Abstract
62.1 ABRAHAM, Thomas —
[Since] 2004, avian and pandemic influenza was [seen as] a risk to global health security. The influenza pandemic of 2009 turned out to be far milder than anticipated. Developing countries with other disease priorities were urged to pour resources into pandemic planning exercises and change poultry-raising practices. The article argues that for an issue to be securitized as a global health threat, the US [must] take the lead role. It uses the Copenhagen School's analysis to examine how avian and pandemic influenza was securitized in the US, and then uses the concept of framing to examine why this disease was securitized by looking at the prior existence of an issue culture or discourse around emerging infectious diseases, which gained salience after the 2011 anthrax attacks. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.255]
62.2 ADOLF, Robert George —
This is an empirical study of democratization and globalization in East and Southeast Asia and in Southern Africa (Mauritius, specifically). By examining specific countries, I develop a general theory of democratization and globalization in rapidly developing countries, using a political economy approach. This approach was instrumental in discerning why some countries, notably Taiwan, were able to democratize and others, like mainland China, remain authoritarian, even in the face of rapid economic development. I compare countries at similar income levels and examined the relationship between their economic development path (globalization) and political liberalization (or lack thereof) to test the theses that globalization results in more or less political control by the government. [R]
62.3 AGIUS, Christine; DEVINE, Karen —
This article approaches “neutrality” as an essentially contested concept and traces its meaning and purpose over centuries-long historical timelines and situated political, societal and security contexts. It distinguishes neutrality from other concepts such as “neutralization” “non-belligerency”, “non-alignment”, “military non-alignment”, “military neutrality” and “non-allied”. The article explains the politics of defining neutrality in the current European political and legal landscape and in the context of shifting definitions and practices of war, peace, security and state sovereignty. This episteme-based analysis focuses on changes to neutrality in accordance with the rise and fall of particular empires and international actors over time, and changes to its status linked to the development and reification of particular meta-theoretically-based subfields of IR and political science, setting the background to this special issue. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue, “Neutrality and ‘military non-alignment’: exploring norms, discourses and practices”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.23, 104, 844, 871]
62.4 AHMED, Mansoor —
It is necessary to assess the threat of nuclear terrorism in its various dimensions and facets, and the extent to which such an act is practically possible or technically feasible. It will also help in assessing the credibility of the perceived threat of nuclear terrorism and whether a non-state actor or group can acquire, develop and use nuclear materials or weapons for terrorist purposes. Therefore, this paper explores the various forms of nuclear terrorism, its possible sources and the challenges and obstacles for terrorists' potential to carry out a nuclear terrorist attack. [R]
62.5 AHMED, Nafeez Mosaddeq —
The 21st c. heralds the unprecedented acceleration and convergence of multiple, interconnected global crises — climate-change, energy-depletion, food scarcity, and economic instability. While the structure of global economic activity is driving the unsustainable depletion of hydrocarbon and other natural resources, this is simultaneously escalating greenhouse gas emissions resulting in global warming. Conventional policy responses toward the intensification of these crises have been decidedly inadequate because scholars and practitioners largely view them as separate processes. Yet increasing evidence shows they are deeply interwoven manifestations of a global political economy that has breached the limits of the wider environmental and natural resource systems in which it is embedded. In this context, orthodox IR's flawed diagnoses of global crises lead inexorably to their “securitization”, reifying the militarization of policy responses, and naturalizing the proliferation of violent conflicts. [R, abr.]
62.6 AKBABA, Yasemin; TAYDAS, Zeynep —
This paper examines the impact of religious discrimination on the probability of ethnic dissent. It is argued that religious discrimination leads to the generation of grievances, which in turn encourages ethnoreligious minorities to engage in peaceful and violent opposition against the state. To test this argument, the authors collected data on religious discrimination of ethnoreligious minorities for the period 1990–2003. The empirical findings suggest that religious discrimination is a strong predictor of violent dissent, including rebellion and civil war. As the level of religious discrimination against ethnoreligious groups increases, the probability of rebellion and civil war heightens, controlling for several other state and group-level factors. The exact opposite is true for protest, however: higher levels of religious discrimination are associated with lower levels of non-violent protest activity. [R, abr.]
62.7 AKGÜL-AÇIKMEŞE, Sinem —
This article compares the perceptive approach of neoclassical realist security understanding with the discursive constructivist methodology of the Copenhagen School in analyzing the emergence of security threats. It departs from the assumption that these theories diverge in their perspectives on the content of security threats as well as security actors are comparable, since they reveal methodological commonalities. While partly adopting the perceptive subjectivity of neoclassical realism, the Copenhagen School has further developed an alternative model of discursive intersubjectivity in analyzing security threats. I first cover the discussions on the content of security threats in Security Studies literature. I then compare the assumptions of various realist understandings of security on the content and emergence of security threats, with a particular focus on the perceptive of neoclassical realism. [R, abr.]
62.8 ALPEROVITZ, Gar —
This paper considers what happens in advanced industrial economies like that ofa the US, where traditional redistributive economic policies and programs have fallen out of favor, yet forces of crisis, which radicals once predicted would usher in a new, more egalitarian and democratic era, are well attenuated. It is argued that, paradoxically, as the growth potential of corporate capitalism declines and traditional redistributive mechanisms weaken, new spaces are opening up in which new, democratized forms of ownership and control of wealth are slowly emerging. After describing these developments, the paper explores the long-run possibilities and prospects their evolution may entail. [R]
62.9 ANDREAS, Peter —
The author challenges common myths and misconceptions about the illicit side of globalization and emphasizes the ways in which states shape and even exploit the illicit global economy. He argues that illicit globalization is not new, and its relationship to the state is not only antagonistic but also in some respects mutually profitable. [R]
62.10 ARAGONES, Enriqueta; GILBOA, Itzhak; WEISS, Andrew
We assume that people have a need to make statements, and construct a model in which this need is the sole determinant of voting behavior. In this model, an individual selects a ballot that makes as close a statement as possible to her ideal point, where abstaining from voting is a possible (null) statement. We show that in such a model, a political system that adopts approval voting may be expected to enjoy a significantly higher rate of participation in elections than a comparable system with plurality rule. [R]
62.11 ARATO, Andrew —
The author argues that Schmitt's antinomic theory of the constitution provides for insulated non-amendable, amendable, and ordinary legislative tracks that give way to three distinct legislative/executive powers: the constituent, amendable, and ordinary powers. This three-track constitutionalism should, he argues, give way to a multi-track constitutionalism when we replace the unacceptable form of originalism present in Schmitt, and his dangerous theory of enforcement through the executive — anticipating later theories of militant democracy. Such a multi-track version, as now in Spain, Bulgaria and South Africa, would no longer rely on Schmitt's absolute entrenchment that reappeared in the Indian basic structure doctrine. [R] [See Abstr. 62.468]
62.12 ARCE, Daniel G., et al.
We conduct experiments to test the collective action dilemmas associated with defensive and pro-active counterterror strategies. Defensive policies are associated with creating public “bads” (e.g., a commons) whereas pro-active policies are akin to the voluntary provision of public goods. When combined, the inefficiency of collective action is exacerbated, resulting in a situation known as a Prisoner's Dilemma squared (PD2). Deterministic versus probabilistic equivalent versions of the associated externalities are compared within a laboratory setting. Experimental results reveal that the collective action problem associated with counterterror strategies is deepened in uncertain environments, and is indeed a robust regularity that is not easily overcome; as individuals gain more experience, they become even more self-interested. [R] [See Abstr. 62.259]
62.13 AXTMANN, Roland —
I consider the connection between globalization and democracy with respect to (1) the historical “waves” of democratization and the (global) spread of “democratic” system of political rule, and (2) the debate on a reformulation of democratic rule “in the age of globalization”, and the concerns with global civil society, global governance and “cosmopolitan democracy” in particular. Linking these two parts are considerations of the question as to whether a universal entitlement to democratic governance is emerging as a right in international law. [R]
62.14 BARDER, Alexander D.; DEBRIX, François —
The notion of biopolitical sovereignty and the theory of the state of exception are perspectives derived from C. Schmitt's thought and M. Foucault's writings that have been popularized by critical political theorists like G. Agamben and M. Hardt and A. Negri. This article argues that these perspectives are not sufficient analytical points of departure for a critique of the contemporary politics of terror, violence and war marked by a growing global exploitation of bodies, tightened management of life, and endless and unpredictable abusive force. To better capture the singularity of our present condition of violence, war and terror, a supplementation of Schmitt's and Foucault's approaches by way of H. Arendt's language of political action and agonistic engagement is useful. [R, abr.]
62.15 BASSI, Nicola —
This article asks whether, and to what extent, the concept of common heritage of mankind represents the first manifestation of a genuinely global public property; and whether, and to what extent, it heralds the appearance of a welfare administration function on a planetary scale. [R, abr.]
62.16 BELL, Curtis —
History provides many examples of benevolent dictators who become increasingly repressive and new democracies that take years to improve public welfare. I account for this temporal variation in public goods provision by considering how regime consolidation changes leaders' incentives to provide public goods. To stay in office, all leaders must maintain a sufficient level of support from those possessing the power to replace the leader via institutional processes. Leaders of unconsolidated regimes face additional threats posed by viable extra-institutional challengers, such as coup plotters and revolutionaries. Tests on public goods spanning political freedoms, government expenditures, education, and health generally suggest leaders' incentives for public goods provision change as regime consolidation insulates leaders from these extra-institutional threats to power. [R, abr.]
62.17 BENOIST, Alain de —
Democracy is buckling under the pressure of seemingly antithetical, but ultimately compatible, evil twins: “in short, trapped between economics and morality, the ideology of the marketplace and the ideology of human rights, contemporary democracy is less and less democratic because it is less and less political. The economy is able to impose its law under the cover (and in the language) of rights”. Globalization entails the spread of a paradigm of abstraction, capitalist economics, and universalist ethics, each of which tends to erase national differences. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Democracy and nations”, introduced by Russell A. BERMAN. See also Abstr. 62.99, 283, 299, 391, 1148, 1282]
62.18 BERENSKOETTER, Felix —
This article argues that constructivists committed to reflexivity should be students of the future. Both conventional and critical approaches do not sufficiently engage with the problem of future uncertainty in the process of identity-formation and neglect its behavioral implications. Against this backdrop, the article regrounds constructivism in a temporal ontology and the argument that humans, in the face of contingency, seek to establish visions of a meaningful future. It discusses how visions, as utopias and/or dystopias, define possibilities of being and thereby provide actors with a sense of direction, and it differentiates between “robust” and “creative” visions to highlight two ways in which such possibilities are manifested. It encourages constructivists to become more attentive in identifying the visions which enable and bind creative agents in the process of realization. [R]
62.19 BERNHARD, Michael; KARAKOÇ, Ekrem —
In post-communist democracies, weak party system institutionalization exists at high levels along three dimensions — volatility of representation, party extinction, and incumbency disadvantage — despite sustained economic growth. In these cases, the effects of economic restructuring are critical to electoral outcomes. A sample of democratic elections from 1990 to 2006 shows that post-communist countries whose reform strategies minimize increases in inequality have more institutionalized party systems. [R]
62.20 BERREBI, Claude; OSTWALD, Jordan —
A novel and important issue in contemporary security policy is the impact of natural disasters on terrorism. Natural disasters can strain a society and its government, creating vulnerabilities which terrorist groups might exploit. Using a structured methodology and detailed data on terrorism, disasters, and other relevant controls for 167 countries between 1970 and 2007, we find a strong positive impact of disaster-related deaths on subsequent terrorism incidence and fatalities. Furthermore, the effects differ by disaster type and GDP per capita. The results consistently are significant and robust across a multitude of disaster and terrorism measures for a diverse set of model specifications. [R] [See Abstr. 62.259]
62.21 BEVIR, Mark —
This paper explores synergies between governance and governmentality, especially on neoliberalism. Governance and governmentality diffuse power and ruling. Scholars of governance offer a compelling account of changes in the state, but they might learn from governmentality to pay more attention to interpretation and discourses. Scholars of governmentality provide insights into modern power, but they might learn from governance to pay more attention to agency and heterogeneity. Scholars of governance might recognize the role of technologies of power in neoliberalism. Scholars of governmentality might grasp the way neoliberal marketization has given way to networks and service integration. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Rethinking governance and gorvernmentality”, edited and introduced, “Ideas into policy: governance and governmentality”, pp. 451–456, by Mark BEVIR and Francesca GAINS. See also Abstr. 62.206, 429, 434, 484, 534, 602, 970]
62.22 BEVIR, Mark —
This article concerns the relevance of post-foundationalism, including the ideas of M. Foucault, for political science. The article first distinguishes three forms of post-foundationalism, all of which draw some of their inspiration from Foucault. (1) The governmentality literature draws on Marxist theories of social control, and then absorbs Foucault's focus on power/knowledge. (2) The post-Marxists combine the formal linguistics of Saussure with a focus on hegemonic discourses. (3) Some social humanists infuse Foucauldian themes into the New Left's focus on culture, agency and resistance. The article then describes a research program that may bring together these varieties of post-foundationalism. It includes aggregate concepts — situated agency, practice and power —that overtly allow for the constitutive role of meanings in social life and the contingent nature of these meanings. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.325]
62.23 BEYER, Jessica L.; HOFMANN, Stephanie C. —
With the end of the Cold War, the neutral countries of Austria, Finland, Ireland and Sweden have grappled with the question of what their neutrality means in relation to membership in the EU's CSDP and the NATO's Partnership for Peace (PfP). The concept of neutrality has continued to inform their foreign and security policies to varying degrees, but what explains these “varieties of neutrality” and what does neutrality mean in relation to membership in the EU's CSDP and NATO's PfP? This article focuses on neutrality as a norm, [which] helps clarify how neutrality becomes embedded in national identity, what it shows about the interactions between domestic belief systems and international security conditions over time, and how the definition of a norm can be revised to allow for desired policy choices. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3]
62.24 BIGO, Didier —
This article demonstrates how the work of P. Bourdieu offers a productive way to practice research in IR. It especially explores the alternatives opened by Bourdieu in terms of a logic of practice and practical sense that refuses an opposition between general theory and empirical research. Bourdieu's preference for a relational approach, which destabilizes the different versions of the opposition between structure and agency, avoids some of the traps commonly found in political science in general and theorizations of IR in particular: essentialization and ahistoricism; a false dualism between constructivism and empirical research; and an absolute opposition between the collective and the individual. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Bourdieu and the international”, edited and introduced, “A different reading of the International: Pierre Bourdieu and the international studies”, by the author and Mikael R. MADSEN, pp. 219–224. See Abstr. 62.68, 173, 185; and the contributions by Rebecca ADLER-NISSEN, “Inter- and transnational field(s) of power: on a field trip with Bourdieu”, pp. 327–330; Didier GEORGAKAKIS, “Don't throw out the ‘Brussels bubble’ with the bathwater: from EU institutions to the field of Eurocracy”, pp. 331–334; Antonin COHEN, “Bourdieu hits Brussels: the genesis and structure of the European field of power”, pp. 335–339; Antoine VAUCHEZ, “Interstitial power in fields of limited statehood: introducing a ‘weak field’ approach to the study of transnational settings”, pp. 340–345]
62.25 BJORVATN, Kjetil; NAGHAVI, Alireza —
Empirical studies demonstrate that rents from natural resources, and in particular oil, are an important source of civil war. Allegedly, resourcerents attract rent-seekers, which destabilize society. However, there is a large literature on how so-called rentier states manage to pacify opposition groups by handing out special favors. The paper bridges the gap between the rent-seeking view of resource-rents as a source of conflict and the rentier state view which emphasizes the role of resource-rents in promoting peace and stability. The mechanism that we highlight relies on the notion that higher rents may activate more interest groups in a power struggle. We demonstrate that the associated increased cost of conflict may in fact promote regime stability. The peaceful solution is upheld by a self-reinforcing transfer program, in the form of patronage employment. [R, abr.]
62.26 BJØRNSKOV, Christian —
This paper explores under which conditions institutional quality leads to lower levels of corruption. A model of a simple economy in which firms choose both between bribing or not bribing bureaucrats to avoid costs and between entering the official or the unofficial economy shows that the effects of increasing institutional quality may be ambiguous because of perverse effects of institutions on the unofficial economy. Employing a recent index of corruption based on objective data, the paper shows that formal institutions are more effective in combating corruption in countries with high levels of social trust. The paper discusses the implications of the findings for welfare and politics. [R]
62.27 BLAIS, André, et al.
Having two votes for the same election or two simultaneous elections with different electoral systems provides a golden opportunity to ascertain the impact of the electoral system and to sort out the relative magnitude of mechanical and psychological effects on parties and voters. The authors propose a new methodology for estimating such effects and apply that methodology to thirteen elections, nine in Switzerland and four in Japan. The authors find mechanical effects to dominate in half of the elections examined, most particularly in the more recent Swiss elections. They discuss the implications of these findings. [R]
62.28 BLOMBERG, S. Brock; GAIBULLOEV, Khusrav; SANDLER, Todd —
The paper applies survival-analysis to identify the determinants of terrorist group duration. Our sample includes 367 terrorist organizations that operated during 1970–2007. Consistent with the theory, determinants of these groups' survival include their tactics, sizes, ideological basis, regions of operation, and base-country characteristics. Cross-sectional and panel estimates are reported. Terrorist organizations fare better if they are larger in size, diversify their attack modes, are animated by religiosity rather than secular political goals, and base their operations in the Middle East or Africa. Groups' longevity is bolstered by democratic institutions and an intermediate level of ethnic fractionalization at home. [R] [See Abstr. 62.259]
62.29 BODEI, Remo —
From Machiavelli and Guicciardini to Gracián and Richelieu, secrecy is a defining element in the politics of reasons of state, in the art of simulation and dissimulation. These techniques were considered instrumental in order to procure the very survival of the state in situations of permanent emergency. From politics as a secret art centered on the prince's cabinet, we move gradually along an historical and theoretical path. From English liberalism that places the parliament at the center of politics and the French Enlightenment that exalted the capacity of reason to enlighten the mind and help humankind to leave the state of minority, we move toward democracy as public knowledge, as a “house of glass”, exposed to the scrutiny and control of public opinion. [R, abr.]
62.30 BOLLE, Friedel; VOGEL, Claudia —
In a Public Good (PG) experiment, after playing it the standard way, one of the players (the allocator) is given power over the endowments of her co-players. Will the allocator show responsibility — i.e., contribute most or all of her own as well as her co-players' endowments? Can we thus improve the suboptimal level of voluntary provisions of public goods? The result is that, on average, all players are better off than in the standard PG game. In repetitions of the procedure, however, selfish behavior (contributing mainly the others' endowments) becomes more and more frequent. [R]
62.31 BÖLÜKBAŞI, H. Tolga; ERTUGAL, Ebru; ÖZÇÜRÜMEZ, Saime —
The Europeanization research program and the literature on Turkey have evolved incongruously. The article identifies the limits of this interaction, investigates the conceptual, theoretical and methodological origins of these limits, and concludes that this incongruence may be overcome more effectively in studying Turkey by cross-utilization of the conceptual, theoretical, methodological, and research design tools offered by the Europeanization research program. Doing so will allow studying the exclusive impact of the EU on the process of transformation in Turkey by isolating its transformative role from the impact of other domestic dynamics and international factors. [R]
62.32 BOURDIN, Bernard —
The presentation of European history as one that has “left out religion” implies approaching secularism in an excessively homogeneous manner, disregarding the diversity of Christianity and its historic transformations. How does the present, marked by the disarray of liberal humanism and new political challenges, change the impact of the political potential of Christian theology? [R, transl.] [See Abstr. 62.154]
62.33 BOURNE, Mike —
Recent and emerging security policies and practices claim a mutual vulnerability that closely links human insecurity in failed states with the threat to powerful states from illicit flows. This article first examines this “emerging orthodoxy” of transnational security issues that reinforces the securitization of poverty and the poor. It then subjects this orthodoxy to theoretical and empirical critique. Theoretically, it shows that this orthodoxy is formed as a “geopolitical imagination” that associates and stabilizes particular views of weak states and illicit flows in a “netwar imagination” by reasserting and reconfiguring traditional assumptions of the spatiality and nature of threats. A final empirical section, focusing on drug-production and nuclear smuggling, argues that those assumptions and their assemblage are a partial, incomplete and often self-referential reading of illicit flows. [R]
62.34 BOYTE, Harry C. —
This essay argues that fulfilling the promise of participatory democratic theory requires ways for citizens to reconstruct the world, not simply to improve its governance processes. The concept of public work, expressing civic agency, or the capacity of diverse citizens to build a democratic way of life, embodies this shift. It posits citizens as co-creators of the world, not simply deliberators and decision-makers about the world. Public work is a normative, democratizing ideal of citizenship generalized from communal labors of creating the commons, with roots in diverse cultures. Public work has political qualities that unmask sentimentalized civic discourses of modern elites, [and] places citizens, not markets or states, as the foundational agents of democracy. It opens a path beyond the political crisis. [R, abr.]
62.35 BRENNAN, Geoffrey; BROOKS, Michael —
In the literature on paternalism that has grown out of the behavioral economics “revolution”, a distinction is drawn between “hard” and “soft” policies. Although this hard/soft distinction seems to be motivated by the thought that the two policy types might have different implications for individual liberty, there is a claim that “hard” policies are normatively superior to “soft” for “efficiency” reasons. We show, by appeal to an esteem-based model of “soft” policy that this claim is not valid in general. We also expose a number of conceptual mistakes in what many seem to have identified as the normative implications of behavioral economics. [R]
62.36 BRITTAN, Samuel —
The heart of the Keynesian message is the need for demand-management by monetary and fiscal means to counteract seriously deficient demand. The unemployment of the 1980s had at its heart union monopoly and was accompanied initially by double-digit inflation. Keynesian demand-management would have made no sense. The situation is now totally different when the credit crunch has brought on genuine demand deficiency. But Keynes left unsolved the role, if any of the budget balance. It is not good enough to say that “growth” will take care of that too. [R]
62.37 BRUFF, Ian —
I argue that the Varieties of Capitalism literature is premised upon an institutional reductionism which necessitates the search for a more holistic approach. In brief, if we are to explain convincingly the evolution of national political economies, then we must acknowledge that varieties of capitalism are also varieties in capitalism. In particular, A. Gramsci's writings on common sense enable us to focus on the role of institutions as a historical force without abandoning the system of production that they are part of. I then provide an alternative explanation, compared to the varieties of capitalism literature, of the evolution of the Dutch and German political economies in order to demonstrate the advantages of the framework I develop. [R, abr.]
62.38 BRUNSTETTER, Daniel R.; BRAUN, Megan —
The US relies more and more on drones to counter the threat posed by terrorism. Drones have arguably enjoyed significant successes in denying terrorists save haven while limiting civilian casualties and protecting US soldiers, but their use has raised ethical concerns. The article explores some of the ethical issues raised by the use of drones using the just war tradition as a foundation. Drones offer the capacity to extend the threshold of last resort for large-scale wars by allowing a leader to act more proportionately on just cause. To the extent they become the principle tactic used to fight the war on terror, this will reshape the notion of right intention. However, concerns regarding transparency and indiscriminate strikes may undermine the probability of success in the war on terror. [R, abr.]
62.39 BULLOCK, Will; IMAI, Kosuke; SHAPIRO, Jacob N. —
Political scientists have long been interested in citizens' support level for such actors as ethnic minorities, militant groups, and authoritarian regimes. Attempts to use direct questioning in surveys, however, have largely yielded unreliable measures of these attitudes as they are contaminated by social desirability bias and high nonresponse rates. We develop a statistical methodology to analyze endorsement experiments, which recently have been proposed as a possible solution to this measurement problem. The commonly used statistical methods are problematic because they cannot properly combine responses across multiple policy questions, the design feature of a typical endorsement experiment. We overcome this limitation by using item-response theory to estimate support levels on the same scale as the ideal points of respondents. [R, abr.]
62.40 BUTTON, Mark E. —
This essay is concerned with the challenges that moral “blind spots” create for the presence and endurance of democratic virtues under conditions of pluralism. A moral blind spot refers to the occlusions in individual moral perceptions and the limits that circumscribe moral sympathies owing to our ineluctable partialities as socially embedded beings. Blind spots constitute a tragic feature of human perception and moral judgment that facilitate and undermine human agency at once. Yet, far more problematic from the perspective of democratic epistemology and normative ethics is the denial or willful forgetfulness of their place in our individual and collective lives, and the concomitant failure to account for moral blind spots so as to check their most pernicious effects. [R, abr.]
62.41 CALLE, Luis de la; SÁNCHEZ-CUENCA, Ignacio —
There is no consensus in the literature about the nature of terrorism, [due to] the coexistence of two senses of the term, the action and the actor sense, which are not fully congruent. Rather than trying to advocate a specific conceptualization, we map the different ways in which scholars talk about terrorism. We identify first the set of terrorist actions and the set of terrorist actors. Terrorist tactics are a variety of the power to hurt, based on the lack of military power. Terrorist groups are underground ones with no territorial control. When the two criteria meet, the core of terrorism exists: coercive violence perpetrated by underground groups. The ambiguity that surrounds terrorism is caused by two other possibilities: actors with some measure of territorial control adopting coercive tactics and underground actors adopting military tactics. [R, abr.]
62.42 CALMFORS, Lars; WREN-LEWIS, Simon —
Fiscal watchdogs — fiscal councils — have been proposed as a method to counter deficit-bias of fiscal policy. The paper analyzes theoretically what role fiscal councils could play and surveys empirically the activities of existing councils. Case studies of the Swedish Fiscal Policy Council and the UK Office for Budget Responsibility are done. We conclude that fiscal councils should be advisory, rather than decision-making, and work as complements, rather than substitutes, to fiscal rules. Although no panacea, fiscal councils could play a useful role by at the same time strengthening fiscal discipline and allowing rules-based fiscal policy to be more flexible. A key issue is their political fragility and how their long-run viability should be secured. Three ways of guaranteeing their independence are suggested: (1) reputation-building; (2) formal national rules; and (3) international monitoring. [R]
62.43 CASSESE, Sabino —
What do the OSCE, the EU enlargement process, UNDEF and EIDHR, art.11 of the ECHR, art. 3 of the Additional protocol n° 1 to the Convention, and the transition process in Iraq, have in common? In all these cases, global standards of democracy are implemented by supra-state organs at the national level, and seek to make national governments more accountable in various sectors. The role of global institutions as sponsors of democratic processes and institutions vis-à-vis national communities is, however, controversial. The problems with “importing democracy”, the legitimacy deficit of the supra-state bodies concerned, the difficulties in developing a universally suitable model, all raise doubts on whether the relevant global standards are genuinely democracy-enhancing in nature. Therefore, global institutions seek to adjust or improve domestic orders; but the legitimacy of their interventions and the definition of democracy at the global level remain open questions. [R]
62.44 CATO, Susumu —
This article investigates the relationship among the weak Pareto principle, the strong Pareto principle, and positive responsiveness in the context of voting. First, it is shown that under a mild domain condition, if an anonymous and neutral collective choice rule (CCR) is complete and transitive, then the weak Pareto principle and the strong Pareto principle are equivalent. Next, it is shown that under another mild domain condition, if a neutral CCR is transitive, then the strong Pareto principle and positive responsiveness are equivalent. By applying these results, we obtain a new characterization of the method of majority decision. [R]
62.45 CEDERMAN, Lars-Erik; WARREN, Camber; SORNETTE, Didier —
Drawing on C. Clausewitz's classical theory, we argue that the emergence of mass nationalism following the French Revolution profoundly altered the nature of the units constituting the interstate system, thereby transforming the conduct of interstate warfare. To validate these assertions — and thus to test Clausewitz — we rely on quantitative evidence at the macro level, with a particular focus on the global distribution of interstate war sizes, measured in terms of battle deaths, over the past five centuries. Drawing on extreme value theory, we demonstrate that temporal discontinuities in the shapes of the tails of such distributions can be used to draw inferences about the nature of the mechanisms underlying the bloodiest events in world history. [R, abr.]
62.46 CERAR, Miro —
The law is, on the one hand, always to some extent an expression of the dominant political power and ideology, while on the other hand it is relatively autonomous towards politics and other value-normative social phenomena, such as morality, customs, and religion. [Although] from the deepest ontological perspective, the separate existence of law and politics is an illusion, this separation must be acknowledged and maintained in our social life. The more autonomous the law, the more it develops its specific ideology. The latter can either serve as an appropriate counterbalance to the excessive tendencies of politics, or it can be abused for different political purposes. In the first case, one can speak about the constructive role of the law vs. politics, while in the second case its role is (self)destructive. [R, abr.]
62.47 CHICOT, Pierre-Yves —
Democratic principles postulate that citizens should be able to be informed and involved in the operation of the political and administrative institutions. In a peaceful society, the law is adapted to social reality. It usually lags behind this reality. The lawyer's task is then not only to describe and dissect the legal mechanisms, but to gauge their adequacy with society, and if it is inadequate to seek the causes and propose solutions. The themes of administrative democracy are also subject to this logic and offer topics for debate. [R, transl.]
62.48 CHODUBSKI, Andrzej —
Political science is a discipline of humanistic cognition serving the needs and challenges of contemporary socio-political life. It is the object of arguments between the disciplinal and theoretical way of thinking, based on the realization of methodological models where the center of gravity rests on the synthetic and global approaches, and on humanist interpretation. Interpretations of political science also provide practical knowledge, namely diagnosis and prognosis, including the crises of the family, the social institutions, value systems and the legitimacy of the political system.
62.49 CHOI Seung-Whan —
After replicating J.R. Oneal and B. Russett's democratic peace model (“The classical liberals were right”, ibid. 41(4), 1997: 267–293; and “Assessing the liberal peace with alternative specifications: trade still reduces conflict”, Journal of Peace Research, 36(4), July 1999: 423–442; Abstr. 49.1276), E. Gartzke's study (“The capitalist peace”, American Journal of Political Science 51(1), Jan. 2007: 166–191; Abstr. 57.5709) contends that “Capitalism, and not democracy, leads to peace. Additional research is needed to corroborate, extend, and even refute the findings reported here.” I re-evaluate Gartzke's capitalist peace model along with Oneal and Russett's democratic peace model. After correcting four problems — the capitalist peace model's misspecification, observation omission, and sample-selection bias, and the democratic peace model's measurement error — this study uncovers that while capitalism does not emerge as a cause mitigating militarized disputes or wars in a consistent manner, democracy does. [R, abr.]
62.50 CHOJNACKI, Sven; MENZEL, Anne —
A critical survey of the current debate on the use, scope, and effectiveness of peace building. We analyze the extent to which recent academic publications reflect sufficiently the problematic aspects of current practice. The focus is on developments in research on peace building concerning strategies, which have been and are still being implemented by political institutions and actors: local ownership and the coordination and integration of various peace building actors. The conclusion is that it is practically worthwhile as well as analytically necessary to give up concepts of social engineering/steering and alternatively develop ways to cope systematically with the lack of knowledge. [R]
62.51 CHOJNACKI, Sven; NAMBERGER, Verena —
This paper inquires about the scope of “peace” and presents a survey among peace researchers. The results suggest that we should not be looking for a fixed definition of peace, but rather, in keeping with the notion of “epistemological anarchism” (Paul Feyerabend), a description that is aware of and takes into account the paradoxes and varying configurations of “peace” over time and space, including potential blind spots. [R]
62.52 CLAPTON, William —
Risk is a concept that has recently filtered through into IR. However, the literature on risk, risk-management and IR is still comparatively small and there is still significant scope for the theorization of these concepts in an IR context. Thus far, the literature on risk and IR has been largely characterized by the debate between critical realist, constructivist and post-structuralist approaches to risk. At the core of these debates is the ontological question of whether risks are “real” or not. However, this article suggests that these ontological debates have grown stale and are unhelpful to furthering the research agenda on risk and IR. As this article demonstrates, we need to systematically develop ways for both explaining risk-identification, -assessment and -management — what might be termed “riskization” — and why particular forms of risk-management emerge in particular situations and not others. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Risk, risk management and International Relations”, edited and introduced, pp. 375–379, by Shahar HAMEIRI and Florian P. KUHN. See also Abstr. 62.114, 123, 137, 165, 250, 443]
62.53 CLARK, J. R.; LEE, Dwight R. —
For more than one hundred years, noble concerns have persuaded well-meaning people to favor more government to promote the public interest, and others have exploited those concerns to grab political privileges at public expense. Contrary to conventional thought, however, the history of government expansion provides reasons to believe that the trend can be reversed. [R]
62.54 COAKLEY, Mathew —
Theories of political legitimacy normally stipulate certain conditions of legitimacy: the features a state must possess in order to be legitimate. Yet there is obviously a second question as to the value of legitimacy: the normative features a state has by virtue of it being legitimate (such as it being owed obedience, having a right to use coercion, or enjoying a general justification in the use of force). I argue that it is difficult to demonstrate that affording these to legitimate states is morally desirable, and that obvious alternative conceptions of the value of legitimacy (notably epistemic and instrumental) are not without problems of their own. The intuitive triviality of establishing the value of normative legitimacy may mask a serious problem. [R]
62.55 COLÁS, Alejandro —
F. Halliday's life and work were intimately associated with the theory and practice of internationalism. In his later writings, the notion of “complex solidarity” emerges as a key component of Halliday's worldview. This article explores the conceptual interconnections between different historical expressions of internationalism, cosmopolitanism and solidarity. It considers the intricate relationship between these categories and their place in our understanding of international affairs, emphasizing the divergence between liberal and revolutionary conceptions of internationalism and cosmopolitanism. The article discusses diverse understandings of “solidarity” in IR, arguing that beyond the cosmopolitan and communitarian approaches, there exist other “Grotian” and “republican” ideas of solidarity. Halliday drew on these to present his own defense of universal human rights and solidarity, arguably developing a distinctive brand of republican internationalism. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Fred Halliday, John Vincent, and the idea of progress in International Relations”, edited and introduced, pp. 1045–1050, by Michael COX and Nicholas RENGGER. See also Abstr. 62.58, 71, 171, 178, 240, 241, 263, 289, 306]
62.56 COMBES, Hélène; FILLIEULE, Olivier —
The recent wave of upheavals and revolts in Northern Africa and the Middle-East leads back to an old question, often raised by the theories of collective action: does repression act as a negative or positive incentive for further mobilization? Through a review of the vast literature devoted to this question, this article goes beyond theoretical and methodological dead-ends. It moves to non-Western settings in order to better understand, in light of a macro-sociological and dynamic approach, the causality effects between mobilizations and repression. It pleads for a meso-and micro-level approach to this issue: an approach that puts analytical emphasis both on protest organizations and on individual activists' careers. [R]
62.57 CORCUFF, Philippe —
The contributions of the “historical turn in French political science” (Y. Déloye) are questioned from the implicit historicity models through eighteen books published the last fifteen years. The socio-history and the historical sociology achievements are introduced and then confronted with Y. Schemeil's approach. The linear-evolutionary model attached to the genetic approach is questioned, using the writings of M. Bloch, M. Foucault and M. Dobry. A pluralistic extension of the historicity models is then sketched by reference to W. Benjamin's philosophy and the work of E.P. Thompson, A. O. Hirschman and J.-C. Kaufmann. The epistemological framework is that of the theoretical pluralism without relativism defended by J.-C. Passeron. [R]
62.58 COX, Michael —
Though possibly best known today as a specialist on the Middle East and Islam, it is often forgotten how central the Cold War was in defining Fr. Halliday's understanding of world politics before 1989 and indeed even after. Building on the earlier work of I. Deutscher and E.H. Carr, Halliday developed a distinct theory of the Cold War which afforded him great insights but ultimately failed in explaining the complexities of the East-West relationship, and why it came to an abrupt conclusion in the late 1980s. [R] [See Abstr. 62.55]
62.59 CRAIG, Dylan —
I propose using wars in independent Africa as a rich source of data on nonstate actors in world politics, in particular the role of insurgent group(s) in complex conflicts. I examine three groups, UNITA, RENAMO, and 32/201 Battalions during South Africa's Border Wars (1961–1988/2002), to propose specific features that make these groups amenable to successful or unsuccessful demobilization. I argue that in a changed world, the new wars against nonstates may require less concern over how to exclude nonstates from territory and more on how to exclude them from transnational and global sources of power. The paper emphasizes that changes in the spatial dimensions of power-brokering institutions compels renewed attention to central concepts and the nature and focus of strategic interventions. [R, abr.]
62.60 CRESPO CUARESMA, Jesus; OBERHOFER, Harald; RASCHKY, Paul A. —
Theoretical models do not reach an unambiguous conclusion concerning the effects of natural resource endowment on the duration of dictatorial regimes. We assess empirically, for the first time, the relationship between oil endowment and the duration of autocratic leaders. Using a dataset comprising information for 106 dictators, our empirical analysis indicates that dictators in countries which are relatively better endowed in terms of oil tend to stay longer in office. The result is robust to changes in the definition of dictatorial regimes and in the specifications used in the econometric analysis. [R]
62.61 DAHLBERG, Lincoln —
There is currently a diversity of understandings of digital democracy deployed within popular commentary, research, policy-making, and practical initiative. However, there is a lack of resources clearly outlining this diversity; this article undertakes such an outline. It provides a reconstruction of four digital democracy positions: liberal-individualist, deliberative, counter-publics, and autonomist Marxist. The delineation of each position draws from critical-interpretative research and has been developed with respect to three elements: the democratic subject assumed, the related conception of democracy promoted, and the associated democratic affordances of digital media technology. I draw attention to different understandings of what extending democracy through digital media means, and provide a framework for further examination and evaluation of digital democracy rhetoric and practice. [R]
62.62 DALLE NOGARE, Chiara; RICCIUTI, Roberto —
According to reputational models of Political Economy, a term-limit may change the behavior of a chief executive because he does not have to stand for election. We use a dynamic panel data estimation strategy to test this hypothesis in a sample of 52 countries over the period 1977–2000, using social and welfare spending and surplus as policy variables. We are unable to find significant differences between the fiscal policies of term-limited chief executives and other types of government, while when we look at presidential systems only, lame ducks appear to be more likely to cut public spending. This contrasts with previous empirical results based on US states and international data. [R]
62.63 DALTON, Angela; ASAL, Victor —
Why do some terrorist organizations deploy women on the front lines and in violent attacks? This study explores the social conditions, economic factors, and organizational characteristics that might explain women's participation in violent terrorist activity. With a new data set of 395 terrorist organizations, women's participation in terrorist attacks was quantified and coded. The logistic regression analysis results suggest that women's educational attainment, social rights, terrorist organization's age and size, and the level of a country's economic development are important predictors of the deployment of women in terrorist violence while a terrorist group's ideological or religious orientation and the level of democracy do not significantly influence the likelihood of women's participation. [R]
62.64 DAVIDSON-SCHMICH, Louise K. —
This afterword summarizes our main findings and discusses their political and scholarly implications. We find that A. Merkel's leadership style and foreign policy approach were consensual during her first term in office; moreover, she did not overtly address women's issues — although her coalition did promulgate legislation which improved conditions for some German women. Our argument here is not that the Chancellor adopted this leadership style and these policy positions because she is a woman per se, but because she is a woman with a particular background. We show the utility of studying national leaders individually in order to determine how their gender roles have been defined, and how such roles intersect with social characteristics. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.65]
62.65 DAVIDSON-SCHMICH, Louise K. —
[The author] provides a theoretical framework for investigating the effect of gender on national-level executive branch leadership. Currently, there is no consensus as to what is expected of a woman who occupies her country's highest office. The article argues that this disagreement is due to the assumption of an idealized “woman leader”. Adopting an intersectional approach to studying gender and executive leadership, it is argued that it is possible neither to identify a single “female chiefexecutive style” nor to identify a priori a set of “female” policy positions. Because gender norms differ within and across countries, we must determine “what kind” of a female politician we are studying to determine how her particular gender might impact on her governance. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited and concluded by the author [Abstr. 62.64]. See also Abstr. 62.458, 471, 500, 503, 543, 548, 1142]
62.66 DAVIS, Ryan W. —
How should citizens in a democracy decide for whom to vote? Liberal political philosophers, following J. Rawls, have held that voters should think of the candidate as a proxy for the policies he or she will predictably help put in place, and then vote according to which policies are best supported by the balance of public reasons. I reject this proxy model as too restrictive a moral requirement on voting, but accept that citizens are obligated to use some reasons rather than others. In particular, voters should weigh only considerations that are morally relevant — e.g., factors like the character of the candidate. This alternative to the proxy model is more faithful to liberal theory and places a more reasonable set of demands on voters, given what political science has taught us about voting behavior. [R, abr.]
62.67 DESPOSATO, Scott W.; KEARNEY, Matthew C.; CRISP, Brian F. —
Ideal-point estimates based on roll-call vote results have provided leverage for a variety of theory testing efforts. Recently, scholars have suggested using co-sponsorship data as a proxy for roll-call votes. Conceptually similar to roll-call votes, co-sponsorship data are appealing for a variety of reasons. However, the data-generating process for co-sponsorship is untheorized and little studied. We examine the properties of ideal-point estimates from co-sponsorship data. We find that the ability to estimate ideal points from co-sponsorship data is contingent on the underlying data-generating process; reliance on such measures requires strong and often unrealistic assumptions. [R]
62.68 DEZALAY, Yves; GARTH, Bryant G. —
This article draws on our research, especially in Latin America and Asia, to give concrete sociological meaning to the processes of globalization of governing expertise. The article relates professional competition, competing discourses of universals, and imperial competition to the reproduction of state elites and the construction of fields of state and transnational power. The three parts of the discussion involve (1) the complexity of the North-South dimension in the import and export of governing expertise; (2) the perennial role of imperial processes involving cosmopolitan elites acting as double agents; and (3) the role of particular state elites as gatekeepers facilitating and moderating the imperial processes. [R] [See Abstr. 62.24]
62.69 DI FABIO, Udo —
The 21st c. world is a polycentric one, where law develops beyond national borders. How can constitutional institutions contribute to maintaining the identity of the Constitution in a context of change? With a realistic view of new frontiers, new opportunities and different conditions for action, the sources of legitimacy may flourish yet again to carry political and legal responsibilities for the benefit of all. [R, transl.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “The [German] Federal Constitutional Court”. See also Abstr. 62.118, 477, 525, 542, 544, 550, 917]
62.70 DLUHOSCH, Barbara; ZIEGLER, Nikolai —
In The Strategy of Conflict [Cambridge, Mass., 1960] T. Schelling suggested that in international negotiations, strong international opposition would enlarge the opportunity set, thus making it easier to conclude international negotiations successfully. This property — the Schelling-conjecture — shares some aspects with constitutional economics, namely R. Putnam's two-level approach, suggesting that it might be beneficial for all parties to give up some power by tying one's hands. We examine by means of a simulation study how far we can take this notion in the politics of trade integration. We find that the threat of a domestic opposition or national institution having a veto power frequently but not always delivers a more favorable outcome for the respective trade representative at the international table. [R, abr.]
62.71 DODGE, Toby —
F. Halliday was a “high modernist”, who organized his work around a constant commitment to a universal rationality, historical progress and an opposition to relativism and a particularist reading of the Middle East. The article identifies the two dominant units of analysis that shaped Halliday's work on the region throughout his life: the transformative capacity of capitalism and the role of a comparatively autonomous state. The article then examines how the content of each unit was transformed as Halliday moved from an overt Marxism to a more diffuse liberalism. Halliday's ideological affinities and his deployment of these units marginalized the role and importance of ideology, specifically both nationalism and Islamism. Finally, it traces the influence of this approach and the deployment of these units in Halliday's work on Iran, Iraq and the Arab-Israeli conflict. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.55]
62.72 DOHERTY, David; DOWLING, Conor M.; MILLER, Michael G. —
Previous analysis finds that people respond differently to “financial” (e.g., tax evasion) and “moral” (e.g., sexual misconduct) political scandals. However, experimental and observational studies tend to reach different conclusions about which type of scandal induces a stronger negative reaction from the public. We use an experiment embedded in a national survey to examine the possibility that these divergent findings can, in part, be explained by a failure to consider the effects of abuses of power. We find that people respond more negatively to financial scandals than to moral scandals when they do not involve abuses of power. However, abuses of power substantially affect responses to both types of scandals. We also find that moral and financial scandals affect personal and job evaluations of a politician differently. [R, abr.]
62.73 DOWELL-JONES, Mary; KINLEY, David —
Episodes of periodic financial market disruption and the significant impact this has on global livelihoods, standards of living and state finances, suggest that there are far deeper issues for international human rights protection in the financial sector than have so far been explored or mapped. In particular, more technical aspects of international finance have rarely featured on the human rights radar. This paper reviews the limitations of current human rights thinking on the financial sector, and scrutinizes four areas of finance that have so far not received critical human rights attention. [A]
62.74 DRAGOŠ, Srečo —
Questions related to the democratic system and its alternatives are as relevant today as they were before World War II. The attitude of the major pre-war competitive political blocs in the Slovenian territory towards democracy remained virtually unchanged: it was pragmatic, instrumentalized and reserved. In the plethora of pre-war corporate models of social regulation three models are particularly advanced: the Gosar model, the Jeraj Model, and the model of the Slovenian Workers Federation. The comparison of these three models yields conclusions, which carry important implications for the current issues related to the question mentioned in the tile. The conclusions (constructs) are divided into four types, expressed as combinations of political problems and solutions typical of the Slovenian past and present times. [R]
62.75 DREHER, Axel; FUCHS, Andreas —
This article investigates empirically whether, and in what ways, donors in the Development Assistance Committee respond to transnational terrorist incidents and the onset of the War on Terror by changing aid effort and aid allocation. First, an analysis of 22 donor countries shows that aid effort increased during the War on Terror period, but did not respond to the actual number of terror events. Second, using aid allocation equations, we find that countries where terror originates are not more likely to receive aid as a consequence, but if they are selected, they receive larger amounts of aid. Our results imply that politicians may still have to learn from economic research. To the extent that development aid can effectively combat terror, politicians would be well-advised to target aid to those countries where terrorist groups exist in abundance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.259]
62.76 DRUMMOND, Andrew J. —
When voters place parties in their system along the left-right dimension, they often pull their preferred party closer towards them (assimilation) and push the opposition further away (contrast). This article asks a simple question: are such assimilation and contrast effects similarly powerful across different types of electoral system? I hypothesize that systems employing single-member districts will tend to strengthen assimilation and contrast because they mechanically reduce the number of parties, while shifting the focus of electoral competition away from the party and towards the candidate. Using data from 18 advanced democracies compiled by the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and hierarchical modeling I find that contrast effects are indeed stronger in majoritarian systems, while assimilation effects appear similarly strong regardless of the institutional setting. [R, abr.]
62.77 DRYZEK, John S. —
Ideas about the presence, absence, and growth of democracy in global politics take different forms. After surveying the basic justifications for global democracy, three frames for making sense of the significance of particular developments and proposals are canvassed. “Soup” involves the proliferation of democratic practices, though the consequences of this proliferation for the overall shape of international politics remain open. “Society” stresses the democratization of processes that affect constitutive norms and discourses. “System” identifies differentiated yet ordered parts, geared to the production of collective outcomes. The soup-framing is undemanding yet limited. System provides a way to pinpoint democratic deficiencies and possibilities, but its requirements can be highly demanding, and it leaves open the question of normative integration. Understanding global democratization requires both society and system framings. [R]
62.78 DUFFY, Robert —
Drawing upon data from congressional statutes, federal agencies, the nuclear industry, and a range of secondary sources, the prospects for a nuclear resurgence in the US in the aftermath of the Fukushima disaster are evaluated. Before the accident, several factors seemed to favor a nuclear revival: the rise of climate-change as an issue; dramatic swings in the price of oil and natural gas; streamlined licensing procedures established in the Energy Policy Act of 1992; a variety of new economic incentives in the Energy Policy Act of 2005; and the shift to new, standardized reactor designs. Despite these changes, the chances of a nuclear revival in the US were slim even before Fukushima; lingering public concerns over nuclear waste-disposal, reactor safety and, most importantly, economic viability were serious obstacles. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1254]
62.79 DUIT, Andreas —
Many environmental problems such as global warming, biodiversity loss and waste accumulation can be described as large-scale collective action dilemmas. Previous research on collective action in Common Pool Resource settings has demonstrated that institutional structures and social capital are important for successful management of natural resources. This article investigates the effect of such factors on large-scale environmental collective action. The analysis employs survey data and indicators of institutional quality for 22 countries. Two measurements of environmental collective action are used: (1) intermediate group collective action; and (2) latent group environmental action. Findings point to a dominating role for two factors — institutional quality and membership in voluntary organizations — as key determinants of participation in both latent and intermediate group environmental collective action. [R, abr.]
62.80 DUKALSKIS, Alexander —
This article uses current literatures on transitional justice and political transitions to build a theory of how trials and truth commissions interact with each other. This is done in three steps. First, I elaborate the goals and critiques of trials and truth commissions in order to provide a foundation for how they might interact. Second, I consider these institutions in sequence to understand how they interact when trials operate first, truth commissions first, or when they operate simultaneously. Third, I consider these sequences in context to understand how legacies of violence and its termination may affect their relationship. This effort is meant to clarify the theoretical issues at stake in the sequencing of these two important institutions, stimulate debate, and inform institutional design. [R, abr.]
62.81 DURANT, Darrin —
Science and Technology Studies (STS) offers contrasting normative visions of how to manage democratically the relations between experts and larger publics in contemporary liberal democracies. This lack of uniformity has not stopped advocates of participatory politics from implying that to be anything other than staunch defenders of “the public” is to be illiberal and undemocratic. But if we turn to political philosophy, part of liberal democratic theory is the attempt to theorize how deliberation might include limits to public discourse. This paper treats the debate between S. Jasanoff and B. Wynne, on one side, and H. Collins and R. Evans, on the other, as representative of opposing normative sensibilities within STS. [R, abr.]
62.82 EICHENGREEN, Barry —
Gripped by a fervent conviction that returning to the gold standard will prove a financial cure-all for America, Tea Partiers are resurrecting age-old ideas about the evils of governmentally controlled economies. But history refutes their gold-standard-fosters-fiscal-discipline claim. The reality is no more than a wacky world of carting bullion-laden trolleys to the grocery store. [R]
62.83 EIDLIN, Fred —
Confused students researching papers not knowing where they are going. Articles, lectures, and books on exciting topics that turn out to be boring. Such familiar phenomena are symptoms of a widespread, largely unconscious methodological habit of focusing on topics rather than problems. This habit rests on views about knowledge that are deeply ingrained in commonsense knowledge and in the methodology of mainstream social science. Such views saturate the understanding of scientific inquiry assumed by most methods textbooks. This article criticizes the method of topics and contrasts it with the method of problems. The word “topic” suggests that there is some surface to cover, but not why covering it might be interesting. Interesting research is problem-driven. It begins with a sense that something is amiss with existing knowledge and requires explanation. [R, abr.]
62.84 ELBE, Stefan —
The literature on global health security traces how the securitization of global health is affecting the governance of diseases in the international system; yet no one has analyzed — conversely — how the practices of security also begin subtly to change when they become concerned with a growing number of contemporary health issues. This article identifies three such changes. (1) Health security debates endow our understandings of security and insecurity in contemporary world politics with an important medical dimension. (2) The rise of global health security enables a range of medical and public health experts to play a greater role in the formulation and analysis of contemporary security policy. (3) Health security debates have also encouraged attempts to secure populations through recourse to a growing array of pharmacological interventions and new medical countermeasures. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.255]
62.85 ELKINK, Johan A. —
The idea that democracy is contagious, that democracy diffuses across the world map, is now well established among policy-makers and political scientists alike. The few theoretical explanations of this phenomenon focus exclusively on political elites. This article presents a theoretical model and accompanying computer simulation that explains the diffusion of democracy based on the dynamics of public opinion and mass revolutions. On the basis of the literature on preference-falsification, cascading revolutions, and the social judgment theory, an agent-based simulation is developed and analyzed. The results demonstrate that the diffusion of attitudes, in combination with a cascading model of revolutions, is indeed a possible theoretical explanation of the spatial clustering of democracy. [R]
62.86 ENGELHARDT, Marie von —
Humanitarian and development aid care are governed by different sets of rules and principles that constitute them as distinct but related legal regimes. In particular, the rules and principles governing humanitarian and development aid foresee a different role for the recipient state. The extent to which a state's formal sovereignty effectively translates into ownership and participation in the allocation, design, and implementation of international aid thereby differs strongly. In practice, however, a clear distinction between humanitarian and developmental fields of action is no longer viable. Therefore, the increasing overlap of different types of foreign aid interventions in protracted emergencies, post-conflict, and fragile states has led to normative conflict and uncertainties about the applicable legal framework. The emerging legal grey area threatens to compromise the function of rules to stabilize normative expectations. [R] [First of a series of articles on “International cooperation: from peace maintenance to sustainable development”. See also Abstr. 62.264, 415, 511, 874, 966]
62.87 ERMAN, Eva —
On most accounts of global democracy, human rights are ascribed a central function. Still, their conceptual role in global democracy is often unclear. Two recent attempts to remedy this deficiency have been made by J. Bohman [Democracy Across Borders: From Demos to Demoi, Cambridge, Mass., 2007] and M. Goodhart [“Human rights ad global democracy”, Ethics and International Affairs 22(4), Winter 2008: 395–420; Abstr. 59.6179]. They make the case that [in] the present circumstances of politics, global democracy is best conceptualized in terms of human rights. Although the article is sympathetic to this “human rights approach”, it defends the thesis that human rights are not enough for global democracy. It argues that insofar as we hold on to the general idea of democracy as a normative ideal of self-determination (self-rule) that is, of people determining their own lives and ruling over themselves, the concept of democracy accommodates two necessary conditions: political bindingness and political equality. [R, abr.]
62.88 ETEROVIC, Dalibor S. —
Our model presents an underexamined element of policy reform and institutional quality, showing how the characteristics of the political system may render citizens unable to properly reward politicians who implement new projects, thus favoring politicians who secure the status quo, albeit mediocre, of the economy. Political institutions matter because they affect the value of holding office for the politician. Societies with a low-quality political system may present institutional bias towards the status quo. This bias arises from the inability of the citizens to design an effective voting rule that induces the politician to implement new projects successfully. [R]
62.89 ETZIONI, Amitai —
This article argues that a good citizen accepts several basic responsibilities toward the common good of the nation, but is otherwise free to follow his or her own preferences. Thus all citizens may be called upon to serve in the armed forces or national service, be expected to vote and to serve on juries and obey the laws while having the freedom to worship as they wish, maintain secondary loyalty to their country of origin, and so on. [R] [See Michael HAND, “In defence of Etzioni's ‘radical mutliculturalist’”, pp. 350–354; and Abstr. 62.167]
62.90 FEINSTEIN, Jonathan S.; KAPLAN, Edward H. —
We present a formal model of an intelligence agency that must divide its resources between the collection and analysis of information pertaining to terror plots. The model highlights the negative consequences of queues which form when collection exceeds analytic capacity. We incorporate the response of a terrorist organization to the operating characteristics of the intelligence system it faces, and solve for equilibrium strategies for the intelligence system and terrorist organization. Our results demonstrate the importance of properly balancing resources between collection and analysis, and stand in contrast to the observed state of over-collection in US intelligence agencies. [R] [See Abstr. 62.259]
62.91 FERRAGINA, Emanuele; SEELEIB-KAISER, Martin —
The seminal work by G. Esping-Andersen [The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Cambridge, 1990] has transformed and inspired social policy research over the past two decades. Various contributions have confirmed his typology, while others have challenged, and expanded, it from substantive and methodological perspectives. This article contributes to this debate in two ways. First, it provides a comprehensive analysis of the different typologies proposed in the literature, employing the concept of “ideal types”. Second, it elaborates new directions for research along three dimensions: (1) improving measurement validity by linking macroand micro-data to overcome assumptions, largely based on the average (production) worker; (2) assessing the reliability of typologies over time; (3) systematically integrating both the work-welfare as well as the care-welfare dimensions. [R]
62.92 FINSERAAS, Henning; VERNBY, Kåre —
The New Politics perspective holds that there is no room for partisanship to matter for welfare state policies in the present “era of austerity”. Proponents of power resources theory disagree. We show how an emphasis on the actual degree of ideological polarization between left and right can move this debate forward. In essence, the disagreement regarding the role of partisanship is (1) over the degree of party polarization, (2) whether party polarization on redistributive issues still mobilizes voters to vote in accordance with their economic interest and (3) whether political parties are able to make their ideologies count in the post-electoral arena. [R, abr.]
62.93 FITZMAURICE, Malgosia —
The question of responsibility and climate-change is a complex matter to which there are no clear-cut solutions. The main question investigated is the applicability and the general usefulness of the rules of state responsibility in the context of climate-change, due to its special character, which escapes the classical framework of these rules. There is also a question of the legal character of international obligations pertaining to climate-change which are not of a traditional bilateral character but have to be played within the paradigm of the obligation erga omnes (or erga omnes partes). Additionally, there are some unresolved issues of causation and due diligence, which in the case of climate-change, are particularly vague and ill-defined. [R, abr.] [Part of a series of articles on “Climate change and new challenges for international law”, introduced, pp. 65–88, Alexander PROELSS. See also Abstr. 62.961]
62.94 FRÖDIN, Olle —
In the wake of globalization, different social science disciplines draw on different and often contradictory understandings of the political, and of related notions such as power. The lack of a shared notion of politics may prevent social scientists from gaining important insights from other disciplines. I demonstrate that seemingly contradictory notions of politics are better seen as different forms of political interaction. I define politics as activities through which people and groups articulate, negotiate, implement and enforce competing claims. By distinguishing different types of claims made within different institutional circumstances, I outline three basic forms of political interaction: governance, stalemate and social dilemma, and give examples of how each of these forms of political interaction has emerged in response to the global integration of market in different circumstances and areas of the world. [R, abr.]
62.95 GARRETT, R. Kelly; RESNICK, Paul —
Must the internet promote political fragmentation? Although this is a possible outcome of personalized online, we argue that other futures are possible and that thoughtful design could promote more socially desirable behavior. Research has shown that individuals crave opinion reinforcement more than they avoid exposure to diverse viewpoints and that, in many situations, hearing the other side is desirable. We suggest that, equipped with this knowledge, software designers ought to create tools that encourage and facilitate consumption of diverse news streams, making users, and society, better off. We propose several techniques to help achieve this goal. One approach focuses on making useful or intriguing opinion-challenges more accessible. The other centers on nudging people toward diversity by creating environments that accentuate its benefits. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “Protecting the internet as a public commons”, edited and introduced, pp. 5–16, by David D. CLARK and John B. HORRIGAN. See also Abstr. 62.797]
62.96 GARY, Simon —
The 10th World Summit on Counter-Terrorism was held in Herzliya, Israel, in September 2010. Nations participating included Australia, Canada, EU members, China, Indonesia, Singapore, Japan, Mexico, Russia, South Africa and the US. The discussions focused on terrorism's increasingly threat to Israel and Middle East security, as well as its impact on international security generally. The Al-Qaeda threat was highlighted in detail. The organization's changing ethnic makeup, which was traditionally Arab, was noted. The core now comprises a much wider ethnic grouping, and there has been decentralization of planning, organization and operations. [R]
62.97 GASSEBNER, Martin; LUECHINGER, Simon —
We assess the robustness of previous findings on the determinants of terrorism. Using extreme bound analysis, the three most comprehensive terrorism datasets, and focusing on the three most commonly analyzed aspects of terrorist activity, i.e., location, victim, and perpetrator, we reassess the effect of 65 proposed correlates. Evaluating around 13.4 million regressions, we find 18 variables to be robustly associated with the number of incidents occurring in a given country-year, 15 variables with attacks against citizens from a particular country in a given year, and six variables with attacks perpetrated by citizens of a particular country in a given year. [R] [See Abstr. 62.259]
62.98 GAY, Paul du; SCOTT, Alan —
The focus here is how to define the state in such a way as to account for contemporary changes in it. Firmly anchored in the Weberian tradition, the authors develop a critique of both neo-Marxist and neo-Weberian studies that measure change in the contemporary state by comparing it to the state as it was defined during the thirty-year post-World War II economic boom. The critique targets both periodization and conceptualization. Starting with a minimalist notion of the state defined in terms of functions (security) and means as well as institutions, the authors bring to light the confusion afflicting a part of the literature and suggest the importance of clearly differentiating the question of the state from that of government. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.156]
62.99 GEEMENS, Raf —
The focus is on the vicissitudes of the nation-state in the context of the rise of supra-national institutions. A. de Benoist [See Abstr. 62.17] sees the spread of international governance as having the deleterious effects of depoliticizing nation-states. The author proceeds, alternatively, by pointing to the position of those cosmopolitan democrats who welcome this development. International rule promises to bring the benighted age of nation-states to a rapid and welcome conclusion: better Brussels and Strasbourg as seats of power, than Paris and Berlin; better Turtle Bay than Capitol Hill. [R]
62.100 GENSBURGER, Sarah —
The sociology of the state is currently undergoing a renewal based in large part on conclusions of studies by historians, studies whose numbers have greatly increased over the last ten years. Those studies suggest the relevance of breaking with the one-dimensional approach to the state usually expressed in terms of “more” or “less”. While French historians have been “discovering” the presence of society at the very core of the “strong” state presumably [epitomized] by Jacobin France, their American colleagues have been “revealing” the social interventionism of America's presumably “weak” state. [R]
62.101 GENSCHEL, Philipp; ZANGL, Bernhard —
The primarily analytic article is based on empirical and theoretical studies produced in the framework of the TranState program. After reviewing the main tendencies of the past to nationalize political authority, it brings to light current dynamics of political authority denationalization, a process that is again being partially performed by non-state institutions, be they international, transnational or private-sector. However, the denationalizing of authority does not make the state superfluous. An analytic model of the contemporary state is developed showing that it remains absolutely central, though its role has changed: it no longer has a monopoly over political authority but instead ensures the administration of political authority. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.156]
62.102 GERRING, John, et al. —
The causal connections between regime history and economic policy and performance remain opaque. Arguments are highly speculative, for the causal pathways are usually difficult to measure and are not readily testable in a large-N cross-country format. In order to illuminate possible interconnections between regime history and economic performance, we identify three countries in the developing world whose recent history may be regarded as illustrative: Brazil, India, and Mauritius. Our analysis of these cases focuses on the achievement of policy consensus and policy reform, both of which are commonly regarded as critical to economic performance. Intensive study of our chosen cases suggests multiple mechanisms by which democratic experience might translate into greater success on these policy dimensions. [R, abr.]
62.103 GLASSMAN, Ulrich; SAUERMANN, Jan —
What impact do majority rule and the unanimity rule have on welfare and decision costs? According to J. M. Buchanan and G. Tullock [The Calculus of Consent/ Logical Foundations of Constitutional Democracy. The Collected Works: Volume 3, Indianapolis, 1962] the unanimity principle must be regarded as a democratic norm, because it guarantees Pareto-efficient welfare effects. We present experimental results of a public goods game, which demonstrate in contrast to this assumption that majority rule can produce larger welfare effects than the unanimity rule. This suggests a critical revision of theoretical approaches which narrow the legitimacy of majority rule in this respect. [R]
62.104 GOETSCHEL, Laurent —
Neutral and alliance-free states continue to exist. Even though neutrality has lost its realistic survival function, it continues to provide national identity for neutral states. This identity is rooted in neutrality's idealistic function, according to which neutral states used to engage for humanitarian issues and the reduction of violence in international relations. The argument developed suggests an extension of this traditional role concept of neutral states: they should engage as promoters of ideas in international peace-building which are contested because they are perceived as a threat to national sovereignty, such as the responsibility to protect (R2P). While neutrality's realistic functions make neutral states credible advocates of sovereignty and autonomy, its idealistic functions provide them with a track record in positive reforms in international relations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3]
62.105 GORDON, Joy —
Many viewed targeted sanctions as an especially promising tool for foreign policy and international governance, and many still see targeted sanctions as a natural and obvious solution to a broad array of difficult situations. But there are considerable difficulties with each type of targeted sanction, with regard to implementation, humanitarian impact, and, in some cases, due process rights. [R]
62.106 GRANLUND, David —
In democracies, elections are the primary mechanism for making politicians act in voters' interests, but voters are unable to prevent that some resources are diverted to political rents. With two levels of government, the rents are reduced if voters require higher beneficial public expenditures for re-electing incumbents. Voters can also strengthen their power by holding politicians liable also for decisions made by the other level of government. When the incumbent at one level acts as a Stackelberg leader with respect to the other, there is no risk of this leading to Leviathan policies on the part of the incumbents. [R]
62.107 GREENER, B. K. —
There is a growing body of literature dedicated to critiquing liberal peace-building. This paper revisits the current post-conflict peace-building agenda in light of these critiques, outlining how both proponents and opponents perceive three core principles, that is, democratization, economic liberalization and state-building. Drawing attention to the emergence of arguments for alternative approaches, this paper argues that recent developments provide some hope for reconciling proponents of the liberal agenda with their growing legion of critics. [R]
62.108 GREENHILL, Brian; WARD, Michael D.; SACKS, Audrey —
We present a visual method for assessing the predictive power of models with binary outcomes. This technique allows the analyst to evaluate model-fit based upon the models' ability to consistently match high-probability predictions to actual occurrences of the event of interest, and low-probability predictions to non-occurrences of the event of interest. Unlike existing methods for assessing predictive power for logit and probit models such as Percent Correctly Predicted statistics, Brier scores, and the ROC plot, our “separation plot” has the advantage of producing a visual display that is informative and easy to explain to a general audience, while also remaining insensitive to the often arbitrary probability thresholds that are used to distinguish between predicted events and nonevents. [R, abr.]
62.109 GREGG, Heather S. —
Under certain conditions, allowing insurgents into the political process —through elections or government posts — can be a useful tool in the peace process and can help end insurgencies. However, bringing insurgents into the political process is unlikely to end insurgencies on its own, particularly if insurgents, the government, or the population believes that force is still a viable means of defeating the opponent and changing the status quo. The article reviews the causes of insurgency and conflict-resolution for internal wars. It then considers two examples of insurgents that have entered the political process — the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in Northern Ireland and Hezbollah in Lebanon — and the differing degrees of success in transforming these insurgents to non-violent participants in the political process. [R, abr.]
62.110 GRYGIEL, Jakub —
What happens when states or empires face multiple and geographically dispersed assaults along their frontiers from non-state, tribal actors? It is plausible to argue that the result may be state decentralization, both military and administrative. In some cases, this may be a conscious strategy pursued by the central authorities, but in others, it may be the result of centrifugal tendencies pursued by disaffected local leaders. This article illustrates this argument by describing the end of the Roman empire, caused by multiple assaults of barbarian groups. The lesson is that in such an environment a centralized state that arrogates to itself all the functions of security-provision may undermine its own safety. [R]
62.111 GUGGENHEIM, Lauren; KWAK, Nojin; CAMPBELL, Scott W. —
Although research suggested that entertainment viewing may weaken political trust, only a few studies have investigated this outcome for specific types of nontraditional news shows. This study examines the relationship between exposure to three forms of nontraditional news that merge entertainment with informational content — comedy talk shows, satirical news, and cable opinion news — and political mistrust and cynicism. Using data from a national survey (n = 777) conducted in the US, findings indicate that viewing satirical news programs appeared to be related to systemic cynicism, while exposure to all three shows was either directly or indirectly associated with distrust in politicians. Mistrust in the news media, on the other hand, appeared for comedy talk shows and satirical news use only in particular contexts. [R]
62.112 HAFNER-BURTON, Emilie M.; HELFER, Laurence R.; FARISS, Christopher J. —
Several prominent human rights treaties seek to minimize violations during emergencies by authorizing states to “derogate” — to suspend certain civil and political liberties — in response to crises. The drafters of these treaties envisioned that international restrictions on derogations, together with international notification and monitoring mechanisms, would limit rights suspensions during emergencies. This article analyzes the behavior of derogating countries using new global data sets of derogations and states of emergency from 1976 to 2007. We argue that derogations are a rational response to domestic political uncertainty. They enable governments facing serious threats to buy time and legal breathing space from voters, courts, and interest groups to confront crises while signaling to these audiences that rights deviations are temporary and lawful. [R, abr.]
62.113 HAMATI-ATAYA, Inanna —
Dissidence in IR reflects both an identity and a practice of opposition to the system. While the fact of dissidence is largely manifested in its very discursive occurrence, this article goes beyond the performative nature of dissidence in order to identify the collective, common ground that unites self-acclaimed dissident scholars, to understand whether they form an objectively constituted social group, and to what extent they encompass dissidence in the field. This article shows that contemporary dissidence in American IR is structured not only by its opposition to mainstream IR, but also by internal divisions between the first generation of now established Critical dissidents, and an emerging group of Constructivist scholars who do not claim, but do practice, a clearly dissident and more marginalized scholarship. [R, abr.]
62.114 HAMEIRI, Shahar —
Drawing on the insights of political economy and critical political geography, it is argued that the current preponderance of transnational risk-depictions and associated modes of governance should be understood in the context of processes of state-transformation, linked to the transnationalization of finance and production, which challenge the fit between state power and national territorial borders. From this perspective, risk and risk-management are mechanisms in a contested process of rescaling, in which governance functions traditionally associated with the national state are shifted to regional or even global modes of governance. Understanding the dynamics of this territorial politics is important for learning about the current and evolving nature of political rule within and beyond the state. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.52]
62.115 HAMMAN, John R.; WEBER, Roberto A.; WOON, Jonathan —
How effectively do democratic institutions provide public goods? Despite the incentives an elected leader has to free-ride or impose majority tyranny, our experiment demonstrates that electoral delegation results in full provision of the public good. Analysis suggests that the result is primarily due to electoral selection: groups elect pro-social leaders and replace those who do not implement full contribution outcomes. However, we also observe outcomes in which a minimum winning coalition exploits the contributions of the remaining players. A second experiment demonstrates that when electoral delegation must be endogenously implemented, individuals voluntarily cede authority to an elected agent only when pre-play communication is permitted. Our combined results demonstrate that democratic delegation helps groups overcome the free-rider problem and generally leads to outcomes that are often both efficient and equitable. [R]
62.116 HARDEN, Jeffrey J. —
US state politics researchers often analyze data with observations grouped into clusters. This structure commonly produces unmodeled correlation within clusters, leading to downward bias in the standard errors of regression coefficients. Estimating robust cluster standard errors (RCSE) is a common approach to correcting this bias. However, despite their frequent use, recent work indicates that RCSE can also be biased downward. Here the author provides evidence of that bias and offers a potential solution. Through Monte Carlo simulation of an ordinary least squares (OLS) regression model, the author compares conventional standard error (OLS-SE) and RCSE performance to that of a bootstrap method that resamples clusters of observations (BCSE). [R, abr.]
62.117 HARLEN, Christine —
Since 2004, the study of leadership has paid closer attention to its negative side, particularly in the US literature on business leadership. This dark side can be described as bad or destructive, but perhaps the most extreme term is toxic. This article examines the contribution that the notion of toxic leadership has made to the leadership literature and then examines some of the methodological issues surrounding the use of the term toxicity. It concludes that the study of toxicity has already travelled some way in addressing some of its original methodological issues, but still has a number of issues to address in adapting to the study of political leadership. [R] [See Abstr. 62.124]
62.118 HASSEMER, Winfried —
Public interest in the role of the legal system, especially criminal law, is constantly evolving in terms of dealing with a past dictatorship. Germany has had to face this issue after World War II and again in the early 1990s. The challenges concern the legal order of society, i.e. the relationship between justice and the rule of law, and the possibilities of (criminal) law to produce a “solution” that is compatible with a culture of justice. An essay on how a society deals with past injustices such as East Germany's crimes and Nazi war crimes. [R, transl.] [See Abstr. 62.69]
62.119 HASSNER, Pierre —
The author offers a dissertation on the general theme of war, strategy and power, and their complex interrelationship in the early 21st c. In the light of recent French operations, he re-examines those themes, showing how the current combination calls for a sense of neighborly relations and a determination to achieve balance and accept compromise in order to preserve what he does not name, but which is at the heart of national identity: the freedom to choose one's own path. [R]
62.120 HAUK, William R., Jr. —
What effect, if any, does legislative malapportionment have on international trade protection? This paper argues that in malapportioned legislatures, such as the US Senate, industries become over-represented in a legislature if they are disproportionately located in small constituencies. As a result, [such] industries are likely to receive greater protection from international trade. To argue this point theoretically, this paper develops a new model, combining legislative bargaining and a model of lobbying to study trade-protection while allowing for a legislature with multiple legislators and differently sized constituencies. We then test the predictions of this new model using tariff votes from the US Senate in the late 19th and early 20th c. and a panel of tariffs and non-tariff barriers to trade in the US in the 1990s. [R, abr.]
62.121 HEHIR, Aidan —
In July 2009, the General Assembly held a three-day debate on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). While many NGOs described the debate as a success, this article argues that though there was a general endorsement of the idea of a “Responsibility to Protect”, closer analysis reveals that the agreement reached was largely superficial. Neither the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document nor the 2009 General Assembly debate can be considered to constitute a reform of existing international law and even as a purely normative development the current “consensus” on R2P is thin and marked by significant contention around certain key areas. This article argues that while these issues remain unresolved R2P's practical utility will be limited, if not negligible. [R]
62.122 HEIN, Michael —
Post-autocratic transitions are often followed by constitutional conflicts between state powers. With respect to the question of rule of law in young democracies, clashes between the executive and legislative branches, on the one hand, and the judiciary and constitutional courts, on the other, as well as those between ordinary and constitutional courts are particularly virulent. These conflicts have affected the key distinction between politics and law violated in the previous autocratic regimes. Based on N. Luhmann's theory, this article presents a systems-theoretical approach in order to explain the occurrence of these constitutional conflicts. [R, abr.]
62.123 HENG Yee-Kuang; McDONAGH, Kenneth —
In March 2009, the B. Obama administration sent a message to senior [US] Pentagon staff instructing them to refrain from using either of the terms “Long War” or “Global War on Terror” and to replace these terms with “Overseas Contingency Operations”. The change in tone and, potentially, substance, from the Obama White House by ending the “war on terror” at the rhetorical level suggests a need to shift our academic attention towards developing more appropriate analytical frameworks for examining alternative strategies for countering terrorism. This paper explores what it terms an emerging risk-based approach being deployed by states. Our framework proposed here deploys the twin concepts of “risk bureaucracies” and risk regulatory regimes (RRRs) in examining terrorist financing and aviation security regulations. [R] [See Abstr. 62.52]
62.124 HEPPELL, Timothy —
The concept of toxic leadership has been popularized by J. Lipman-Blumen [The Allure of Toxic Leaders: Why We Follow Destructive Bosses and Corrupt Politicians — And How to Survive Them, New York, 2005], who argued that some leaders demonstrate toxic tendencies that produce polarization and division. Her ideas are better developed with regard to business leaders and have thus been located within the business academic literature. However, implicit within her analysis was the assumption that the concept of toxicity could be applied to prominent politicians. This article considers this concept of toxic leadership and introduces a series of case studies based on five controversial political leaders — T. Blair, G.W. Bush, S. Berlusconi, Thaksin Shinawatra and R. Mugabe — all of whom will be applied to the Lipman-Blumen toxicity model. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Toxic leadership”, edited by the author. [R] [See also Abstr. 62.117, 449, 491, 614, 763, 817]
62.125 HERRERA-VEGA, Eliana —
This article proposes a functional analysis of torture, following N. Luhmann's social systems theory. Its guiding hypothesis is that torture belongs to a specific type of politics, namely antagonistic politics, and that violence is an essential part of this particular presentation of politics. The article proposes a view on the praxis of torture, which is observed by making a case based on two seemingly isolated situations: the first, a systematic practice in the context of the Colombian conflict: torture followed by dismembering of identified enemies. The second one is torture of presumed terrorists at Abu Ghraib, in the context of the Iraq war. The analysis identifies the common aesthetic elements in the technology of torture in order to ascertain their function within political communication. [R, abr.]
62.126 HERRON, Erik S. —
Although authoritarian regimes assert control over electoral processes, election returns can yield valuable information about dissent. Using election data from two votes in Azerbaijan, this article assesses hypotheses about the sources of anti-regime results. The analysis indicates that dissenting votes may be produced by a combination of elite interference at the national and local levels, and through the expression of citizen preferences under the conditions of a limited choice set. Although results must be interpreted with care, authoritarian elections may provide useful insights into hidden elite conflict and/or citizen grievances. The approach to assessing dissenting votes described in the article not only yields information about Azerbaijan's internal politics but also could be applied to elections in other electoral authoritarian states. [R]
62.127 HILGERS, Mathieu —
For around fifteen years now, anthropology has been engaged in the study of neoliberalism. What contribution does the discipline have to make to a debate largely monopolized by economics and political science? To answer this question, the article returns to the major texts and highlights the three perspectives from which anthropology has approached neoliberal expansion: culturalist, systemic, and the approach based on governmentality. Each has its own epistemological presuppositions and a specific conception of anthropology, globalisation, and neoliberalism. The article highlights the relevance and limitations of these approaches. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “Political anthropology of the global”, edited and introduced, “Fragments and fissures: towards a political anthropology of the global”, pp. 339–350, by S. Romi MUKHERJEE. See also Abstr. 62.242, 568]
62.128 HIZEN, Yoichi; SHINMYO, Masafumi —
We construct a model of a yes/no referendum for which the outcome is valid only if the voter-turnout rate is greater than a predetermined value. With such a turnout threshold, three types of equilibria exist, in each of which the voters who favor the status quo either go to the polls, abstain, or use mixed strategies. We show that abstaining is more likely to realize the status quo than going to the polls if the threshold is sufficiently high, whereas one of the mixed-strategy equilibria is least likely to realize the status quo for any level of threshold. [R]
62.129 HOLZINGER, Katharina; SCHNEIDER, Andrea; ZIMMERMANN, Klaus W. —
The political blessings of federalism can be operationalized as a decrease in the number of outvoted people in a federal system with majority voting, which is an important source of regime satisfaction. The approach originates from the work of J. R. Pennock [“Federal and unitary government. Disharmony and frustration”, Behavioral Science 4, 1959: 147–157] who developed a similar methodology about 50 years ago. Measuring inverse regime satisfaction by the maximum of the outvoted, our results show that regime satisfaction decreases if total population rises. Additionally, the share of the maximum outvoted decreases if the top level cooperates with lower-level jurisdictions and if all jurisdictions of one level are included. However, while the inclusion of an additional lowest-level jurisdiction always reduces the relative number of the outvoted, the effect of including other levels depends on the structure of jurisdictions already intertwined. [R]
62.130 HOUSER, Daniel; MORTON, Rebecca; STRATMANN, Thomas —
We present results from laboratory experimental elections in which voter information is endogenously provided by candidates and voting is voluntary. We also compare advertisements that are costless to voters with those that reduce voter payoffs. We find that informative advertisements increase voter participation and thus informative campaign advertising turns out voters. However, the effect of information is less than that found in previous experimental studies where information is exogenously provided by the experimenter. Furthermore, we find that when advertising by winning candidates reduces voter payoffs, informed voters are less likely to participate, thus are turned off rather than turned out. Finally, we discover that candidates tend to overadvertise, and contrary to theoretical predictions, advertise significantly more when voting is voluntary than when it is compulsory. [R]
62.131 HUMMEL, Patrick —
I consider a model in which the winner of a primary election faces a third candidate in a general election immediately thereafter. Prior to the primary election, there is a pre-election poll on how voters would vote in a hypothetical general election between one of the candidates in the primary election and the third candidate. I illustrate that voters have an incentive to misrepresent their voting intentions in the pre-election poll in order to influence voter beliefs about candidate electability in the general election and possibly cause voters to vote differently in the primary election. [R]
62.132 HURD, Ian —
Humanitarian intervention appears to violate the UN Charter on the use of force but recent practice by states suggests legal innovations which might permit it. Most discussions of the topic seek to establish which view is correct, leading to a debate between legality and illegality that rests on competing interpretations of historical events and competing philosophies of international law. These are irreconcilable, and the result is that humanitarian intervention can be simultaneously legal and illegal depending on one's interpretive choices about international law. I examine what it means for international law that such a fundamental question as the legality of war cannot be resolved. This has implications for the foreign-policy decisions of states and also for how we think about the role and power of international law more broadly. [R, abr.]
62.133 INDRIDASON, Indridi H. —
Voters in elections under plurality rule face relatively straightforward incentives. In PR systems, voters face more complex incentives as electoral outcomes do not translate as directly into policy outcomes as in plurality-rule elections. A common approach is to assume electoral outcomes translate into policy as a vote-weighted average of all party platforms. However, most of the world's legislatures are majoritarian institutions, and elections in PR systems are generally followed by a process of coalition-formation. Results obtained using this assumption are not robust to the introduction of even minimal forms of majoritarianism. Incentives to engage in strategic voting depend on considerations about the coalitions that may form after the election, and the voters' equilibrium strategies are shaped by policy-balancing and the post-electoral coalition bargaining situation, including considerations about who will be appointed the formateur. [R]
62.134 JACKSON, John E.; KOLLMAN, Ken —
This paper extends models of micro- and macropartisanship in two ways. It first develops a model of individual partisanship that accommodates changes in partisan utilities. Achen's Bayesian partisan updating is a special case of our model. This more general micromodel is then aggregated to create a model of macropartisanship. This macromodel is a more general version of the models of macropartisanship estimated by various authors. The less restricted version incorporates possible individual and temporal heterogeneity. We present an example using real data that offers a possible way to estimate the parameters in the full aggregate model. [R]
62.135 JAHN, Detlef —
Despite the importance of the Left-Right dimension in comparative politics, establishing an index that captures this dimension in both a theoretically and empirically sound manner remains an ongoing challenge for political scientists. Having reviewed existing attempts to construct measures for the Left-Right dimension, and having concluded that they are merely inductive and problematic from a methodological perspective, this article proposes a deductive approach based on N. Bobbio's theory of Left and Right and suggests a combination with statistically robust measures drawn from the data provided by the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP). [R, abr.]
62.136 JAKAB, András —
I analyze the discourse about the conflict between the rule of law and the responses to the terrorist challenge in the US and in Europe (especially in Germany). Besides showing that the structure of the discourse is complicated but also surprisingly similar, we see what kind of implied presuppositions explain disagreements in the debates. I also argue on a pragmatic basis that a new paradigm (or rather: loosening our idea) of the rule of law is unnecessary, even dangerous, as we might be unable to tackle the original challenge for which rule of law was developed, namely the limitation of or fight against the arbitrary use of government power. Giving up this idea, especially the prohibition of torture, would also endanger the identity of Western societies. [R, abr.]
62.137 JARVIS, Darryl S. L. —
F. Knight was one of the 20th century's most illustrious economic thinkers. His writings and enquiry into the nature of method, theory and knowledge in relation to the activities of social actors, and [in] what circumstances and with what limitations we might adequately theorize social agency, bequeathed a rich tradition of theoretical and practical insight. Many of his writings centered on the issue of risk and uncertainty, how social actors anticipate the future and manage and mediate terrains of uncertainty and risk, and in doing so, change the outcomes that obtain. Knight's contributions essentially constructed a means for assessing and measuring risk in various facets of social activity, seeding insights which remain pertinent today. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.52]
62.138 JAZEEL, Tariq —
This paper develops a critical engagement with “cosmopolitanism” and specifically the geographical imaginations it implicates. It does so in order to work through some of the geographical closures in the new cosmopolitanism literature and, further, to suggest alternative — more uncertain and speculative — spatial imaginations for modes of living together with radical alterity. The paper is written in the context of the wealth of recent literature that has sought to recuperate cosmopolitanism as a progressive political philosophy and imagination. Part of the paper's intervention, however, is to suggest that mechanisms and political imaginations for living together might in fact gain much by stepping out from cosmopolitanism's conceptual shadow. [R, abr.]
62.139 JENNINGS, Colin —
This paper extends the political agency approach to an environment in which voting is categorized into informed and instrumental, informed and “expressive”, and uninformed due to “rational irrationality”. Politicians may be “good”, “bad”, or “populist”. Initially the existence of only good and populist politicians is assumed: the incentives for good politicians to pool with or separate from populists are investigated and the implications for voter welfare are explored. Then the consequences of the inclusion of bad politicians are considered. I provide a rational-choice analysis of populism as populism is commonly understood. I locate a potential role for government as a persuasive provider of information regarding the quality of policy. When bad politicians are added to the analysis, it is shown that a little potential corruption can improve voter welfare. [R, abr.]
62.140 JETSCHKE, Anja; LENZ, Tobias —
The number of regional organizations and regional trade agreements has risen sharply since the 1990s. In its wake, comparative research on regionalism has seen a revival. An important strand of this literature asks about the driving factors of these developments, but has to date largely neglected a puzzling phenomenon: the similarities between regional organizations in their institutional design and the methods of integration. Existing approaches analyze cases of regionalism primarily as phenomena that develop independently, and whose creation and design are determined either endogenously by domestic regional dynamics or exogenously by powerful hegemons. Against this background, this article argues for an extension of existing analytical approaches and sketches a diffusion-oriented research agenda that conceives of regional organizations as interdependent phenomena. [R]
62.141 JIMÉNEZ-BUEDO, María —
The scientific status of the idea of a trade-off between efficiency and equality is a matter of contention. Philosophical dissections of the idea have already deflated the analytical cogency of most of its versions, while the economic literature trying to assess the empirical relation between growth and equality has shown contradicting results. This article, by focusing on the role this idea plays both in the discourse and strategy of social-democratic parties, and in the social science explanations of their trajectories, argues that the pervasiveness of the notion of the trade-off between efficiency and equality is best explained in terms of the political functions it can fulfill. [R, abr.]
62.142 JORDANA, Jacint; LEVI-FAUR, David; FERNÁNDEZ I MARÍN, Xavier —
The autonomous regulatory agency has recently become the “appropriate model” of governance across countries and sectors. The dynamics of this process are captured in the authors' data-set, which covers the establishment of agencies in 48 countries and 15 sectors for the period 1966–2007. Adopting a diffusion approach to explain this broad process of institutional change, the authors explore the role of countries and sectors as sources of institutional transfer at different stages of the diffusion process. They demonstrate how the restructuring of national bureaucracies unfolds via four different channels of institutional transfer. The results challenge theoretical approaches that overemphasize the national dimension in global diffusion and are insensitive to the stages of the diffusion process. [R, abr.]
62.143 JUNG, Danielle F.; LAKE, David A. —
Markets, hierarchies, and networks are widely understood to be the three primary forms of social organization. We study the choice between these forms in a general, agent-based model (ABM) of cooperation. The organizational ecology is the product, an emergent property, of the set of choices made by agents contingent on their individual attributes and beliefs about the population of agents. This is one of the first attempts to theorize explicitly the choice between different organizational forms, especially networks and hierarchies, and certainly the first to do so in an ABM. The insights of the model are applied to current research on transnational networks, social capital, and the sources of hierarchy and especially autocracy. [R]
62.144 JURAITE, Kristina; JASNAUSKAITE, Brigita —
The article addresses the role of the media in shaping the public opinion on political elite and institutions on the local and national levels. Based on the quantitative and qualitative data, it discusses the relationship between public awareness and political participation. [R, abr.]
62.145 KACZMAREK, Sarah C.; NEWMAN, Abraham L. —
Can the application of domestic law by bureaucracies in powerful states alter policy dynamics globally? Courts and regulatory agencies with jurisdiction over large markets routinely impose national rules to conduct transpiring outside of their physical borders. Such extraterritoriality has expanded to issues ranging from antitrust to the environment. Proponents claim that extraterritorial acts can have far-reaching international consequences, spilling over into the domestic political economy of regulation in target states. Skeptics, however, question the effects of these sanctions against internationally mobile actors. In this study, we offer the first quantitative analysis of extraterritorial intervention for global policy convergence. In particular, we construct an original time-series panel data-set to test the association between extraterritorial actions by US prosecutors and the national enforcement of foreign bribery regulations in target countries. [R, abr.]
62.146 KAEMPF, Sebastian —
By drawing on his rare and untranslated writings, the article uncovers a critical part of Clausewitz's expertise in asymmetric warfare and shows that, far from being irrelevant in an age where interstate warfare is increasingly being replaced by conflicts between states and semi-/non-state actors, Clausewitz's philosophical writings actually shed new light into the particular interactive dynamics generated during wars waged under conditions of asymmetry. [R, abr.]
62.147 KAHN-NISSER, Sara —
This article proceeds from the claim that the separation between normative political theory, political science, and politics is artificial, and that it should be challenged. Insights offered by H.-G. Gadamer and Ch. Taylor show what we have to gain by incorporating normative theory and normative commitments into interpretive research programs. I [then] interpret the normative commitments, with regard to inclusion, contained in the national-cosmopolitan debate, and the normative commitments, with regard to diversity, contained in the communitarian-multicultural debate. [Then I] phrase “thematic questions”, which occupy each of the debates, and the typical answers each approach gives to these questions. This thematic-questions-and-typical-answers framework can be used as an interpretive instrument in the study of existing communities. The last section exemplifies how such an interpretation may be conducted. [R, abr.]
62.148 KARPF, David —
This article considers the emergence of large-scale “commons-based peer production” projects such as Wikipedia.org from an institutional development perspective. It argues first that the lowered transaction costs and information abundance found online transform a subset of public goods problems, essentially replacing free-ridership with mass coordination as the central challenge. Second, the boundaries of this subset are defined by a “power-law topology” that leads to the emergence of online hub spaces and serves to resolve search problems endemic to the anti-geographic online landscape. These boundary conditions limit the overall impact of commons-based peer production for the political space. Third, all such hubs move through a common five-stage institutional development process, directly related to standard models of the diffusion of innovation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.812]
62.149 KAUFMANN, Daniel; KRAAY, Aart; MASTRUZZI, Massimo —
This paper summarizes the methodology of the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) project, and related analytical issues. The WGI has covered over two hundred countries and territories, measuring six dimensions of governance starting in 1996: Voice and Accountability, Political Stability and Absence of Violence/Terrorism, Government Effectiveness, Regulatory Quality, Rule of law, and Control of Corruption. The aggregate indicators are based on several hundred individual underlying variables, taken from a wide variety of existing data sources. The data reflect the views on governance of survey respondents and public, private, and NGO sector experts worldwide. We also explicitly report margins of error accompanying each country estimate. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “Indices and indicators of justice governance, and the rule of law”, edited and introduced by Juan Carlos BOTERO, Robert L. NELSON and Christine PRATT, pp. 153–169. See also Abstr. 62.293]
62.150 KAUPPI, Niilo; ERKKILÄ, Tero —
This article examines the intensification, since the creation of the “Shanghai list of world universities” in June 2003, of a political struggle in which a variety of actors, universities, national governments, and, more recently, supranational institutions have sought to define global higher education. This competition over global higher education has highlighted issues such as the internationalization and denationalization of higher education, the international mobility of students, the role of English language as the language of science, and the privatization of higher education. In contrast to IPE or Marxist analyses, we analyze the symbolic logic of ranking lists in higher education, their uses, and the European Commission's initiative to create an alternative world university classification. [R, abr.]
62.151 KAY, Adrian —
Evidence-based policy making has been criticized as a revival of the “rationality project” in which democratic politics is regarded as rentseeking and a deadweight loss to society. In response, the evidence-based policy movement has failed to articulate a defense in which the rationality animating the policy process is situational and contextual rather than unique and authoritative. This article traces the movement's motto — “what works?” — to the American pragmatist movement, whose influence on H. Lasswell and New Labour in the UK was substantial. The ambition for evidence-based policy-making should be seen in terms of the transition from a single, unique and universal rationality toward multiple rationalities that vary according to different policy-making contexts. Interpreted in such terms, evidence-based policy-making can avoid several of the main criticisms, and offer strong potential to contribute to solving policy problems. [R, abr.]
62.152 KELLEY, Judith —
Election boycotts are over twice as common when international observers are present. Do international observers increase election boycotts? This article argues not. Observers tend to go to elections with many problems, and it is primarily these, rather than monitors, that drive boycotts. Furthermore, opposition parties have reasons to hope that observers can improve the quality of the election or that they will increase attention to election fraud, and therefore opposition parties may actually abandon boycott plans. Whether they do, however, depends on their expectations about how the observers will behave. This makes it important to account for the varying reputation of observer organizations. Thus, using matching to address the selection problem, this article shows that international observers can actually deter boycotts, but only if the observers are reputable. [R]
62.153 KICKERT, Walter J. M.; VAN DER MEER, Frans-Bauke —
This article explores the issue of “small, slow and gradual reform”, particularly from the perspective of “historical institutionalism”. Historically grown and solidified institutions explain why change usually is only small, slow, and gradual. After considering key concepts of historical institutionalism such as “path dependency” and “punctuated equilibrium”, we look at recent developments of typologies of incremental, gradual transformations. Elaborating upon this typology we develop a conceptual framework of various and varying types of change. The descriptive validity of this framework is “tested” by offering empirical illustrations in three case studies of changes that have occurred in and around the Dutch Ministry of Agriculture. [R, abr.]
62.154 KILANI, Mondher —
Can secularism be “de-Westernized”? This issue consists not only of asking whether secularism may impose itself outside Europe, but also whether the modern concept of the relationship between religion and politics does not depend on a Euro-centric sociology. What can anthropology teach about the sacred and a disenchanted world? [R, transl.] [First of a series of articles on “Religion and politics: separation under tension”, intoduced by Marc-Olivier PADIS. See also Abstr. 62.32, 196, 330]
62.155 KIM Tongfi —
This paper explains one of the central roles of alliance contracts, the prevention of undesirable military entanglement. The existing literature on alliances argues that entrapment is a major concern for potential and actual alliance partners, but it is difficult to point out clear cases of entrapment. I provide two answers to this puzzle: (1) entrapment is a narrower concept than others have realized, and it is rarer than the literature suggests; (2) leaders anticipate entrapment and carefully design alliance agreements before and after states form alliances. I examine the second argument through case studies of us alliance agreements with South Korea, Japan, and Spain. [R]
62.156 KING, Desmond; LE GALÈS, Patrick —
The authors first review what is at issue in the sociology of the state, a research field that is currently undergoing reconstruction, as is the state it studies. They mention on one hand the importance of the state in structuring and regulating conflicts and in steering European societies, and on the other, arguments in the literature that justify current interest in the reconstruction of the state, namely, the processes of Europeanization and globalization. They then briefly mention examples of new areas of contemporary empirical research on the state, pointing out conceptualization difficulties, before presenting some recent studies in sociology of the state in connection with two areas of controversy, one concerning questions of definition and variables to be taken into account in analyzing the state. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Conceptualiser l'État contemporain (Conceptualizing the contemporary state)”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.98, 101, 400, 469]
62.157 KLECHA, Stephan —
Debates about the voting system left an distinct imprint on the early years of Germany; however, they lost their relevance as a result of the concentration and stabilization of the party system. Nevertheless, even small changes in the electoral law may have a notable effect on the voting system. This interdependence between the party system and the voting system was apparent for the period after the parliamentary elections (for the Bundestag) as well as for the present process of amendment to the voting laws. In the course of this development certain defects in the voting system, as a result of the increasing fragmentation of the party system, became clear. In an attempt to adjust these deficits, several distinct party political interests are becoming apparent that call for different solutions. [R] [See also Abstr. 62.208]
62.158 KNEIP, Veronika —
Applying notions of citizenship to consumers and corporations links up economic and political arenas and brings about tensions with regard to traditional concepts of (national) citizenship. This contribution scrutinizes these reconfigurations from a political science point of view and examines both their analytic potentials and conceptual limits. Consumer citizenship and corporate citizenship are located alongside political interdependencies of transnational production cycles. The article focuses on the reciprocity of the political roles of consumers and corporations: to what extent does the interaction of consumers and corporations shape transnational political markets? [R]
62.159 KNOPS, Andrew —
This article argues that the discursive dilemma and the judgment-aggregation which causes it are based on a misconception of what it means for a group to give reasons for a democratic decision. Judgment-aggregation analyses fail to distinguish between the procedure for determining such a decision, which should involve a vote of all group members, and the process for determining the reasons for such a decision, which should only take account of the views of the members that supported that decision. On the basis of this improved interpretation, the article advances a method for representing reasons for group decisions that is both democratic and rational, thus avoiding the choice between these apparently incompatible goals suggested by the discursive dilemma. [R]
62.160 KOVENOCK, Dan; ROBERSON, Brian —
This paper utilizes a simple model of redistributive politics with voter abstention to analyze the impact of nonpartisan “get-out-the-vote” [gotv] efforts on policy outcomes. Although such efforts are often promoted on the grounds that they provide the social benefit of increasing participation in the electoral process, we find that they have a meaningful impact on policy outcomes and are an important political influence activity for nonprofit advocacy organizations. In equilibrium, nonpartisan gotv efforts are more likely to arise in those segments of the electorate that are sufficiently small and disenfranchised (as measured by the ex ante voter abstention rate). Among those segments in which such efforts arise, the resulting gains are increasing in the level of disenfranchisement of the voters in the segment and decreasing in the segment's size. [R]
62.161 KRASNER, Stephen —
Containment doctrine was a Grand Strategy — a vision of the world, an idea of how it ought to look and the means to reach that vision — that offered direction to the US and its allies. The dynamic 21st c. balance of powers no longer offers any such grand design. The concept of “responsible sovereignty” focusing on effective governance would be a useful orientation principle. [First of a series of articles on “Strategies”. See also Abstr. 62.1119]
62.162 KRUSTEV, Valentin L.; MORGAN, T. Clifton —
Research on when economic sanctions end has emphasized either the international bargaining game played by the sender and the target or the redistributive politics and ruling coalition changes in each state. We contend that neither approach offers a fully satisfactory explanation for economic coercion termination. Bargaining is inconsistent with long coercion episodes while ruling coalition changes cannot inform our understanding of very short episodes. We argue that both bargaining factors and domestic realignments matter, but the influence of bargaining factors declines as a sanctions episode continues while the relevance of domestic realignments increases over time. Our empirical tests, which utilize the new Threat and Imposition of Economic Sanctions data-set, provide support for both the bargaining and domestic realignment approaches, suggesting that unifying them is beneficial. [R]
62.163 KSELMAN, Daniel; NIOU, Emerson —
This paper develops a model of protest voting in which unsatisfied voters may abandon their most-preferred candidate even though he or she has a good chance of winning, in the hope that this signal of disaffection will lead to downstream improvements in that candidate's performance. We use a spatial model to identify voters whose ideological profile makes protest voting an option, and an expected utility model to identify the conditions under which potential protest voters will in fact use their vote as a signaling device. Aggregate-level data provide suggestive evidence in the argument's favor. [R]
62.164 KUHLMANN, Sabine; WOLLMANN, Hellmut —
This article conceptually promotes the evaluation of institutional reform policies in the sub-national space. It applies pertinent approaches of evaluation to the field of institutional reform policies in the intergovernmental setting, so far a “missing link” in policy-evaluation. The authors conceptualize institutional policies (territorial and functional reforms) as a particular type of public policy and contrast them analytically, conceptually and methodologically with “normal” substantial policies. They reveal particular problems of measurement and of finding relevant indicators to evaluate the results of institutional reforms, one of which is the assessment of the transaction costs of reforms. Finally, an analytical framework for the evaluation of functional and territorial reform policies is suggested that makes a distinction between “institution evaluation” and “performance evaluation”, and that can be applied in comparative evaluation studies. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Evaluating functional and territorial reforms in European countries”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.423, 583, 589, 597]
62.165 KÜHN, Florian P. —
This article explores how risks and their perception shape interaction between social actors and at the same time how awareness and consideration of these risks may influence external actors' behavior. It argues that understanding risk constellations within an intervention and their processual transformation is vital for external state-building support. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.52]
62.166 KUKLICK, Bruce —
In the period after World War II, an eclectic assortment of scholars, policy-makers, and managers presided over the creation of academic centers for the study of war. This article examines the intellectual and administrative assumptions of many of these actors. Made up of academic scholars from the fields of political science, sociology, and economics, they advanced a vision based on what might be called “instrumentalist-positivist social science”, but in appeals to donors they employed basic scientific language. [R]
62.167 KYMLICKA, Will —
In many western democracies today, there are calls to strengthen a sense of common citizenship as a way of building “social cohesion” in increasingly diverse societies. Citizenship is to be promoted by, among other things, adding or strengthening citizenship education in schools, providing citizenship classes to immigrants, imposing new citizenship tests for naturalization, and holding citizenship ceremonies. I examine this new citizenship agenda in the specific case of “multination” states —that is, in states that have restructured themselves to accommodate significant sub-state nationalist movements, usually through some form of territorial devolution, consociational power-sharing, and/or official language status. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “Education for national citizenship in the context of devolution and ethno-religious conflict”, edited and itnroduced by Dina KIWAN, “‘National’ citizenship in the UK? Education and naturalization policies in the context of internal division”, pp. 269–280. See the responses of David MILLER, pp. 303–307, and Yasemin Nuho lu SOYSAL, pp. 308–312; and Abstr. 62.89]
62.168 LAFLEUR, Jean-Michel —
Over the past two decades, sending states have greatly increased their interest in maintaining strong connections with their citizens abroad. The worldwide adoption of external voting — understood not only as an electoral procedure that allows some citizens to cast their vote outside the national territory but also as an acknowledgement that an emigrant status is compatible with polity-membership — illustrates this phenomenon. Why do states enfranchise citizens abroad? I compare the evolution of the debates on the extension of voting privileges to citizens residing abroad in Mexico, Italy and Belgium. I argue that a combination of variables shapes the development of external voting in different parts of the world, as well as the content of these laws. [R, abr.]
62.169 LANDTSHEER, Christ'l de; VERTESSEN, Dieter —
This article focuses on political ideology as one aspect of the political that is expected to influence political language. As can be learned from the theory part, the article establishes traces of political ideologies in political language. Focus is on metaphor as a symbol of emotive strategy within political party rhetoric. The article details the style-analysis method for examining the ideology of metaphor. The empirical part consists of a Belgian case that relies upon two written press interview samples with politicians of 918,515 words and one television news sample with 225 minutes of politicians' speech. The analysis supports the hypotheses that parties that approach the extremes of the political spectrum distinctively use more “metaphor” style compared to those in the middle of it. [R, abr.]
62.170 LANGMAN, Lauren —
In Casino Capitalism [Oxford, 1986], S. Strange warned about the growing trend toward the financialization of global capital, financial speculation and currency trading that was more like gambling. This led to the most serious meltdown of capitalism since the 1930s. Some people choose political mobilizations to redress their grievances; the politics of anger and ressentiment has led many to various conservative and/or right populist positions. For many others, the politics of hope fostered leftward mobilizations. The direction of contemporary political mobilizations is more often based on identity/recognition rather than class or interests. Conservative, if not reactionary, policies and mobilizations are unlikely to bring economic improvement. Indeed, they may make things even worse. There is now room for massive progressive mobilizations toward establishing a more just, egalitarian and democratic society. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1190]
62.171 LAWSON, George —
F. Halliday saw revolution and war as the dual motors of modern international order. However, while war occupies a prominent place in IR, for Halliday, revolutions offer a systemic challenge to existing patterns of international order in their capacity to generate alternative orders founded on novel forms of political rule, economic organization and symbolic authority. Dynamics of revolution and counter-revolution are closely associated with processes of international conflict, intervention and war. One reason for Halliday's failure to make apparent the importance of revolutions to IR audiences was that, [despite] empirical illustrations of how revolutions affected the international realm, he did not formulate a coherent theoretical schema which spoke systematically to the discipline. This article assesses Halliday's contribution to the study of revolutions, and sets out an approach which both recognizes and extends his work. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.55]
62.172 LAZER, David, et al. —
How do decentralized systems deal with innovation? In particular, how do they aggregate the myriad experiences of their component parts, facilitate diffusion of information, and encourage investments in innovation? This is a classic problem in the study of human institutions. It is also one of the biggest challenges that exists in the governance of decentralized systems: How do institutions shape individual behavior around solving problems and sharing information in a fashion that is reasonably compatible with collective well-being? We use a particular decentralized institution (the US House of Representatives), wrestling with a novel problem (how to utilize the internet), to explore the implications of three archetypical principles for organizing collective problem solving: market, network, and hierarchy. [R]
62.173 LEANDER, Anna —
The promise of Bourdieu-inspired analysts to provide a “different reading” of the international is receiving increasing attention in the academic discipline of IR. This attention also generates awareness and of problems inherent in the Bourdieuian approach and a desire to develop it further (or abandon it). These discussions have often focused on the difficulties that arise for IR as a consequence of the structuralism of Bourdieu's approach, and as such they dovetail with the discussions between Bourdieu's “critical sociology” and the “pragmatic school” in the French context. This article uses these discussions to clarify what it entails to paint a different picture — my picture — of the international using Bourdieu's thinking tools. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.24]
62.174 LEBOW, Richard Ned —
In recent years, IR theorists have turned to philosophy in search of new ontological and epistemological foundations or to clarify their existing commitments. In Scientific Realism and International Relations [Basing-stoke, 2010], edited by J. Joseph and C. Wight, contributors make the case for Scientific Realism in IR. P.T. Jackson, author of The Conduct of Inquiry in International Relations [Abingdon, 2010] devises a typology based on two key fissures among social scientists: the relationships between the knower and the known, and between knowledge and observation. The Joseph and Wight volume, while containing some thoughtful essays, does not convince the reviewer that assumptions that might apply in the physical world are relevant to its social counterpart. The Jackson book is an intellectual tour de force and a compelling plea for pluralism. [R, abr.]
62.175 LEIF, Thomas —
Concerning participation policies there is a gap between the positive accounts in media and the minimalist action of the political class. The author analyzes the story behind this gap and calls upon politicians to take up responsibility to foster direct participation. Citizen's participation and an orientation towards citizens must be the benchmarks for successful democracy. [R]
62.176 LENTNER, Howard H. —
Realism is as grounded in ethics and morality as other analytical and policy approaches to international politics. Realists think as deeply about moral questions as others, and their fundamental virtue of prudence as well as their consideration of the interests of others produces moderation in action. Without a vision of their own, realists lack zealotry, thus often causing less harm than ideological and moralistic advocates of strong action. [R]
62.177 LIEBERT, Hugh —
Alexander the Great is often understood to be the first statesman to attempt a “universal state”, owing in large part to his philosophical education under Aristotle. This picture of Alexander informs many of his depictions in popular culture, and influences his appropriation in contemporary discourse on globalization. I argue here that Plutarch's Life of Alexander offers an alternative view of Alexander's political action, one that explains his imperial ambitions by focusing on his love of honor (philotimia) and the cultural indeterminacy of his native Macedon, rather than his exposure to philosophy. Plutarch's portrayal of Alexander provides a useful model for the study of globalization by showing how political expansion can arise from and give rise to indeterminate political identities. [R]
62.178 LINKLATER, Andrew —
J. Vincent's Human rights and International Relations [Cambridge, 1986] argued for embedding the right to be free from starvation in the international society of states. Principle and prudence were combined in a distinctive English School analysis of the universal human rights culture. Vincent argued that the entitlement to be free from the tyranny of starvation and malnutrition was one principle on which most societies could agree despite their profound ideological differences. More recent approaches to world poverty raise large questions about whether Vincent succeeded in attempting to marry prudence in preserving an international order that remains anchored in state sovereignty with a principled commitment to ending starvation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.55]
62.179 LIS, Piotr —
The study applies time-series analysis to establish whether income-based transference of international terrorism took place in reaction to the rise of the fundamentalist-based terrorism, the end of the Cold War, 9/11 [2001], and the 2003 Iraq invasion. It introduces several extensions to W. Enders and T. Sandler [“Distribution of transnational terrorism among countries by income class and geography after 9/11”, ibid. 50(2), June 2006: 367–393; Abstr. 57.95]. The differences in results between this paper and Enders and Sandler (2006) are caused by the lack of consistency in employing the World Bank's income classification by the two authors. This study finds that the rise of fundamentalist terrorism brought increases across all countries, while the post-Cold War era resulted in a reduction in attacks only in high- and medium-income countries. [R, abr.]
62.180 LODDO, Jean-François —
The author attempts to define the strategic fault lines that the 21st c. world is creating. Using a geostrategic analysis of the reshaping which has developed following the end of the Cold War, and of the American-led activity of the Atlantic Alliance, he offers an original interpretation, highlighting the hot spots of the globalization process. [R]
62.181 LORRAIN, Dominique —
Starting with the growing role of large private investors in cities, this article discusses the power of global finance. In some cases, it is visible, concentrated on large projects and conducted by a small group of actors. More frequently, this power is informational: based on accounting data and the use of ratios. These tools contribute to measure values and recommend the allocation of savings to projects. They operate as well as mechanisms of coordination, and they disseminate the influence of global finance. Being a visible power in some cases, in others being distributed and informational, raise new questions. Governments know how to regulate the power of ownership and the visible hand of management; the informational power of global finance blurs the categories. [R]
62.182 LOŚ-NOWAK, Teresa —
Diplomacy changes in the same way as the postmodern international system, slowly losing its state-centered features in favor of multicentricity. It is the sign of intellectual protest of researchers, against enlightenment and a scientific approach. Postmodern diplomacy also importantly involves “post-politicalness”, i.e., a lack of dictate of Western values, reasons and interests. The traditional tasks of diplomacy —observe, negotiate, protect — are no longer the prerogative of governments but are taken on by numerous non-territorial actors.
62.183 LOUNSBERY, Marie Olson; PEARSON, Frederic; TALENTINO, Andrea Kathryn —
The success rate of military intervention has traditionally been judged by its ability to end conflict and/or serve intervener security interests. However, contemporary military intervention in troubled or collapsing states is often intended not only to increase security but also to establish conditions in which political reform or reconstruction can proceed. Judging the success of intervention therefore means isolating and measuring its impact on internal change. Scholars and policymakers have staked many assumptions on the belief that the motivation and form of military intervention might improve conditions for peace-building over time. Among these are expectations that multilateral interventions undertaken for purposes of social reconstruction and reform might be the best hopes for security and long-term stability. The data tested here generally give reason for pause in such assumptions. [R, abr.]
62.184 MACKENZIE, Iain; PORTER, Robert —
This article [considers] a methodological link between drama and political theory, drawn primarily from G. Deleuze's “method of dramatization”. We argue that dramatization is a method aimed at determining the quality of political concepts by “bringing them to life”, in the way that dramatic performances bring to life the characters and themes of a play-script. This can be specified in relation to the development of this method in Deleuze's early philosophical work as a practical, critical and artistic method and, in relation to the ontological assumptions he articulated and defended in Difference and Repetition [New York, 1994]. By way of example, we discuss how the dramatization of the concept of ideology functions in Deleuze and Guattari's Anti-Oedipus [New York, 1984] and A Thousand Plateaus [Minneapolis, 1988]. [R, abr.]
62.185 MADSEN, Mikael Rask —
This article's basic claim is that the most significant contribution Bourdieusian sociology can make to international (and European) studies is not achieved by adaptation or transplantation of key concepts (field, habitus, and so on) to a set of research objects that remain by and large predefined by other disciplines. Instead, I contend that it is by deploying the underlying sociological practice of Bourdieusian sociology to international objects in terms of conducting a reflexive sociology of the international. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.24]
62.186 MALESKY, Edmund; SCHULER, Paul —
The literature on authoritarian institutions points to nationwide elections as a mechanism for learning about the preferences of citizens. In using elections in this way, however, authoritarians face a trade-off between gathering reliable information and guaranteeing electoral victory. We explore how single-party regimes manage this trade-off and the particular types of information available to them. Using candidate-level data from Vietnam, we demonstrate that single-party regimes, in particular, forsake information on overall regime support and strength of opposition in favor of information on the popularity of local notables and the compliance of local officials with central mandates. In addition, we show that ex ante electioneering is less risky than ex post fraud at achieving these goals. [R]
62.187 MARGETTS, Helen, et al. —
This paper tests whether the social information provided by the internet affects the decision to participate in politics. In a field experiment, subjects could choose to sign petitions and donate money to support causes. Participants were randomized into treatment groups that received varying information about how many other people had participated and a control group receiving no social information. Results show that social information has a varying effect according to the numbers provided, which is strongest when there are more than a million other participants, supporting claims about critical mass, and tipping points in political participation. [R]
62.188 MARGINSON, Simon —
If the work of higher education institutions is defined simply as the aggregation of private interests, this evaporates the rationale for higher education institutions as distinctive social foundations with multiple public and private roles. The private benefits could be produced elsewhere. If that is all there is to higher education institutions, they could follow the Tudor monasteries into oblivion. But what is “public” in higher education institutions? What could be “public”? What should be “public”? The paper reviews the main notions of “public” (public goods in economics, public understood as collective good and Habermas's public sphere) noting the contested and politicized environment in which notions of “public” must find purchase. A turn to global public goods offers the most promising strategy for re-grounding the “public” character of higher education. [R, abr.]
62.189 MARKOFF, John —
Achieving consensus on a definition of “democracy” has proven elusive. Institutions that have been taken to be essential to democracy have changed radically since the word “democrat” began to be widely used toward the end of the 18th c. Democratic ideas and democratic practice engender conflict that transforms institutions rather than just reproduces them. Its transformative character rests on a half-dozen key attributes of democracy: it is an actor's concept, as well as an analyst's; it can arouse strong feelings; it combines not always compatible ideas; it empowers dissent; it involves a dynamic mixture of inclusion and exclusion; and the democratic histories of national states have been intertwined with global domination. [R, abr.]
62.190 MARSELLA, Anthony J. —
The reflexive tendency to rely on unchallenged ethnocentrism — especially when combined with Western military, economic, and political power — is creating an asymmetric cultural homogeneity across the world. For many non-Western minority groups and nations, Western cultural hegemony is considered a destructive force. The article argues that the persistence of ethno-cultural diversity as a survival resource is to be found in reducing hegemonic globalization and creating equalities in opportunity. This will result in all members of a society valuing and preserving societal unity, even as ethno-cultural diversity is maintained as a source for alternative choices. [R]
62.191 MARSH, David; FAWCETT, Paul —
Branding and franchising, which are common features of commerce, have, more recently, permeated into politics in a number of ways. However, this development has received limited academic attention, an omission which this article addresses. First, we develop a heuristic for analyzing the relationship between branding and politics. Here, our intention is to stimulate discussion and, as with any heuristic, this one will stand or fall depending on whether other researchers find it useful. Second, we critically examine the relationship between political marketing/branding and governance and democracy. Here, we argue strongly that it is essential to develop a more critical political marketing/branding agenda. [R, abr.]
62.192 MARTELL, Luke —
This article discusses whether global politics are the best means for achieving cosmopolitan ends. It distinguishes the cosmopolitan goal of global obligations from the cosmopolitan politics of global governance. Evidence for cosmopolitanism in society and culture is not strong. In global politics states pursue their own material interests rather than cosmopolitan goals. Copenhagen and the financial crisis did not lead to global cosmopolitan politics as might have been hoped. The article argues that it is dangerous to continue to believe in cosmopolitan politics in such a context. Cosmopolitanism is better pursued through a politics that recognizes material interests, conflict, is bottom-up and based in what is happening, rather than top-down and optimistic about cosmopolitan attitudes. [R]
62.193 MARTIN, Shane —
The ability of MPs to ask questions of members of the executive either in written form or on the floor of the chamber is a feature of many legislatures. Parliamentary questions often generate significant media attention and public interest. Despite the interest and importance, the nature and consequences of questioning in parliament remains obscure. As a working tool of MPs, questions provide recorded data on individual members and the parliament as a collective institution. This paper suggests an analysis of parliamentary questions as a method for gaining better understanding of the preferences and behavior of individual legislators and the role and function of modern-day parliaments. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Parliamentary questions”, edited and concluded [Abstr. 62.251] by the author. See also Abstr. 62.258, 393, 403, 416, 509, 516, 519, 520, 521]
62.194 MAYER, Ines; SCHNEIDER, Volker; WAGEMANN, Claudius —
In recent years, the recognition of the multiple benefits related to energy efficiency has become more and more pronounced both at the national and the international level. Therefore, governments worldwide have adopted various energy efficiency policies in order to promote the efficient use of energy in all sectors. This study aims at analyzing the impact energy efficiency policies have on the electricity consumption of private households in international comparison. The study focuses on identifying which policy or combination of policies is most effective, using Qualitative Comparative Analysis (in its fuzzy set version) as a method suited to answer this kind of question. The results indicate that policies, when applied in combination, are sufficient for the reduction of electricity consumption in private households, the impact of institutions in combination with norms and standards being the most outstanding. Slow economic growth is identified as an important context factor making it more likely for electricity savings to occur. [R]
62.195 McCARTHY-JONES, Anthea; TURNER, Mark —
This article uses the case-study of the radical changes in Venezuelan foreign policy to test the utility of different models of policy-making, looking specifically at policy-transfer but more especially at two longstanding frameworks that look at policy-making in terms of societal or state interests as determining the orientation and contents of policy. Using the radical changes to foreign policy introduced by President H. Chávez as the case-study, we found that no one model is capable of explaining change. It is necessary to move between models and even add novel elements in order to understand the complexity of events and their underlying causes. In Venezuela, a society-centered model was the best fit for the period leading up to Chávez's presidency when a state-centered model provided much greater explanatory power. [R, abr.]
62.196 MEDDEB, Abdelwahab —
How is it possible to escape the caricature of a Western world pacified by secularism as against a Muslim Orient where secularism is inconceivable? First by overcoming the ignorance about the history of Islam, shared by European rationalists and Islamic fundamentalists. But also by observing, beyond the current conflicts, certain signs of separation between religion and political power in some Arab countries as in the West. [R, transl.] [See Abstr. 62.154]
62.197 MELIN, Molly M. —
This paper examines if, when, and how states act to manage militarized disputes. I argue that the relationship between the third party and disputants, the management history, and the characteristics of the conflict help us understand when management occurs and the management techniques employed. I find substantial evidence that biased third parties are quick to offer management services and to employ economic and diplomatic techniques. Conditions that increase the perceived probability of conflict resolution, such as previous conflict management, and factors that lower the cost of conflict-management, such as costly conflict, lead to the timely use of diplomatic and verbal techniques. The findings offer significant contributions to both the conflict-management and alliance literatures. [R]
62.198 MOORE, Martin —
Few would disagree that more transparency is generally a good thing for democracy. Indeed so few would disagree that an unthinking consensus has developed where transparency appears to have become the political tonic to cure all ills. Political unaccountability? Let's have more transparency. Economic inefficiency? More transparency. Too close a relationship between politicians and the press? We need more transparency. These six essays question the sometimes unthinking consensus about the benefits of transparency. They question it from a legal perspective, from a journalistic perspective, from a governance perspective, from a technological perspective, from practical perspective, and from a civic perspective. [R] [Introduction to a “Transparency collection”. Contributions by Andrew MURRAY, “Transparency, scrutiny and responsiveness: fashioning a private space within the information society”, pp. 509–514; John LLOYD, “Excerpt from The Limits of Transparency”, pp. 515–517; Helen MARGETTS, “The internet and transparency”, pp. 518–521; Sean MAGUIRE, “Can data deliver better government?”, pp. 522–525; Aleks KROTOSKI, “Wikileaks and the new, transparent world order”, pp. 526–530; Kevin MARSH, “The illusion of transparency”, pp. 531–565]
62.199 MORIN, David; TREMBLAY-CHAPAGNE, Étienne —
In the last two decades, the civilian dimension has become an essential aspect of peace operations. In 2010, the UN had deployed 20,000 civilians in peace operations, while the EU and the OSCE had sent 2,000 and 3,000 civilians. This dimension also is one of the bases of the African Standby Force of the African Union. This article gives a preliminary overview of the reinforcement of civilian capacities in peace operations, a topic that has not broadly covered by the literature, except through the broad scope of peace-building. This article addresses the concept of the civilian dimension though the evolution of peacekeeping, then analyzes its slow and laborious emergence. Finally, it identifies some of the main operational challenges of its development. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “The diversification of international practices and the evolution of peace operations in the post-Cold War era”, edited and introduced, pp. 271–288, by Kathia LÉGARÉ and Richard GARON. See also Abstr. 62.577, 1070, 1077, 1108]
62.200 MØLLER, Jørgen; SKAANING, Svend-Erik —
During the latest decade, empirical research on the causes and consequences of the rule of law has expanded and, in the process, become extremely influential. However, we show that a number of widely used indices of the rule of law are not interchangeable. This lack of interchangeability is reflected in the fact that they are based on different defining attributes, to some extent cover distinct empirical scopes, do not correlate highly with each other, and support different explanatory factors. Until a consensus has been established with respect to the conceptualization of the rule of law, scholars are thus not free to opt for the measure that fits their data requirements best regarding spatial and/or temporal scope. Instead, they must carefully assess the content validity vis-à-vis their stipulated definition of the rule of law. [R, abr.]
62.201 MULLIGAN, Shane —
Given dependence on fossil fuels, a finite natural resource, energy security is fundamentally an ecological issue. Many observers see the impending “peak” in world oil-production as a greater threat to political order than climate-change or terrorism, yet few governments are openly discussing peak oil, and there is virtually no international governance mechanism to address the issue. Building on the insights of Critical Security Studies, a case is made for reading peak oil as an important security issue for both importing and exporting states. The probable consequences of peak oil are examined in terms of three parameters that constitute “security” issues — threats to freedom, uncertainty for the future, and the possibility of death — and it is shown that peak oil constitutes a compelling security threat in these terms. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1254]
62.202 MUNSCH, Chantal —
Socially excluded people are less engaged in society. Is engagement's potential for integration confined to good intentions? And do exclusion processes not reproduce social hierarchies? The author analyzes the discrepancy between empirical reality and normative claims from different perspectives. Drawing on the diversity, biographical, life world and ethnographic approaches she describes the connection between social exclusion and exclusion processes in the context of engagement. While the focus lies on cultural aspects, the structural perspective raises questions concerning resources, restricted opportunities, and social inequalities. Cultures of dominance or resources: the way of understanding the connection between exclusion and engagement determines the methods of social work in supporting and activating engagement. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Too much civil society [in Germany]? Social work and citizen engagement”. See also Abstr. 62.424, 558, 617, 735, 1163]
62.203 MURER, Jeffrey Stevenson —
Self-actualization is often touted but rarely achieved. It may be best realized through collective articulation of ethics and morality which are constantly situational. It cannot be achieved alone, but only within a collective discursive context, a social forum of praxis. Collectively articulated ethics and morals cannot be adjudicated by a discursive forum that is tainted by motives of self-gain. Self-actualization thus comes only within the context of heteronymous action.
62.204 MUSIAL-KARG, Magdalena —
The newly used word e-democracy is evidence that modern technologies have also been widely used in politics. This text analyzes electronic voting (e-voting) as one of the forms of electronic democracy. The article [addresses]: (1) the impact of ICT on the political processes in the political market — particularly on the voting procedures; (2) the essence of electronic voting and its main features. Finally, what are the advantages an concerns related to the e-voting systems? Theoretical considerations are based mainly on the concept of electronic democracy constructed by M. Hagen [A Typology of Electronic Democracy, 1997], while in the final part some European experiences related to the use of e-voting are mentioned. [R]
62.205 NEU, Michael —
Can just war theory and pacifism be substantially reconciled in theory and practice? I argue that J. Sterba is mistaken in thinking that they can. There is no such thing as just war pacifism. However, this does not mean that just war theorists and pacifists cannot have a reasonable conversation about the justifiability of war. They can have such a conversation if they overcome their exclusive concern with the question of action-guidingness, that is, the binary question of whether or not war can be morally justified. Justified wars are tragic. [R]
62.206 NEWMAN, Janet —
The boundary between academic research and policy-making is characterized by at least two different sets of “troubles”. This article draws on the author's experience as scientific adviser to a UK government department to highlight the often-problematic relationship between researchers and policy actors, and to tease out conflicting understandings of the value and robustness of different kinds of “evidence”. The article assesses the contributions of both governance theory and theories of governmentality to understanding the case material, and challenges the idea that there might be a new settlement between social science and policy that represents a “post-ideological” turn in policy-making. [R] [See Abstr. 62.21]
62.207 NEWSWANDER, Chad B. —
A political pattern of power focused on defining enemies of the state permits administrative agencies to be grounded in framework that allows them to create meaning. In an effort to better understand how agencies act as political players in a web of power relationships, this article suggests a framework based jointly on Foucault's concept of power and Schmitt's understanding of the political. Although these models may at first appear to be incompatible, Foucault and Schmitt's ideas on power and politics are in fact complementary, and together can enrich an understanding of how administration is deeply constitutive. [R]
62.208 NOHLEN, Dieter —
The reform of electoral systems is often viewed from a national perspective only. This paper focuses on international experiences in the politics of electoral reform. The author recognizes the importance of the national context, especially with regard to the empirical consequences of electoral laws. However, by observing the international experiences of electoral reform processes in modern democracies worldwide, it is possible to deduce some crucial principles of electoral reforms, which should be taken into account in the [German] debate. The analysis is of relevance for the fundamental options between electoral systems, but also for (small and nevertheless controversial) reforms like the ongoing one in Germany with respect to the personalized proportional system. [R] [First of two articles on “The debate on electoral law in Germany”. See also Abstr. 62.157]
62.209 O'REILLY, Phillip —
In his seminal book Administrative Behavior [A Study of Decision-Making Processes in Administrative Organizations, New York, 1997], H. Simon asserted that administrative decisions consist of facts and values, the former objective, the latter subjective. Simon argued that ethical propositions are, by their very nature, contextual, relativist, and based upon value judgments. The pre-eminence of Simon's view of ethics has left scholars looking for a foundation upon which to build an ethical system for public administrators. This article evaluates the logic of Simon's arguments and presents evidence that there are transcendent moral principles. The implications of transcendent morals and their application to public administrators and instructors are discussed. [R]
62.210 ÖBERG, Perola; OSKARSSON, Sven; SVENSSON, Torsten —
Diversity has powerful advantages, but may also generate internal tensions and low interpersonal trust. Despite extensive attention, the relationship between diversity and trust is often misunderstood and findings methodologically flawed. We specify two different mechanisms and adherent hypotheses. An individual might base her decision to trust on her perceived social similarity in relation to others in the community, that is, a similarity hypothesis. However, in a homogenous context, she might expect trustworthy behavior irrespective of her own social position due to signals of low degrees of social conflict and dense social networks, that is, a homogeneity hypothesis. Prior research has pinpointed only one of these mechanisms. The homogeneity hypothesis has not been explicated, and when the intention has been to test the similarity hypothesis, the homogeneity hypothesis has unintentionally been tested instead. [R, abr.]
62.211 OCAMPO, José Antonio —
The current financial crisis demonstrated, once again, the need for deep reforms of the international monetary and financial architecture. This article argues that reforms under way are insufficient, as they are partial in scope and rely excessively on an ad hoc body, the G20. It thus calls for an international architecture that meets two basic criteria. (1) It should be comprehensive. This means that a broad range of reforms should be undertaken: better macroeconomic policy coordination; regulatory reform, including cross-border capital flows; ample countercyclical IMF and development financing with limited conditionality; global monetary reform; and the creation of an international debt court. (2) Inclusive institutions should stand at the center of the new architecture, structured as a multilayered network of global, regional, and national financial institutions. [R] [See Abstr. 62.231]
62.212 OHMURA, Hirotaka —
This article [addresses] why some countries experience the recurrence of civil war and others do not. One of the most significant differences between civil war onset and its recurrence is that the latter has once experienced termination of civil war, while the former has not. To find the cause of recurrence, this article examines how different war-termination types influence the duration of post-civil war peace. Duration analysis of the civil wars between 1944 and 1999 shows that military victory, supported by peacekeeping operations or power-sharing arrangements, leads to the most durable peace in a post-civil war country. Contrary to the accepted wisdom, negotiated peace-settlement, even when supported by peacekeeping operations or power-sharing arrangements, is not positively related to post-conflict peace. [R]
62.213 ORAM, Andrew —
Prospects for increased use of open-source software have been greeted enthusiastically by knowledgeable government employees who understand open source's contribution to the core responsibilities that the government has toward the public: access for all, vendor independence, archiving, special government needs, and security. But mobilizing the necessary forces in government to procure open-source software has proven difficult. This article highlights the factors that instigate and carry through the adoption of open source in government: an external trigger; an emphasis on strategic goals; an information technology staff with sufficient dedication, technical sophistication, and creativity to make the transition; and high-level support at the policy-making level. The article reports on the attempt to introduce OpenOffice.org in the mid-2000s into agencies of Massachusetts [US], and compares that case to cases in Peru, Brazil, and Munich, Germany. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.812]
62.214 ORBACH, Ariella —
An important paradigm in development thinking, participation remains vaguely and often contradictory defined. This has allowed for its integration into a discourse that effectively disassociates it from deeper and more politicized understandings of power and empowerment. Focusing on indigenous peoples, this article reflects upon local autonomy as a critical and holistic alternative to depoliticized participation, reframing project development within a discussion of “life projects” and ontological diversity, locality and globalization and the right to self-determination, and contemplating a more profound engagement by the “development” professional. [R]
62.215 PAIĆ, Hrvoje —
The analysis focuses on punctual examination of the analytical potential of theory as regards the empirical sphere. The author opts for theoretical theses regarding the internationalization of capitalism and the case of Croatia. Unlike the usual scientific practice, in which the theoretical framework is perceived as a pre-formalized and static element of the research design, he postulates that a different understanding of the theoretical perspective is possible and analytically useful. Such an understanding is based on dynamization, flexibilization and opening up of the theoretical horizon with a view of reflecting the particularities of the empirical sphere. Here the potential of theoretical insights is examined simultaneously with the conducting of empirical analysis. [R, abr.]
62.216 PANDZA, Jasper —
Preventive measures can never guarantee absolute protection. Measures to minimize casualties and disruption after a nuclear or radiological attack need to be prepared in advance. [R]
62.217 PARENT, Geneviève —
This article explores the notions of “healing” and “reconciliation” as they are used in the literature on peace-building. It argues that these notions are used vaguely and that they are deployed to discriminate between “bottom-up” and “top-down” approaches to peace-building. As such, they render invisible complex connections between the psycho-social processes associated with healing and the political processes associated with reconciliation. Numerous programs and processes of peace-building are conceived upon the distinction between healing and reconciliation. The article examines the effects of this distinction and argues that where healing and reconciliation are disconnected, peace-building produces experiences of secondary victimization that undermine peace. The case of post-genocide Rwanda is used to support this argument. [R]
62.218 PARÍZEK, Michal —
This paper develops a simple, rigorous, and generally applicable analytical framework for investigation of the ability of international institutions to shape the political contestation among actors in international politics. It discusses the key conceptual problems of the existing notions of the functioning of international institutions and offers steps to address these problems. It partially reformulates and formalizes the currently used concepts of effectiveness and robustness of institutions and builds upon them the concept of institutional capacity, which captures the quality of the institutions' work in a more complex and analytically rigorous manner. Subsequently, the paper discusses how the concept of institutional capacity can be applied to the study of the political systems of international organizations and presents a list of 24 criteria that are suitable for assessments of their functioning. [R]
62.219 PATOMÄKI, Katarina Sehm —
This article investigates two distinct lines of proposal that have surfaced dealing with the debt problems of the Global South. One line raises doubt over the use of and procedure behind acquiring the borrowed funds in the first place and consequently, suggests declaring some debt “odious” and therefore not reimbursable. Another line speaks for introducing insolvency mechanisms for sovereigns, echoing principles familiar in national contexts. However, as these distinct initiatives sit on different jurisdictions, this article argues for the importance of separating out the claims of the different proposals. Discussions without such a separation remain messy and confusing. Yet, an approach to solving problem debt without mechanisms for addressing both odious debt and economic insolvency remains incomplete. [R, abr.]
62.220 PELC, Krzysztof J. —
The commitments of WTO members present a striking paradox. Most states could raise their duties significantly before falling afoul of their WTO obligations. Moreover, such “binding overhang” varies between countries: some could more than double the amount of trade protection they offer overnight, whereas others are tightly constrained. What accounts for this variation? The author argues that more flexibility is not always better: obtaining it and subsequently using it are both costly. Rather than maximize flexibility, states thus seek an optimal amount. If they have access to policy space through other means, such as currency devaluations and trade remedies, they will exercise restraint in seeking binding overhang. The same supply-side logic holds at the domestic level: governments strategically withhold binding overhang from industries that are able to rely on trade remedies. [R, abr.]
62.221 PERRUCCI, Robert —
The 2008 financial crisis involving the housing mortgage crisis and the collapse of Wall Street banks and financial institutions has usually been viewed as an unanticipated and unavoidable crisis associated with an otherwise smooth functioning financial system. We take a different view of the crisis, focusing on political and economic structures of power that undergird the financial system and that protect the rich and powerful even when the system fails. Specifically, we examine the crisis through the lens of network analysis, focusing on the social and business connections among all the individual and corporate actors involved in the financial crisis and the bailout. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1190]
62.222 PETERS, B. Guy —
The paper identifies future directions for public administration in the context of changes in the political system, and especially changes in the executive branch of government. Administrative reforms in the past few decades have been characterized by the New Public Management, governance, public participation, empowerment, etc. At the same time, the political executive itself has been undergoing a range of significant changes [and] its role within the political process has been changing. “Presidentialization” of politics in parliamentary systems is connected with domination of prime ministers over their cabinets and political processes in general. The result of such administrative and political processes is a paradoxical position of the political leadership that concentrates more power on the peak of the political system, while it has diminished power over administration and implementation. [R, abr.]
62.223 PETERSEN, Thomas —
The question of how the content of images that accompany reports in the mass media can be systematically assessed via content-analysis and how the effects of such images can be quantitatively ascertained and related to textual reporting, is one of the still unsolved issues in empirical communication research. The results of two experiments are presented, in which the emotional reactions to manipulated news items were tested, no significant effect in terms of emotionalization could be proven. Since other comparable experiments, where the text has been manipulated, have shown significant effects, the study seems to indicate that texts may have a stronger emotional effect than pictures. [R]
62.224 PETERSOHN, Ulrich —
The Iraq War was a watershed regarding the scope of battlefield support by Private Security Companies (PSC). Skeptics soon raised concerns about these new actors being an impediment to the success of the very same operations they are meant to support. According to the critics, PSCs are grist to the mill for insurgents, as they employ aggressive tactics and thereby alienate the population, cause credibility problems because they enjoy impunity, and increase coordination problems since they are not subordinated under the military chain of command. This article argues that this is not a necessary result of their employment, but rather the consequence of a lack of preparedness to operate alongside PSCs. However, the military is accustomed to adapting to new unexpected circumstances. [R, abr.]
62.225 PHAYAL, Anup —
One way to end protracted, violent, intrastate conflict is negotiated settlement where the rebel parties negotiate with the government and give up armed struggle. However, the most intriguing puzzle is: what influences the rebels to come to the negotiating table and opt for peace? The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists) and the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) are recent examples of rebel groups that have renounced violence and transformed into mainstream political parties after waging insurgency for many years. These two cases present an opportunity to analyze factors that lead rebel parties to renounce violence. I argue that violent rebel groups settle for peaceful means owing to their perception of the high cost of violence that arises from pressures exerted by the military means of a state, by domestic groups, and by the international community. [R, abr.]
62.226 PHILLIPS, Anne —
I argue that thinking of the body as property encourages a self/body dualism that obscures the power relations involved in all contracts [and] cedes authority over the body. Recognizing the self as embodied, however, also makes it harder to insist on sharp distinctions between activities that involve the body and those that “just” involve the mind, hence harder to justify refusing payment for explicitly body services while condoning it for those to which the body is more incidental. I therefore provide a modest defense of monetary compensation for those who “donate” bodily products or services. Compensation does not, however, mean markets, for there is at least one sense in which the body is special: more intrinsically than other markets, markets in body parts or bodily services depend on inequality. [R, abr.]
62.227 PIATEK, Jaroslaw —
Ethnic differences are allegedly the main element causing dramatic conflicts, including war. For some people, dissimilarity is an opportunity for marginalization, for others a possibility to arouse values which are often treated as secondary. Is ethnicity manipulated by politicians? Or is ethnical belonging a magic charm to be used in the “quiet” of political stability?
62.228 PIAZZA, James A. —
Conventional wisdom indicates that international trade in illicit drugs helps to fuel terrorism. Since 2001, counter-narcotics policy increasingly has been used to fight terrorism. This study investigates empirically the relationship between the drug trade and terrorism and examines whether or not interdiction and eradication efforts reduce domestic and transnational terrorist activity. The study finds that illicit drug production and opiate and cocaine wholesale prices are significant positive predictors of transnational and domestic terrorist attacks, while drug crop eradication and drug interdiction are significant negative predictors of terrorism. The study concludes with the policy implications of the findings. [R] [See Abstr. 62.259]
62.229 PICCONE, Ted —
When it comes to backing democracy and human rights in international forums, the behavior of the world's six most influential rising democracies ranges from sympathetic support to borderline hostility. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1237]
62.230 PINÉU, Daniel —
Mainstream media analyses and most of scholarly accounts in the European and US capitals focus disproportionately on the terrorists, or the individuals and organizations involved in the War on Terror. Such mainstream analyses of 11 September 2001 and its aftermath regularly portray citizens and countries in the global South as incapable of resisting or fighting against extremism iand terrorism. This article aims to complexify the narrative of 11 September, extending it in time and space, and seeks to think about the post 11 September decade from a decentered/postcolonial perspective, a different from the dominant narratives prevalent in the power centers of the global West. [R] [See Abstr. 62.288]
62.231 PINTO, Sanjay; MacDONALD, Kate; MARSHALL, Shelley —
The recent financial crisis and Great Recession have been compared to other historical moments during which significant shifts in regimes of market governance have occurred. Here, we engage with the pieces that follow as we consider three dimensions along which global market governance might be transformed in the direction of greater democracy. (1) Enhanced intergovernmental coordination could play a key role in promoting the public interest. (2) Broader country representation would help to ensure that the interests of different national publics are more fully addressed. (3) Wider social participation would expand the definition of the public interest at both the national and global levels, allowing a range of social groups to enhance the quality of their representation by governments and IGOs, and to engage more directly in the project of market governance. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “Global governance reconsidered”. See also Abstr. 62.211, 235, 974]
62.232 PLOTTU, Béatrice; PLOTTU, Eric —
Participatory evaluation relies on the principle of active participation by major stakeholders, including the least organized groups, as being fundamental to good evaluation practice. This process presents a number of advantages which can nonetheless become crippling if certain prerequisites are not fulfilled. Our paper weighs up the advantages and disadvantages of participation and examines the conditions necessary for participatory evaluation to achieve its objectives. [R]
62.233 POPOVIĆ, Petar —
This article analyzes IR liberal theory and its “interdependence” paradigm. The first part presents the liberal “interdependence” paradigm by defining the state and power as the key elements of political science analysis, including IR theory. The second part overviews the academic critique of IR liberalism, as a methodologically outdated and historically disputed theory. Finally, the third part focuses on the contemporary the “interdependence” paradigm as crucial for understanding the current international processes in the global society. The article re-evaluates contemporary IR liberal theory in “real world politics”, and indicates the possible directions of its ongoing theoretical development. [R]
62.234 PRUSKUS, Valdas —
The article explains the concept of political service, its specific features, and provides the ways and means of achieving its visuality which is crucial for the acceptance of the consumer (the potential elector). There are discussed the possibilities of the medium and new image-creation technologies to visualize political services and the image of a politician. There are three ways of media to visualize the politician: iconological (through selected and provided photos of the politicians), vocal (highlighting not what he says but how he does it), and kinetic (showing how he moves and communicates with the surrounding people). [R, abr.]
62.235 QUIGGIN, John —
Throughout the history of capitalism, there have been tensions between financial institutions and the state, and between financial capital and the firms and households engaged in the production and consumption of physical goods and services. Periods of financial sector dominance have regularly ended in spectacular panics and crashes, often resulting in the liquidation of large numbers of financial institutions and the re-imposition of regulatory controls previously dismissed as outmoded and unnecessary. This article considers measures to restore financial markets to their proper role, as servants rather than masters of the market economy and the society within which it is embedded. [R] [See Abstr. 62.231]
62.236 QUIROZ FLORES, Alejandro; SMITH, Alastair —
Political leaders face both internal and external threats to their tenure as leaders. To retain office, leaders need mass support, for instance to win elections. However, they also need to deal with potential internal party rivals. Using a game-theoretic model, we examine how the incentives created by these competing pressures affect the retention of ministers across different political systems. Since non-democratic leaders face relatively little threat from the masses, their concern is to reduce internal party risk. Therefore, they remove high performing ministers and retain mediocre and poor performers. As it becomes easier for the masses to replace the party in power, leaders must trade off internal and external threats. Retaining competent leaders improves party performance but generates an internal party rival. [R]
62.237 RAUH, Christian; KIRCHNER, Antje; KAPPE, Roland —
A nation's endowment with human capital is an important source of economic prosperity, yet education systems as well as the amount of public spending differ both between and within industrialized countries. Traditional approaches in comparative political economy explain education spending from a perspective in which leftist parties favor human capital-formation. In contrast, recent approaches claim that — with regard to public financing of higher education in stratified education systems — the basic assumptions of partisan theory rather lead to the opposite hypothesis. In such systems, a pattern of reverse redistribution emerges, under which electoral incentives let right-wing parties favor increases in higher education budgets. This article tests both claims within the decentralized German education system. [R, abr.]
62.238 REINHARDT, Karin —
This article presents a critique of W. Kymlicka's theory of multiculturalism. It examines Kymlicka's theoretical distinction between mononational and multinational states and his empirical examples that support this theory: Germany as an example of a mononational state and Switzerland as an example of a multinational state. By means of a content-analysis of constitutions, it demonstrates that Danes and Sorbs should be characterized as national minorities in Germany, whereas the French- and Italian-speaking communities of Switzerland do not constitute nations. The distinction between mono- and multinational states proposed by Kymlicka does not hold for Germany and Switzerland, and hence must be approached anew, theoretically as well as empirically. [R] [See Abstr. 62.1281]
62.239 RENDALL, Matthew —
Is drastic action against global warming essential to avoid impoverishing our descendants? Most of us can agree on the importance of minimizing expected deprivation. Any significant risk of catastrophe implies drastic and expensive carbon-abatement unless we discount the future. I argue that we should not discount. Instead, the rich countries should support abatement both for themselves and the poor states of the world. Yet to ask the present generation to assume all the costs of drastic mitigation is unfair. We can shift part of the burden to our descendants. Even if we divert investment from other parts of the economy or increase public debt, future people should be richer, so long as we avert catastrophe. If so, it is fair for them to assume much of the cost of abatement. [R, abr.]
62.240 RENGGER, Nicholas —
This article revisits the arguments of J. Vincent's influential 1986 book, Human Rights and International Relations [Cambridge, 1986] and situates them against the context both of the debates of his own time and the debates of the early 21st c. Vincent's arguments are assessed and evaluated in their own terms and compared and contrasted with dominant positions today. The arguments are then assessed in the light of two leading critical perspectives on human rights before considering a final criticism of the possibility and desirability of the current human rights regime in IR. [R] [See Abstr. 62.55]
62.241 REUS-SMIT, Christian —
How should we understand the cultural politics [around] the development of international human rights? Two perspectives frame contemporary debate. For “cultural particularists”, human rights are western artifacts; alien to other societies, and an inappropriate basis for international institutional development. For “negotiated universalists”, a widespread global consensus undergirds international human rights norms, with few states openly contesting their status as fundamental standards of political legitimacy. This article advances an alternative understanding, pursuing J. Vincent's provocative, yet undeveloped, suggestion that while the notion of human rights has its origins in European culture, its spread internationally is best understood as the product of a “universal social process”. The international politics of individual/human rights is located within an evolving global ecumene, a field of dynamic cultural engagement, characterized over time by the development of multiple modernities. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.55]
62.242 REY, Pascal —
Local powers are permanently connected to the wider world. While power responds to the obligations of internal organisation, which are indispensible to all societies, it is also constructed in relation to external necessities. Taking the Republic of Guinea as an example and using research conducted between 2003 and 2007, this article shows how the changing international context influences power strategies at the microlocal level. It reviews the various exogenous influences that shape both domestic and local power strategies. Processes of adaptation to the global context are therefore examined through the prism of the strategies adopted by customary authorities, with emphasis placed on their adaptive and reactive nature. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.127]
62.243 RIZMAN, Rudi —
The article assumes the complexity of the global crisis and analyzes its causes and (ir)responsibility for it. Among many flawed political decisions, I expose the responsibility of economics and those influential economists who served the neoliberal ideology and its dogma on the omnipotent market, respectively. In accordance with this dogma, they defended and practiced the irrelevancy of any viable social (state) regulation of economic life or market and furthermore dislodged any democratic deliberation in this area. I argue for a viable new economic and social paradigm in favor of the idea of the human economy. Such a paradigm would imply that accumulating and creating wealth does not serve the goal but is a means to support a more just social cohesion which opposes the unreasonable increasing of the gap between rich and poor. [R, abr.]
62.244 ROBERTS, David —
Post-conflict peace-building is failing, according to both its critics and its advocates. By way of solutions, proponents seek more of the same, whereas opponents argue for a radical shift. Both contain parts of a possible solution to the lack of local legitimacy that stigmatizes interventions, many of which descend into violence within five years and few of which produce democracies. This article advances the idea of a “popular peace” that refocuses liberal institution-building upon local, democratically determined priorities deriving from “everyday lives”, in addition to internationally favored preferences (such as metropolitan courts and bureaucratic government). This is hypothesized to better confront the prevailing legitimacy lacuna, create social institutions around which a contract can evolve and generate the foundations upon which durable peace-building may grow. [R]
62.245 RODIN, David —
In “The Ethics of America's Afghan War” [ibid. 25(2), Summer 2011: 103–132; Abstr. 62.1081], R.W. Miller argues that reflecting on whether and how to end the war in Afghanistan exposes serious deficiencies in just war theory. I agree, though for different reasons. Miller argues that by focusing on the traditional categories of just cause, proportionality, and necessity (or last resort), just war theory obscures the importance of broader geostrategic considerations that he believes are the most plausible — though ultimately for Miller insufficient — rationale for continuing with the strategy of large-scale counterinsurgency in Afghanistan. I doubt that geostrategic considerations can play the role in moral assessment that Miller believes they do. But the phenomena he points to do illuminate important defects in traditional just war theory. [R]
62.246 ROODUIJN, Matthijs; PAUWELS, Teun —
The measurement of populism — particularly over time and space — has received only scarce attention. In this research note two different ways to measure populism are compared: a classical content analysis and a computer-based content analysis. An analysis of political parties in the UK, the Netherlands, Germany and Italy demonstrates that both methods can be used to measure populism across countries and over time. Recommendations are presented on how to combine these methods in future comparative research on populism. [R]
62.247 ROSEN, Michael —
This article argues for a conception of the history of ideas that treats philosophy historically while avoiding sociological reductionism. Philosophical problems characteristically arise from a conflict of commitments, at least some of which have roots in wider forms of life and ways of seeing the world. In bringing such “doxa” to our attention, the history of ideas plays a role that is both genuinely historical and contributes to philosophical argument in making these commitments available to scrutiny. The article defends the permissibility of the apparent “anachronism” involved in such interpretations. The ascription of authorial intentions does indeed form an important part of interpretation, but intentions should not be understood either in a “Cartesian” fashion (as recapturing what was “in the author's mind”) or in the modified version of Austinian speech-act theory advocated by Q. Skinner. [R, abr.]
62.248 ROSTILA, Mikael —
This article elaborates on a theoretical model aiming at clarifying some bridges between the individual and the collective facets and dimensions of social capital suggested in the literature. Initially, the article presents and discusses some important definitions of social capital [and their] limitations and shortcomings. Moreover, a theoretical model is elaborated on suggesting that social capital comprises social resources that evolve in accessible social networks or social structures characterized by mutual trust. This model also emphasizes some of the potential dark sides of social capital. The presented definition does not definitively address the theoretical uncertainties in the field; however, it suggests that a resource-oriented notion of social capital could be useful in bridging the facets of social capital. [R, abr.]
62.249 ROTH, M. Garrett —
This paper links campaign resources and voter calculus through a microeconomic optimization framework. I assume that candidate policy positions are fixed while personal valence scores and the salience of issue dimensions are malleable. Low-valence candidates with many proximate competitors in the policy space will focus on building valence. High-valence candidates who are relatively “unclustered” in the policy space will focus on manipulating issue-salience. Resources devoted to diminishing others' valence scores will increase as the number of viable candidates decreases. The model's results are tested, where feasible, using data from the [US] Democratic Party primary of 2004. [R]
62.250 ROTHE, Delf —
Current international climate governance from a risk-political perspective points to a paradoxical moment in world risk society. While the probability of negative climate impacts increases and we can see the emergence of a common risk-perception among international decision-makers, nation-states in the international climate regime fail to agree on effective preventive measures that could mitigate the harming effects of global warming. While at the discursive level, climate change is constructed as one of the major risks in the 21st c., the focus in international climate governance remains on voluntary measures and market-based instruments. Drawing on discourse theory, this paradox can be explained as the outcome of a discursive struggle in climate politics. Risk, in this perspective, is a political technology to govern the future that is embedded within broader political rationalities. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.52]
62.251 ROZENBERG, Olivier; MARTIN, Shane —
The conclusion highlights the heuristic potential of Parliamentary Questions (PQs) and suggests that they should form an important unit of analysis for scholars of legislative studies. PQs offer an original and comparative basis for measuring both legislators' individual behavior and legislatures' role within the political system. A comparison between oral and written questions indicates that both the institutional designs for asking questions and the frequency of the use of the procedures are non-random and consequential. [R] [See Abstr. 62.193]
62.252 RUCHT, Dieter —
The author refers to the beginning of social movement research in Germany and analyzes its development and its findings. He describes the approaches used by the various disciplines and analyzes the analytical and theoretical approaches. He balances the strengths and weaknesses of research on social movements and concludes with four challenges to the German social movement research. [R]
62.253 RUNAVOT, Marie-Clotilde —
Still relevant, the intergovernmental scheme can no longer claims to be the main reference in matters of international organization. International sources and actor diversification has definitely impacted on the institutional arrangement. As treaty law does not represent the only way to establish international organizations, and membership now covers a wide range of non-state actors, whether secondary subjects of international law or autonomous legal persons within domestic orders. Therefore, “contemporary” international organization represents only a stage in the institutional evolution of international relations. [R, abr.]
62.254 RUNCIMAN, David —
The success story of democracy over the 20th c. has given way to doubts in the 21st, as democracies struggle to cope with difficult wars, mounting debts, climate-change and the rise of China. This essay uses intellectual history to explain the link between long-term democratic success and short-term democratic failure. It distinguishes three distinct views of what can go wrong with democracy, and identifies the third (which I call “the confidence trap”, an idea that originates with A. de Tocqueville) as the key to understanding our present predicament. Democratic success creates blind spots and a reluctance to tackle long-term problems. I use this idea to explain and put in context F. Fukuyama's claims about the end of history, and to examine the link between democratic failure and market failure. [R]
62.255 RUSHTON, Simon —
There are [various] conceptualizations of “health security” in circulation and confusion over the concept is creating international tensions with some states fearing that “health security” in reality means securing the West. This article examines these tensions but [offers] an alternative explanation. It [examines] the different “health securities” that characterize the contemporary global health discourse, arguing that there is in fact a good deal more consensus than [supposed]. These are health risks primarily seen as major threats by Western developed nations, and contemporary global responses tend to focus on containment rather than prevention. To resolve the tensions around (global) health security there is the need for a more explicit recognition of the primary beneficiaries of the current system, and of who is bearing the costs. [R, abr.] [First article of a section on “Global health governance”, edited and prefaced, pp. 773–778, by Garrett Wallace BROWN and Sophie HARMAN. See also Abstr. 62.1, 84, 448, 908, 982]
62.256 RYAN, John Barry —
This article reports on a small group experiment studying how the preferences of an individual's social network affect her ability to vote for the candidate who will provide her with the greater benefit on both valence issues and position issues. The research diverges from traditional formal models and experimental studies of social communication by expanding the communication network beyond the dyad. The results suggest that social communication is a useful information shortcut for uninformed independents, but not uninformed partisans. Informed individuals incorporate biased social messages into their candidate evaluations, which results in higher levels of incorrect voting in certain types of networks. [R]
62.257 SALEHYAN, Idean; GLEDITSCH, Kristian Skrede; CUNNINGHAM, David E. —
Many rebel organizations receive significant assistance from external governments, yet the reasons why some rebels attract foreign support while others do not is poorly understood. We analyze factors determining external support for insurgent groups from a principal-agent perspective. We focus on both the supply side, that is, when states are willing to support insurgent groups in other states, and the demand side, that is, when groups are willing to accept such support, with the conditions that this may entail. We test our hypotheses using new disaggregated data on insurgent groups and foreign support. Our results indicate that external rebel support is influenced by characteristics of the rebel group as well as linkages between rebel groups and actors in other countries. [R, abr.]
62.258 SALMOND, Rob —
This study argues that the structure of parliamentary questioning affects decisions to delegate authority from ministers to bureaucrats. Open, spontaneous question times where ministers can be forced to account for bureaucratic action publicly and with little or no notice are hypothesized to be associated with less delegation. This is because the reputational risks to ministers are higher in such an environment. Cross-national empirical evidence, building on J.D. Huber and C.R. Shipan's analysis of delegation [Deliberate Discretion? The Institutional Foundations of Bureaucratic Autonomy, New York, 2002], supports this theory. The evidence suggests that valence dimensions as well as policy dimensions are important to delegation decisions, and also supports a general conjecture that governments delegate less to bureaucrats when legislative-executive relations favor the legislature. [R] [See Abstr. 62.193]
62.259 SANDLER, Todd —
This article sets the stage for the issue by describing the many faces of counterterrorism policy. It highlights some key concepts — e.g., domestic and transnational terrorism, and alternative types of counterterrorism policies — that are applied throughout the special issue. The two datasets exploited in this issue's empirical contributions are also described. Next, each of the twelve articles is introduced and briefly summarized. The main conclusions and insights of the articles are distilled and placed in perspective. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the author. See also Abstr. 62.12, 20, 28, 75, 90, 97, 228, 274, 318, 880, 997, 1198]
62.260 SARAJLIC, Eldar —
The paper examines the effects of economic crisis on philosophical considerations of distributive justice. It tackles the problem of a radical increase in scarcity as a condition of justice. Instead of assuming a relatively fixed (“moderate”) level of scarcity as a background against which justice in distribution obtains, the paper examines what happens when this level risks falling below and how does that change our views of distributive justice. It [uses] recent events in the US to construe a specific philosophical model and asks how crisis-distribution, where that favors wealthier actors, can be justified. By analyzing the crisis-distribution principle, it suggests that moderate scarcity should not be seen as a mere condition, but an important and vital object of justice. As such it falls within legitimate obligations of democratic governance. [R, abr.]
62.261 SARR, Mare, et al. —
We develop a dynamic discrete-choice model of an unchecked ruler making decisions regarding the development of a resource-rich country. Resources serve as collateral and facilitate the acquisition of loans. The ruler chooses either to stay in power while facing the risk of being ousted, or loot the country's riches by liquefying the resources through lending. We show that unstructured lending from international credit markets can create incentives to loot the country; and an enhanced likelihood of looting causes greater political instability, and diminishes growth. Using a treatment effects model, we find evidence that supports our predictions. [R]
62.262 SASLEY, Brent E. —
This article starts from the assumption that emotions are inherently part of life in the international system, but that this is not as well reflected in the discipline of IR. The study of emotions can be incorporated more systematically into the discipline through more rigorous theorizing about how states — as main actors in world politics — experience and act on emotions. To do so, I draw on intergroup emotions theory, an emerging area of research in social psychology. This approach points out the process by which groups come to have emotional reactions, and from there how emotions generate intergroup perceptions and intergroup behavior-or foreign policies in the case of states. [R, abr.]
62.263 SAULL, Richard —
This article critically assesses Fr. Halliday's theorization of the Cold War and, in particular, his attempt to offer a more global perspective on it through a greater focus on the role of developments emanating from the Third World as constitutive of the Cold War. Although Halliday's theorization of the Cold War as “inter-systemic conflict” is a major advance in our understanding of the Cold War, it fails, ultimately, to fulfill its potential as a theory of global Cold War. Halliday's temporalization of the Cold War and his insistence on the autonomy of the superpower arms race and strategic competition end up detaching developments in the Third World from the axis of superpower conflict and, consequently, suggests a residual Eurocentrism within his theory. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.55]
62.264 SCHMID, Evelyne —
Armed conflicts severely affect the enjoyment and realization of economic social and cultural rights (ESCR). Considerations on ESCR are, however, largely absent in strategies to deal with the legacy of armed conflicts, be it in criminal prosecutions, truth-seeking exercises or other measures of post-conflict justice. This lack of attention not only fails many victims of armed conflict, but is also legally unwarranted. The definitions of many war crimes, de lege lata, include violations of ESCR within their underlying constitutive elements. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.86]
62.265 SCHMIDT, Sebastian —
References to the Peace of Westphalia [1648] have played an important role in the discourse of IR. Originally referred to as a concrete historical event and associated with a variety of meanings, such as the triumph of state sovereignty, the establishment of a community of states, and even the beginnings of collective security, the Peace was later transformed into a conceptualization of the international system. Beginning in the late 1960s, phrases like “Westphalian system” came to convey a package of ideas about international politics limited to the supremacy of state sovereignty, territoriality, and nonintervention, to the exclusion of other meanings. This conceptualization serves as a popular and convenient contrast to a more globalized order, but there are problems with its use. [R, abr.]
62.266 SCHNECKENER, Ulrich —
This article deals with the question of what typical patterns are characteristic of the political and administrative response to the “risk of terror”. The key assumption is that the “new” transnational terrorism not only is in itself a risk that is difficult to calculate but is furthermore perceived as enforcing the catastrophic risks which generally exist in modern hightech societies. This combination of risk and “risk enforcement” explains why in such societies terrorism could have the big impact which shapes the modes of reaction here described. The article advocates adding a political conflict perspective to the dominant, primarily technocratic, risk perspective. [R]
62.267 SCHOLZ, Jason B.; CALBERT, Gregory J.; SMITH, Glen A. —
Bueno De Mesquita has made significant claims for the predictive accuracy of his computational model of group decision-making, receiving much popular press, including newspaper articles, books and a television documentary entitled “The New Nostradamus”. Despite these and many journal and conference publications related to the topic, no clear elucidation of the model exists in the open literature or can be found in a single place. We expose and present the model by careful navigation of the literature and illustrate the soundness of our interpretation by replicating Bueno De Mesquita's own results. We also raise issues regarding sensitivity and convergence. [R]
62.268 SCHWARZ, Rolf —
The famous dictum that “war makes states” has received renewed interest with the experience of state-failure and state-collapse in many parts of the Developing World. Historical studies have shown that the activity of war-making was an essential ingredient of the process of state-making in early modern Europe. The history of state-making in the Arab Middle East shows that rentier states defy the “war makes states” theory. This article compares four states from the Arab world, two having been exposed to the experience of war-making (Iraq and Jordan) and two not (the United Arab Emirates and Tunisia). The comparison of these four states shows that rentierism serves as an obstacle to the formation of legitimate and institutionalized states. However, the availability of external rents also allows state institutions and patronage channels to continue providing general welfare. [R, abr.]
62.269 SCHWARZ, Rolf; CORRAL, Miguel de —
The Arab Spring reinforces the argument that there is a need for a more comprehensive classification of states. The events [of] early 2011 show why certain states have developed as they have. Much of Western scholarship has failed to conceptualize this aspect of statehood and has taken Max Weber's ideal-typical state as the holder of the monopoly of violence, seen as legitimate by all its people, as a given. The debates have been limited to two ideal types: the strong, legitimate, and democratic state (in Western Europe and North America), and the failed and authoritarian state (in the Third World, mainly in Africa) plagued by insecurities and instability. States that fit neither characterization, like most Middle Eastern states, have not been adequately treated in the debate. [R, abr.]
62.270 SELB, Peter; MUNZERT, Simon —
Measures of constituency preferences are of vital importance for the study of political representation and other research areas. Yet, such measures are often difficult to obtain. Previous survey-based estimates frequently lack precision and coverage due to small samples, rely on questionable assumptions or require detailed auxiliary information about the constituencies' population characteristics. We propose an alternative Bayesian hierarchical approach that exploits minimal geographic information readily available from digitalized constituency maps. If at hand, social background data are easily integrated. To validate the method, we use national polls and district-level results from the 2009 German Bundestag election, an empirical case for which detailed structural information is missing. [R]
62.271 SERRA, Renata —
Some key pitfalls in social capital research stem from an uncritical belief in social capital as the solution to collective-action problems, and a tendency to regard tight social relations within communities as an un-problematic field. In the effort to engage with these limitations and provide better insights into real-world development problems and solutions, the article argues for a more promising agenda. It combines development microeconomics' insights on the determinants of trust and the uneven effects of social networks, with nuanced anthropological approaches to the context-dependent features of social relations and the role of status and power. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Social capital”. See also Abstr. 62.607]
62.272 SEYFRIED, Markus —
Courts of Accounts as a research subject are broadly ignored by the social sciences. This field of research is dominated by technical-legal disputes, leading to a lack of new insights, insufficient empirical evidence and limited explanatory power. Furthermore, a huge [number] of data sources and methods of data-gathering are currently not used. Among these data sources are annual reports, recommendations of the finance committees, parliamentary proceedings, media reports or questionnaires and interviews, among others. The available material should be analyzed systematically, to evaluate the role of supreme audit institutions from an empirical point of view — i.e., in relation to the Parliament, Financial Committee or audited ministries. Political science is particularly suited to conduct further empirical research on these institutions. [R]
62.273 SHAW, Karena —
After struggling for decades to get climate-change mitigation onto the political agenda, environmentalists now not only find themselves enmeshed in internal conflict over how to proceed, but also find these conflicts themselves delaying or forestalling necessary action. Reframing climate-change as an energy-systems — rather than an emissions-reduction — problem allows us to see why these conflicts have arisen and what is at stake in them. This argument is illustrated through an examination of climate and energy politics in the province of British Columbia, Canada. Taking an energy systems perspective reveals both the complexity and importance of the political terrain activated by climate-change: how societies reshape energy systems in response to climate change will have profound implications not only for their ecological impact but also for their political and social character. [R] [see Abstr. 62.1254]
62.274 SHIMIZU, Hirofumi —
A model developed in this paper shows a mechanism for inducing self-sacrificing contributions among members of closely knit organizations, such as cults, terrorist groups and military forces. Members are assumed to gain utility from social cohesion and their in-group reputations. When social cohesion strengthens, members ascribe more importance to their reputations. This prompts them to increase their contributions to group goals, which causes social cohesion to strengthen further. The model identifies three ways for leaders to initiate this multiplier process: increasing their own contribution, putting effort into indoctrinating members, and raising the obstacles that members face when they contribute. [R] [See Abstr. 62.259]
62.275 SIMMONS, Beth A. —
This presidential address surveys recent developments in commercialized and globalized information technologies that have and will continue to impact political and social relationships around the world. These new technologies affect power relationships among states, as well between states and civil society. They also present possibilities for new forms of global accountability and participation in governance. Finally, a range of technologies offer new and powerful ways to collect data for our research that allow us to ask new questions. As a result, that exploratory empirical research is more enticing than ever before, but we should never think we can outsource the hard job of thinking to the very technologies that make innovative research possible in the first place. [R, abr.]
62.276 SNYDER, James M., Jr.; TING, Michael M. —
We develop a model of intraparty candidate-selection under partisan electoral competition and voter uncertainty. Candidates for office belong to parties, which are factions of ideologically similar candidates. Each party's candidate for a general election can be selected either by a “centralized” mechanism that effectively randomizes over possible candidates or by voters in a primary election. The electorate cares about ideology and valence, and both primary and general elections may reveal candidate valences. Our main theoretical result is that while primaries raise the expected quality of a party's candidates, they may hurt the ex ante preferred party in a competitive electorate by increasing the chances of revealing the opposing party's candidates as superior. Thus, [US] primaries are adopted in relatively extreme districts where a clear favorite party exists. [R, abr.]
62.277 SOLIMAN, Hussein; CABLE, Sherry —
The UN adopted the 2003 Convention Against Corruption to reduce corruption in developing nations. Corruption's determinants include political systems' permeability to economic influence, state economic intervention, weak political competition and officials' discretionary power to allocate resources. Corruption's outcomes are slowed economic development, misallocation of government resources, income inequalities and, less frequently, disasters. Using archival and interview data, this article documents corruption's shaping of the 2006 sinking of an Egyptian ferry in the Red Sea, which killed 1034; high-level corruption not only caused the disaster but exacerbated its impacts. [R, abr.]
62.278 SPINNER-HALEV, Jeff —
A response to the article by Corey Brettschneider, “A transformative theory of religious freedom: promoting the reasons for rights”, ibid. 38(2), Apr. 2010: 187–213; Abstr. 60.4612. Original author's reply, pp. 785–792.
62.279 STANKIEWICZ, Wojciech —
Historically, sovereigns tended to use their powers in an abusive manner. The emergence of the modern system of international law changed the way relations are handled. Increased cooperation amongst states, based on the principle that all states are equal, is at the core of international diplomacy. Governments should thus use their sovereignty in a flexible manner, especially by participation in international organizations.
62.280 STEGMUELLER, Daniel —
Researchers in comparative research are increasingly relying on individual-level data to test theories involving unobservable constructs like attitudes and preferences. Estimation is carried out using large-scale cross-national survey data providing responses from individuals living in widely varying contexts. This strategy rests on the assumption of equivalence, that is, no systematic distortion in response behavior of individuals from different countries exists. However, this assumption is frequently violated with rather grave consequences for comparability and interpretation. I present a multilevel mixture ordinal item response model with item bias effects that is able to establish equivalence. It corrects for systematic measurement error induced by unobserved country heterogeneity, and it allows for the simultaneous estimation of structural parameters of interest. [R]
62.281 STEINWAND, Martin C. —
Spatial statistical methods in political science provide a tool to deal with spatial and other forms of interdependence in observational data. I derive a statistical model from a game of impure public goods provision. The resulting strategic autoregressive model (StratAM) allows the researcher to systematically explore the sources of free-riding behavior in the provision of public goods. The StratAM model is tightly related to the well-known spatial autoregressive (SAR) model and can be estimated in a maximum likelihood framework. I demonstrate the use of the StratAM model by analyzing free riding in the provision of foreign aid. Indicators of developmental needs and good governance strongly increase free-riding during the 1990s. Free-riding patterns in the 2000s are more similar to Cold War patterns. [R]
62.282 STRAND, Narve —
This article deals with how to talk about the political. After the introduction, I show, first, that R. Putnam's arguments against the root dichotomies between facts and values, and between values and norms, are valid. I then discuss Putnam's resistance to drawing skeptical lessons from these negative arguments, a fight that is largely successful. I sketch his own middle position, looking at the way he expands cognitive meaning in the practical sphere. I end by addressing Putnam's specific stance towards the political, arguing that a relative distinction between facts, values and norms allows us to speak about the political in a both more direct and balanced way. This means reopening the case of representation. [R]
62.283 SULKUNEN, Pekka —
The essay points to a challenge to national coherence: the force of individual atomization and the associated fraying of the fabric of community. If autonomy emerged from the Enlightenment as an emancipatory project for the individual, it has become an obligation, and inescapable mandate to act in terms of self-interest, which erodes other social relations. [R] [See Abstr. 62.17]
62.284 SWEDLOW, Brendon, ed. —
Editor's introduction, “Cultural theory's contributions to political science”, pp. 703–710. Contributions by John GASTIL, et al., “The cultural orientation of mass political opinion”, pp. 711–714; Joseph T. RIPBERGER, Hank C. JENKINS-SMITH and Kerry G. HERRON, “How cultural orientations create shifting national security coalitions on nuclear weapons and terrorist threats in the American public”, pp. 715–719; Michael D. JONES, “Leading the way to compromise? Cultural theory and climate change opinion”, pp. 720–726; Martin LODGE and Kai WEGRICH, “Arguing about financial regulation: comparing national discourses on the global financial crisis”, pp. 726–730; Charles LOCKHART, “Specifying the cultural foundations of consensual democratic institutions”, pp. 731–735; Brendon SWEDLOW, “Cultural surprises as sources of sudden, bug policy change”, pp. 736–739; CHAI Sun-Ki, et al., “The role of culture in public goods and other experiments”, pp. 740–744; Marco VERWEIJ, LUAN Shenghua and Mark NOWACKI, “How to test cultural theory: suggestions for future research”, pp. 745–748.
62.285 SWYNGEDOUW, Erik —
There is now an emerging body of thought on the dynamics of depoliticization, the “disappearance of the political”, the erosion of democracy and of the public sphere, and the contested emergence of a post-political or post-democratic socio-spatial configuration. I situate and explore this alleged “post-democratization” in light of recent post-Althusserian political thought. I discuss the contested configurations of this post-politicization and the processes of post-democratization. I propose a series of theoretical and political arguments that help frame the evacuation of the properly political from the spaces of post-democratic policy negotiation. [R, abr.]
62.286 TANG, Shiping —
For years, mainstream IR theorists have essentially ignored reconciliation as a special — and perhaps the most difficult — form of cooperation-building in international politics. This review article makes the study of reconciliation a more visible field for further inquiry in IR, comparative politics, and sociology for both theoretical and practical reasons. After summarizing important themes emerged from the recent literature on reconciliation, the author addresses four issues for understanding interstate reconciliation: the interplay of group emotions and group politics, the interplay of domestic politics and international politics, the institutionalization of memories, and methodological issues. Better understanding of these issues also contributes to broadening the scope of inquiry in IR, comparative politics, and the sociology literature. [R]
62.287 TEBBLE, Adam James —
This article examines the relationship between homosexuality and the concept of publicness, including the idea of the political. Building upon the liberal feminism of S. Okin [Justice, Gender, and the Family, New York, 1989], as well as upon recent work in queer theory, this article outlines an account of the ethic of unacknowledgeability, understood as the socially constituted physical disappearance of, and discursive silence about, homosexuality. The ethic of unacknowledgeability explains why, unlike gendered marginalization, the marginalization of gays, lesbians and homosexuality as a subject matter is beyond both public and private and, as such, distinct. This article sketches a political theory of the taboo in which the implications of the ethic of unacknowledgeability for normative political theory are explored. [R, abr.]
62.288 TELO, Antonio José —
This article explores the international system organization, arguing that we are now in an apolar world, bearing in mind a reflection about the 9/11 [2001]. We explore the evolution of the pole concept, and then evaluate the new balance of power through an analysis of three elements: the shifts in the traditional balance of power, the changing rivalries and loyalties, and the major emerging challenges. [R] [First of a series of articles on “11 September [2001]: ten years later”. See also Abstr. 62.230, 858, 950, 1011, 1135]
62.289 TESCHKE, Benno —
How did F. Halliday recast IR theory as international historical sociology? This article explores Halliday's intellectual trajectory across this terrain and suggests that the notion of “capitalist modernity”, derived from an amalgamation of neo-Marxian and neo-Weberian historical sociology, functioned as the strategic master-category, which anchored his thought on International Relations throughout his work. This category was successively reconceived and complemented to generate four, partly contradictory, analytical frameworks at a lower level of abstraction: “global conjunctural analysis”; a neo-Weberian “sociology of the inter-state system”; “international society as homogeneity” and “uneven and combined development”. The article identifies the advances and impasses in each intellectual move and exemplifies the limits of Halliday's approach in relation to his analysis of revolutions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.55]
62.290 THOMAS, Brian —
This paper advances and defends a theory of empowerment. I follow recent theorists by privileging the concept of power in thinking about empowerment. I consider the failures of previous accounts to consider adequately the role that the concept of power plays in current thinking about empowerment, and I advance our understanding of empowerment. I offer a theory of empowerment that brings our intuitions about the conditions of empowerment in line with our intuitions about the agency of the person(s) to whom the theory applies. [R]
62.291 THOMASSEN, Lasse —
Drawing on the work of J. Derrida, I propose a deconstructive reading of A. Gutmann and D. Thompson's theory of deliberative democracy [Why Deliberative Democracy?, Princeton, 2004], starting from their concept of provisionality. I argue that provisionality has consequences beyond those they admit. While provisionality is an essential part of their theory of deliberative democracy, it also dislocates the principles and distinctions on which their theory rests. Although they try to control the effects of provisionality — for instance, through a distinction between deliberative and non-deliberative disagreements — ultimately this is possible only by suppressing contingency and disagreement, which are otherwise part of the motivation for introducing provisionality. Thus, Gutmann and Thompson's deliberative democracy is marked by a tension between their affirmation of provisionality and their attempts to limit the effects provisionality. [R, abr.]
62.292 TIRYAKIAN, Edward A., ed. —
Editor's introduction, pp. 1291–1293. Articles by Anatoliy GRUZD, Barry WELLMAN and Yuri TAKHTEYEV, “Imagining twitter as an imagined community”, pp. 1294–1318; Gary Alan FINE and Lisa-Jo VAN DEN SCOTT, “Wispy communities: transient gatherings and imagined microcommunities”, pp. 1319–1335; Roland ROBERTSON, “Global connectivity and global consciousness”, pp. 1336–1345; Ulrich BECK, “Cosmopolitanism as imagined communities of global risk”, pp. 1346–1361; Jillian L. POWERS, “Reimaging the imagined community: homeland tourism and the role of place”, pp. 1362–1378; Mary HOVSEPIAN, “Desecularization of the Palestinian imagination? Reflections on nation-ness and fragmentation”, pp. 1379–1394; Edward A. TIRYAKIAN, “The missing religious factor in Imagined Communities [by B. Anderson, London, 1991]”, pp. 1395–1414.
62.293 TRAPNELL, Stephanie E. —
This paper discusses aggregate indicators of governance, outlining both advantages and drawbacks to broad measurement approaches. It then introduces a complementary approach to governance measurement that shifts the focus from broad concepts to actual governance mechanisms, but also cautions against simplistic divisions among types of indicators. Following that is a discussion on the nature of actionability and its relationship to reform efforts, and an explanation of how actionable governance indicators (AGIs) can provide detailed information on the design, capacities, performance, and immediate impacts of governance systems. Finally, the paper presents scenarios in which actionable governance indicators were developed to capture information on: (1) the legal frameworks of income- and asset-disclosure, and (2) the implementation of disclosure systems. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.149]
62.294 TRONQUOY, Philippe —
Articles by Thierry LETERRE, “Quelle place pour l'État dans la mondialisation? (What place for the state in globalization?)”, pp. 3–8; Alain RENAUT, “La question de l'identité dans les sociétés démocratiques (The issue of identity in democratic societies)”, pp. 9–14; Olivier ROZENBERG, “L'idée européenne: quels devenirs? (What future for the idea of Europe?)”, pp. 15–19; Dominique SCHNAPPER, “État-providence, individualisme et engagement citoyen (The welfare state, individulaism and civic engagement)”, pp. 20–24; Nicolas ROUSSELLIER, “La France est-elle encore une nation politique? (Is France still a political nation?)”, pp. 25–31; Pierre-Henri TAVOILLOT, “Les idéologies après la fin des idéologies (Ideologies after the end of ideologies)”, pp. 32–37; Christian LE BART, “Les partis politiques: quelle capacité programmatique? (The political parties' program capacity)”, pp. 38–42; Lucile DESMOULINS, “Le rõle des think tanks dans l'action politique (The think tanks' role in political action)”, pp. 43–48; Pierre LEROUX and Philippe RIUTORT, “Médias et circulation des idées (The media and the circulation of ideas)”, pp. 49–53; Michaël FOESSEL, “À la croisée du politique et du social: la question des normes (At the crossroads of politics and society: the problem of norms)”, pp. 54–58; Michel HASTINGS, “Droites, gauches: quels clivages? (Right and left: what cleavages?)”, pp. 59–63; Philippe RAYNAUD, “Le libéralisme aujourd'hui (Contemporary liberalism)”, pp. 64–68; Gérard GRUNBERG, “La social-démocratie face aux crises (Social democracy faced with the crises)”, pp. 69–74; Emmanuel RENAULT, “La pensée marxiste en 2011 (Marxist throught in 2011)”, pp. 75–79; Floran AUGAGNEUR, “L'écologie politique (Political ecology)”, pp. 80–87; Yves SUREL, “Qu'est-ce que le populisme? (What is populism?)”, pp. 88–94.
62.295 ÜLMAN, Burak; BALTA-PAKER, Evren; AGCAN, Muhammed A. —
This article examines the main assumptions of neo-realism and neoliberalism from the perspective of a critical realist philosophy of science. Although neo-realist and neo-liberal theories of IR disagree on some issues, they do have a common ontological understanding of “the international” based heavily on the principle of anarchy. The centrality of and emphasis on anarchy, in turn, creates a monolithic, unhistorical and asocial idea of the international. A critical realist philosophy of science, as proposed by R. Bhaskar [A Realist Theory of Science, Harvester Press, 1975/1978], provides a good framework to pursue the ontological interrogation required to deconstruct the anarchy centered idea of the international assumed by rationalist/positivist theories. [R, abr.]
62.296 VAN DER STEEN, Martijn; VAN TWIST, Mark; KARRE, Philip Marcel —
Citizens have begun to take public matters into their own hands and establish their own communities. They have self-defined rules and norms, separated from what is regularly defined as the public arena but are still included in a more general framework of societal rules. The public sphere in these domains has become privatized, in the sense that others are excluded from it, and social interaction is regulated in private contracts between individuals, or between individuals and actors other than the state. The trend of citizens organizing public matters privately and opting out of certain shared public institutions poses ethical questions for representative democracy and for society as a whole. What does it mean for society if these practices of self-government keep growing in number and size? [R, abr.]
62.297 VAN DOEVEREN, Veerle —
Good governance is important for development despite differences in the way it is defined. This article examines the concept of good governance and analyzes its use by developmental aid-donor organizations. The study reveals that donors have conflicting ideas about good governance that converge around five principles: accountability, efficiency and effectiveness, openness and transparency, participation, and rule of law. The article concludes with a critical reflection on the use of the concept by aid-donors and warns against treating it as a one-best-way development strategy. [R]
62.298 VANDERHEIDEN, Steve —
Especially in cases involving manufactured risks, justice requires that states and societies protect their vulnerable from avoidable anthropogenic risk, and this imperative forms the basis for regulatory responsibility. The ethical issues surrounding risk as they apply to nuclear energy, including those inherent in expanded nuclear development as well as in continued reliance upon non-nuclear sources of electrical generation, are examined. Of particular concern is comparison of the risks associated with nuclear energy and those related to reliance upon carbon-intensive energy sources, including issues of justice in the distribution of risk and the legitimacy of involuntarily imposed risks, such that the potential costs and benefits associated with each of these risk-laden options can be meaningfully compared and the proposal to expand nuclear power as a climate policy tool critically assessed. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.1254]
62.299 VARGA, Somogy —
The author addresses comparable issues around the “ideal of authenticity — roughly, that one should lead a life that is expressive of what the person takes herself to be”. Yet the imperative for authenticity runs the risk of placing enormous psychological pressure on the individual (not unlike the pressure that the global economy places on the institutions of national sovereignty). This pressure is itself a potential source of pathologies: the dark side of programs for self-realization is depression. [R] [See Abstr. 62.17]
62.300 VILLADSEN, Anders R. —
This study examines structural embeddedness of political executives as an antecedent of policy isomorphism in municipalities. Surprisingly, little public management research investigates the institutional and structural backgrounds for decision making and action. This article argues that the social network of political executives constitutes a conduit in which information as well as expectations and pressures flow. The study uses rare full relational network data of Danish mayors to analyze expenditure allocation similarity, policy isomorphism, in municipalities. [R, abr.]
62.301 WALTER, Ryan —
The relationship between politics and economic knowledge is contested. One general view claims that economics should be devoid of politics because of its corrupting effects, while another view posits the converse — that politics can be distorted by the impact of economic knowledge. Both views hold that the solution is to remove the influence of the one on the other. I construe these two broad views as variations on the same contamination thesis, that politics and economics are separate domains and so should not contaminate one another. I suggest that this thesis is a version of the political/non-political distinction required by the ubiquitous ideal of a self-governing community, and that it therefore exhibits the limitations intrinsic to this ideal. The remedial possibilities of M. Foucault's investigations into governmentality are then briefly explored. [R]
62.302 WARE, Alan —
For more than four decades, the analysis of party organizations in the European democracies has been completely separated from analyses of American party structures. This article first examines how and why such a separation was to emerge in the aftermath of M. Duverger's and L.D. Epstein's path-breaking original work. It then outlines how an analytic framework might be developed so that more wide-ranging comparative studies of party organizations in democratic regimes can be undertaken in future. Only with such research can the limitations of “exceptionalist” and “regionalist” explanations of party structure development and change be overcome. [R]
62.303 WARWICK, Paul V. —
The extent to which government policies align with voter preferences is often studied by comparing median voter opinion on a left-right scale with the cabinet-weighted mean. Government positions may also be estimated from their declarations, however. M. McDonald and I. Budge [Elections, Parties, Democracy: Conferring the Median Mandate, Oxford, 2005] found that declared government policy better accords with the voter median than with the cabinet weighted mean, a finding they interpreted as consistent with their hypothesis that actual government policy tends to reflect a “median mandate”. This investigation retests the McDonald-Budge model using a time-series cross-section methodology and an expanded data-set. It finds no support for a median mandate interpretation but strong evidence that declared government positions respond to the positions of cabinet parties and, where present, external support parties. [R, abr.]
62.304 WEIFFEN, Brigitte, et al. —
The fact that democracies maintain peaceful relations with each other is regarded as one of the few law-like correlations in international relations, but the causes of this empirical phenomenon remain contested. This paper attributes the remarkable stability between democracies to inter-democratic institutions. It contributes to the debate on the need to differentiate among international organizations in order to assess their peace-building effects. We identify transnational and trans-governmental linkages as crucial features that distinguish inter-democratic from traditional institutions with non-democratic or mixed membership. In order to explain these institutions' peace-building effect, we analyze the impact of international institutions on rivalry mitigation with a view to five pairs of states: France-Germany, Greece-Turkey, Argentina-Brazil, Indonesia-Malaysia, and Japan-South Korea. [R, abr.]
62.305 WEISS, Tomáš —
This review article reviews the current “state of the art” and literature on the role of the police and military within the changing nature of internal and external security. Some scholars believe that the border between these two forces has recently begun to blur, whereas others strongly disagree. This article argues that the current debate lacks comprehensiveness and conceptual underpinning. It is suggested that definitional differences between the two forces should serve as the basis for detailed and comprehensive future case studies. [R]
62.306 WELSH, Jennifer M. —
While R. J. Vincent's overall goal in Human Rights and International Relations [Cambridge, 1986] was to demonstrate how human rights might be promoted in international society, there was one area in which he was skeptical about allowing human rights to serve as the basis for international conduct: military intervention. This article demonstrates that Vincent's greatest fear — that legitimizing humanitarian intervention would lead to countless wars — has proved largely unfounded. Nonintervention in the face of gross violations of human rights has marked the post-Cold War period more than rampant interventionism. Moreover, while the use of force for humanitarian purposes has become acceptable in very exceptional circumstances, the manner in which it has been legitimized and the depth of the consensus around its appropriateness illustrate lingering skepticism among states about infringements of sovereignty. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.55]
62.307 WENZELBURGER, Georg —
Political strategy matters — especially in the case of unpopular reforms. This is the main argument of this article. It shows that the analysis of political strategies gives complementary insights into the causal mechanisms of reform politics. It helps us to understand how political actors successfully implement unpopular reforms. The article provides empirical evidence for this claim by means of an analysis of adjustment efforts in Sweden, Belgium, Canada and France during the 1990s. It is shown that governments acted strategically in two areas: they used strategic manoeuvres in the political sphere in order to circumvent veto players. And they employed strategic organization and communication in the public sphere in order to dampen the risk of being punished by voters for the implemented policies. [R]
62.308 WEST, Darrell M. —
The author reframes the public debate over immigration policy by arguing that the benefits of immigration are much broader than popularly imagined and the costs more confined. He contends that in spite of legitimate fear and anxiety over illegal immigration, immigrants bring a “brain gain” of innovation and creativity that outweighs real or imagined costs. [R]
62.309 WESTLAKE, Martin —
The past two decades have been marked by five distinct but interlinked and converging trends that are gradually, collectively, cumulatively creating a whole new aspect of governance that, while it cannot replace or supplant traditional forms of government, will increasingly complement them. This new aspect is, by its very nature, heterogeneous and organically fluid and does not allow for easy categorization or comparative empirical study. Nevertheless, civil society — and particularly organized civil society — is increasingly exerting new forms of influence and representation and, as it does so, so its role is being consolidated and institutionalized at all levels. [R]
62.310 WEVELSIEP, Christian —
This article shows a profound fracture in modernity. The rise of the modern system of rights and of solidarity is combined with the expansion of new information systems and a new global awareness of human rights — every crime in the world can be felt at every place. The modern political self-relation that springs from this constellation has to realize a deep fracture in world politics. [R]
62.311 WIGLEY, Simon; AKKOYUNLU-WIGLEY, Arzu —
There is an emerging political economics literature which purports to show that legislatures elected based on proportional electoral rules spend more and redistribute more than legislatures elected based on majoritarian electoral rules. Going a step further, we consider whether degree of electoral proportionality has an impact on population health and, in particular, the health of the least advantaged members of society. A panel of 24 parliamentary democracies for the years 1960–2004 is used to examine the relationship between electoral institutions and health. The authors find that greater electoral proportionality is positively associated with overall population health (as indicated by life expectancy) and with the health of the poorest (as indicated by a reduction in infant mortality). [R, abr.]
62.312 WIGLEY, Simon; AKKOYUNLU-WIGLEY, Arzu —
Many scholars claim that democracy improves population health. The prevailing explanation for this is that democratic regimes distribute health-promoting resources more widely than autocratic regimes. This article contends that democracies also have a significant pro-health effect regardless of public redistributive policies. After establishing the theoretical plausibility of the nondistributive effect, a panel of 153 countries for the years 1972 to 2000 is used to examine the relationship between extent of democratic experience and life expectancy. The authors find that democratic governance continues to have a salutary effect on population health even when controls are introduced for the distribution of health-enhancing resources. Data for fifty autocratic countries for the years 1994 to 2007 are then used to examine whether media freedom — independent of government responsiveness — has a positive impact on life expectancy. [R]
62.313 WILLIAMS, Laron K. —
If no-confidence motions are primarily motivated by bringing down governments, why do only approximately 5% of no-confidence motions in advanced parliamentary democracies from 1960 result in the termination of government? The author addresses this puzzle by developing a formal model of the electoral benefits of no-confidence motions and tests these hypotheses with the use of an original data set. No-confidence motions represent highly visible opportunities for opposition parties to highlight their strength or ability compared to the government in the hopes of improving their vote shares. The author finds support for the signalbased theory on a sample of 20 advanced parliamentary democracies from 1960 to 2008. [R, abr.]
62.314 WOJTKOWSKI, Lukasz —
Agenda-setting may be considered as a form of organized and accepted censorship. Although treated as an obstacle to free speech, censorship may be an attribute of the agenda-setting process. Conversely, mass media are now so powerful that the public requires protection from them. Political communicators and public opinion are forced to respond to the rules of the media.
62.315 YASAR, Mahmut, et al. —
Recent theoretical studies have shown that firms lobby government agencies to influence the structure of trade policies. This article empirically examines whether firms classified as either exporting or import-competing (i.e., firms in the tradables sector) have differential levels of political influence relative to domestic firms that produce only non-traded goods (i.e., firms in the non-tradables sector). We use a rich firm-level, cross-sectional dataset from the World Business Environment Survey to achieve this objective. Results from the analysis reveal that exporting or import-competing firms do have more political influence relative to domestic firms that neither export nor produce import-competing goods. [R, abr.]
62.316 YE Min; LI Quan; LEIKER, Kyle W. —
When applying the proximity model in electoral studies, scholars face the challenge of estimating voter/candidate proximity when voters' responses to issues/policies in a multidimensional policy space are correlated. We contend that voters' correlated evaluations can be captured by the structure of a non-orthogonal policy space. After orthogonalizing such a space using the Gram-Schmidt process, we can improve our estimation of the spatial distance between voters and candidates. Moreover, our study suggests that in multidimensional space neither the city-block nor the Euclidean distance is ideal for estimating proximity. We propose to use a generalized parametric Minkowski model and our analysis demonstrates that the most appropriate distance metric for a particular study is an empirical issue that hinges on the particular structure of a dataset. [R]
62.317 YONG, Caleb —
“Hate speech” includes many different kinds of speech acts, each of which involves very different kinds of free speech interests, and may cause very different kinds of harm. I disaggregate hate speech into various categories which are analyzed in turn. I distinguish four main categories of hate speech, namely (1) targeted vilification, (2) diffuse vilification, (3) organized political advocacy for exclusionary and/or eliminationist policies, and (4) other assertions of fact or value which constitute an adverse judgment on an identifiable racial or religious group. Reviewing these categories in the light of the justifications for the Free Speech Principle, I argue that category (1) is “uncovered” by the Principle, categories (2) and (3) are covered but “unprotected”, and that category (4) is “protected” speech. [R, abr.]
62.318 YOUNG, Joseph K.; FINDLEY, Michael G. —
Does foreign aid reduce terrorism? We examine whether foreign aid decreases terrorism by analyzing whether aid targeted toward certain sectors is more effective than others. We use the most comprehensive databases on foreign aid and transnational terrorism — AidData and ITERATE — to provide a series of statistical tests. Our results show that foreign aid decreases terrorism especially when targeted toward sectors, such as education, health, civil society, and conflict prevention. These sector-level results indicate that foreign aid can be an effective instrument in fighting terrorism if allocated in appropriate ways. [R] [See Abstr. 62.259]
62.319 YOUNG, Joseph K.; FINDLEY, Michael G. —
Using a database of recent articles published in prominent political science journals, we show the rapid increase in terrorism research. Given this increased awareness and attention, we identify several problems that still plague the study of political terrorism including definitional problems that lack empirical tests, not distinguishing among different types of terrorism, and using the wrong unit of analysis when designing research. After identifying these problems-especially as they relate to the quantitative study of terrorism-we suggest some solutions. We then apply these suggestions to investigate whether changing the definition of terrorism, different types of terrorism, or changing the unit of analysis affects key predictors of terror events cross-nationally. [R, abr.]
62.320
Articles by Robert JERVIS, “Dilemmas about security dilemmas”, pp. 416–423; John MEARSHEIMER, “Realists as idealists”, pp. 424–430; James D. FEARON, “Two states, two types, two actions”, pp. 431–440; Dale C. COPELAND, “Rationalist theories of international politics and the problem of the future”, pp. 441–450; Keir A. LIEBER, “Mission impossible: measuring the offense-defense balance with military net assessment”, pp. 451–459; Randall L. SCHWELLER, “Rational theory for a bygone era”, pp. 460–468. Response of Charles L. GLASER, “Defending RTIP, without offending unnecessarily”, pp. 469–489.
62.321
Introduction by Sunjov JOSHI. Articles by Michael KUGELMAN; Muhammad Azeem Ali SHAH; Rohan D'SOUZA; N. Shantha MOHAN and Sailen ROUTRAY; Shawahiq SIDDIQUI; Inderjeet SINGH; Rumi AIJAZ; Uwe HOERING; Jayanta BANDYOPADHYAY; Shailaja FENNELL. Comments by Santosh GEORGE; Ashutosh KUMAR; C. P. BHAMBHRI.
62.322
Introduction by François LAFARGE, Fabrice LARAT and Michel MANGENOT, pp. 7–12. Preliminary remarks by Jean-Bernard AUBY, pp. 13–19. Articles by Bruno DAUGERON; Michel LE CLAINCHE; Jean-François FLAUSS; Frédéric EDEL; Jean Paul JACQUÉ; Jean-Louis AUTIN; Deirdre CURTIN and Joanna MENDES; Jean-Luc PISSALOUX; Géraldine AÏDAN; Francesco MAIANI, Jean-Patrick VILLENEUVE and Martial PASQUIER; Jean-Pierre LECLERC; Hafida BELRHALIBERNARD; Pierre-Yves BAUDOT and Anne RÉVILLARD; Françoise WAINTROP.
62.323
Articles by David N. McNEILL, “Antigone's autonomy”, pp. 411–441; T. H. IRWIN, “Continuity in the history of autonomy”, pp. 442–459; Gregory B. GRAYBILL, “Captivity or autonomy? Philipp Melanchhthon's theological anthropology”, pp. 460–477; Frederick NEUHOUSER, “Jean-Jacques Rousseau and the origins of autonomy”, pp. 478–493; Katerina DELIGIORGI, “The proper Telos of life: Schiller, Kant and having autonomy as an end”, pp. 494–511; Donald RUTHERFORD, “Freedom as a philosophical ideal: Nietzsche and his antecedents”, pp. 512–540; Thomas PINK, “Thomas Hobbes and the ethics of freedom”, pp. 541–563.