received instrumental help from her U.S. neighbor:

I was living with another Chinese student, and our neighbor downstairs was from the United States. Our lease was with an agency, and our utility bill was often over $100. Our neighbor offered to call the leasing agency and said, “you cannot play tricks simply because your tenants are two foreigners.”

Interviewees typically reported receiving limited or unhelpful support from their U.S. peers. Interviewee 2 said,

I don’t vent to [people from the United States]. I don’t think I would be understood . . . maybe I naturally want to ask help from people who share a similar background with me. I would rather talk about happy things with U.S. peers.

Interviewee 1 had one incident in which her peers from the United States were not helpful as she sought to address an academic challenge. “I told my U.S. classmates a couple of times. They did not seem to understand. They kept telling me to follow what the professor said, but I didn’t know how.”

All interviewees reported receiving instrumental support from Chinese peers and friends in the United States. Interviewee 6 said, “I have a Chinese friend who is a senior student in my lab. She told me if I wanted to know the U.S. culture, I should watch sports.” Interviewee 4 said, “[Chinese friends] help me every day. When I was applying for PhD programs, they edited my application and gave me advice on what to wear for interviews.”

Interviewees typically reported receiving emotional support from other Chinese peers in the United States. Interviewee 8 talked about venting to her Chinese friends after losing a full-time position to a native-born U.S. intern:

I didn’t really need support. I just wanted to vent. I talked to my [Chinese] roommate because she would easily resonate with me. I also talked to my [Chinese] college friends [in the United States], because we all have similar experiences and they would all support me.

Interviewee 6 said, “The biggest issue hanging out with people from the United States is that I don’t feel excited and happy. But if I drink with Chinese, no matter what we drink, I feel happy . . . I think this is cultural belongingness.”

Interviewees typically reported receiving emotional support from family and friends in China. Interviewee 4 said, “My family really can’t help much, but I still find my family warm. So whenever I feel upset, even if I don’t talk about what upsets me, I would call home or Skype with them.” Regarding frequency and quantity, interviewees generally limited their seeking of support from people in China because they did not want to burden them or because they grew apart over time. For example, Interviewee 6 said, “I never tell [friends and family in China]. I think it is everyone’s obligation to report only good news and not bad news [because] they cannot help. It would only worry them.”

Nonsocial coping strategies

When feeling upset or “down,” interviewees generally reported using distraction and avoidant coping, such as drinking and sleeping. For example, Interviewee 3 said, “When I’m really upset, I won’t tell anyone. Instead, I will just drink by myself. Sometimes I get upset for no obvious reason, so I can’t tell others.” Interviewee 2 said, “I sometimes feel doubtful when I don’t get recognized in my academics. How I deal with these feelings is I will forget about it and get back to studying. If not, I will go play sports by myself.”

Another general subcategory involved cognitive coping and personal growth. Specifically, interviewees thought that their openness and independence grew as a result of living in the United States. Interviewee 2 said,

I cared a lot about what others think in China. Since coming to the United States, I can better focus on my own business because this environment allows you to have independence so that you would not care much about others.

Interviewee 3 said,

Unlike in China, where I was surrounded by Chinese people, I now need to actively make friends if I don’t want to be by myself. Now I can hang out with different kinds of people and I’m more open to new things.

Interviewees typically reported using acceptance and optimism to cope with stress. Interviewee 5 said,

I can only adjust my own thinking. I can get upset about a lot of things if I choose to. So I tell myself, if things ever happen according to my plan, that would be too perfect to be true.

Interviewee 1 reported increased acceptance of her English accent. “I used to think that one needs to speak standard English. Now I no longer think so. It is fine to have an accent, as long as you can communicate things.”

Self-appraisal of adjustment

When asked to describe how they would evaluate their own adjustment, interviewees typically discussed how well they have made behavioral and cultural adaptations to fit in. For example, Interviewee 5 said, “My idea of good adjustment has not changed much. From the very start, I knew good adjustment is fitting completely into living in the United States and interacting with people from the United States.”

Interviewee 9 noted:

I see many international students—not just Chinese, but Koreans, Indians, and Europeans as well—I see them only hanging out with people from their country. I don’t think that’s good. [If] you came to a new country and you are living like when you were in China, then why did you come to a different country with so much trouble?

Another typical finding involved interviewees defining “good adjustment” as subjective satisfaction, not contingent on fitting in. Interviewee 2 said,

I think the most important thing is to have a positive mentality, no matter if you fit in or not. Are you satisfied with yourself? Are you positive and active? When you wake up every day, do you think what you should do today and what you should do tomorrow? Do you feel motivated when you think about that?

Interviewee 8 did not think good adjustment meant fitting into U.S. society. She said, “Having your own social group that can get your needs met . . . being able to get around conveniently. . . . I can handle my own life. So I think it’s good.”

Although a variant finding, four interviewees described their internal process of loosening up their external behavioral expectations, a subcategory we named “decreased felt need to fit into U.S. society.” Interviewee 3 said,

I did not used to care about feeling happy. Now I think feeling happy in a new environment is a sign of good adjustment. I used to feel that others adjusted so much better than me, and I would think to myself, “Why am I so stupid?”

Interviewee 8 said,

When you first came to the United States, you’d think, “I want a lot of friends from the United States,” “I want to get to know the U.S. society.” You expect a lot in those aspects. Now I feel it does not matter. When I was in [a Midwest state], I saw a lot of White people and I felt I needed to fit in. After I moved to [a West Coast state], you see people from all different backgrounds, different countries, with different skin color . . . I no longer feel I have to fit in with White people to integrate into U.S. society.