Abstract
(a) International law, organization and administration/Droit international, organisation et administration internationales
62.3730 ALCARO, Riccardo —
With the US eventually embracing the European-devised “dual track” approach comprising both sanctions and incentives, the transatlantic partners have currently reached a remarkable level of convergence on how to deal with the Iranian nuclear conundrum. Although EU-US unity might not be enough to solve the dispute, the experience of transatlantic cooperation on Iran offers some important lessons. It shows that strategic convergence between the transatlantic partners, or lack thereof, has a considerable impact on the way a crisis unfolds in an area in which both parties have a stake. It highlights the added value represented by European/EU political and economic assets in a situation in which US military options are both unlikely to have the desired effect and at grave risk of backlash. [R, abr.]
62.3731 ARIAS, Aimee Kanner; GURSES, Mehmet —
We argue that the “opportunity structure” EU membership and conditionality provide helps to reconfigure the relationships between minority groups and states. EU membership and/or the membership process can mitigate the conflict between minorities and their respective states by putting direct pressure on the states to address ethnic demands. We argue that a minority group's characteristics will also determine that group's success in terms of securing and/or advancing its demands. This study presents one of the first systematic empirical tests of EU membership and minority rights. Results from a series of ordered logit and ordinary least squares (OLS) regression analyses support our thesis. [R]
62.3732 AVDEYEVA, Olga A. —
How and under what conditions do states initiate reforms and comply with international agreements to combat human trafficking? This paper focuses on the post-communist states' compliance with anti-trafficking norms. The first finding demonstrates the importance of female members of parliament in promoting states' compliance with anti-trafficking requirements. The second finding reveals the importance of states' international position and aspirations to join exclusive regional organizations for fostering compliance with the UN Anti-Trafficking Protocols. [R]
62.3733 BAIMBRIDGE, Mark; BURKITT, Brian; WHYMAN, Philip B. —
This article briefly explores the background to the current Eurozone crisis before outlining a number of potential solutions. Specifically, we discuss how the credit-crunch-induced recession of 2008 triggered the problems within the Eurozone regarding sovereign debt, looking at the issues of spill-over and free-rider effects, together with the implementation of EMU fiscal rules. The analysis is then extended by outlining a series of potential remedies. This consists of a critical evaluation of solutions that the EU has already instigated (i.e., moral persuasion, financial relief measures and debt default), together with a series of alternative propositions (i.e., fiscal federalism and a European Clearing Union) and even the collapse of the euro. [R, abr.]
62.3734 BAJREKTAREVIC, Anis H. —
By contrasting and comparing genesis of multilateral security structures in Europe with those currently existing in Asia, and by listing some of the most pressing security challenges in Asia, this article offers several policy incentives why the largest world's continent must consider creation of the comprehensive pan-Asian institution. I claim that irrespective to the impressive economic growth, no Asian century will emerge without creation of such an institution. [R, abr.]
62.3735 BANAI, Ayelet —
The article explores the concept of culture as a criterion for political boundaries, and finds both prominent positions on the cultural criterion in contemporary liberal democratic theory — liberal nationalism and its cosmopolitan opposition — inadequate. It compares two opposing visions of culture-based regionalism in Europe, developed by Green parties and by parties of the new far-right, respectively. The comparison indicates that the exclusionary meanings of culture as a criterion for political boundaries, typical for the new far-right, dominate the notion of culture in this context in general-despite the ecologists' efforts to appropriate the cultural criterion and reinvent it. [R, abr.]
62.3736 BARIČEVIĆ, Vedrana —
The paper deals with the theories of the transformation of the modern functions of the nation-state and the immigrant membership associated with the (legally defined) status of community members exemplified by asylum policies. Two fundamental approaches to the issue are distinguished: one emphasizing changes in the institution of the traditional national citizenship and competences of the nation-state, while stressing a predominantly national character of the institution of citizenship; the second one emphasizes the transformation of traditional citizenships, stressing the weakening of the role of the nation-state. Therefore, in the latter case, there is increasingly more talk about post-nationalism, a term denoting the transformation of the substantive aspects of citizenship in the EU countries. [R, abr.]
62.3737 BARTELT, Sandra —
The article presents the second Revision of the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP)-EU Partnership Agreement (Cotonou Agreement (CA)) and contains an outlook on the future of the relations between the EU and the ACP Group of States, taking also into account the restructuring of the EU's external relations under the Lisbon Treaty and the establishment of the new European External Action Service (EEAS). The second Revision of the CA was signed in June 2010. Ten years after the conclusion of the CA, its second revision sought to find a balance between the increasing trend towards differentiation within the ACP Group and the unity of the ACP Group of States. [R, abr.]
62.3738 BEARDSLEY, Kyle; SCHMIDT, Holger —
This paper compares the explanatory power of two models of UN intervention behavior: (1) an “organizational mission model” built around the proposition that variations in the amount of resources that the UN devotes to different conflicts primarily reflect the degree to which a conflict poses a challenge to the UN's organizational mandate of promoting international peace and stability and (2) a “parochial interest model” that revolves around the purely private interests of the five veto-holding members of the UN Security Council (the “P-5”), i.e., interests that are either unrelated to or at odds with the UN's organizational mandate. We examine data on UN conflict-management efforts in more than 270 international crises between 1945 and 2002. [R, abr.]
62.3739 BECKERT, Jens; STREECK, Wolfgang —
The development of the European Monetary Union into a fiscal union ought to amount to a new start for integration. Democratic states today face a second sovereign power in the international financial markets. Their demands should be satisfied through the transition to a community of austerity. [See Abstr. 62.3821]
62.3740 BELKE, Ansgar; VON SCHNURBEIN, Barbara —
This paper analyzes the voting power of individual members of the ECB Governing Council and, in particular, that of the Executive Board in the light of recent information published by the ECB. Using the randomization scheme based on the multilinear extension of games, we modify the standard analysis in three ways: (1) we include heterogeneous preferences of the Governing Council members; (2) we address the agendasetting power of the ECB president; (3) we take into account the dynamic decision setting. We show that the rotation model is able to stabilize the position of the core countries of the euro area. [R]
62.3741 BERARDO, Ramiro; GERLA, Andrea K. —
The management of international rivers is increasingly marked by a heightened attention to and growth in institutions at the river-basin level to promote cooperation and resolve conflicts between states in a basin. We draw from diverse literatures, including work on social and ecological systems, international institutions, common-pool resources, and international waters, to capture and integrate the design elements associated with effective collaborative management along an international river. We apply and test the validity of our model in a plausibility probe through the analysis of the conflict between Argentina and Uruguay over the construction of pulp mills along the Uruguay River, and the role of the established and functioning river basin organization — the Administrative Commission of the Uruguay River (CARU) — in this conflict. [R, abr.]
62.3742 BERGNER, Jonathan D. —
The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty is considered the model for how to address the complex problem of proliferation. This article analyzes the NPT's impact on the decision to peacefully give up nuclear weapons programs in four states — South Korea, Argentina, Brazil, and Libya. It concludes that while the nuclear decision-making calculus is complicated, because of the centrality of security concerns in nuclear decision-making, the NPT as currently structured appears not to have had a meaningful impact. This article accordingly suggests that nonproliferation efforts should focus on working directly with problem states to alter their calculations about the utility of nuclear weapons. [R]
62.3743 BINDER, Christian —
An analysis of the dynamic decisions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights concerning amnesty for serious human rights violations. In the context of a wide interpretation of its own competencies, the Court invalidates national amnesty legislations which go against the American Convention on Human Rights. Whereas this broad mandate positions the Court as the Latin American constitutional court for human rights, it also reduces the powers of national legislators and courts.
62.3744 BLÜHDORN, Ingolfur —
As the primary emphasis in international climate politics has shifted from the agenda of mitigation of to that of adaptation to global warming, this introduction describes the UN COP15 summit in Copenhagen as the symbolic turning point towards what is conceptualized as the politics of unsustainability. The article sketches the meaning of the concept, provides a common framework for the more detailed analyses that follow and outlines the research agenda for the symposium that is portrayed here. [R] [Introduction to a symposium on “Politics of climate change in the EU and USA”, edited by the author. See also Abstr. 62.3224, 3279, 3384, 3876]
62.3745 BOSSUYT, Fabienne —
This article examines the impact of multi-level governance (MLG) on the democratic input into EU trade policy under the Lisbon Treaty. Focusing on two recently concluded EU trade agreements, i.e., the multi party agreement with Colombia and Peru and the association agreement with Central America, the article traces several dangers and risks that MLG entails for democratic accountability and participation, which are closely tied to the strong output-oriented nature of MLG and its emphasis on technical efficiency. This dangers of MLG are not accidental, but are firmly rooted within an underlying hegemonic social-economic trend, characterized by an intentional (neo-liberal dominated) attempt to de-politicize, and even de-democratize, European political policy-making. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2863]
62.3746 BRACK, Nathalie —
Euroskepticism at the supranational level has remained largely overlooked by scholars. This article focuses on the persistent minority of hard Euroskeptic MEPs. The objective is twofold: (1) to determine how Euroskeptic MEPs conceive and carry out their representative mandate; (2) to analyze the impact of the institutional framework and of the visions of Europe on the strategies of these MEPs. Drawing on the insights of role theory and the dichotomy of A. Hirschman and using a qualitative methodology, the article proposes a typology of three main parliamentary roles (the absentee, the pragmatist and the public orator), corresponding to a continuum between exit and voice. It also shows that both the visions of Europe as well as the institutional context affect the parliamentary roles of MEPs. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3747]
62.3747 BRACK, Nathalie; COSTA, Olivier —
This general introduction explains the rationale behind this special issue. EU institutions have long been seen as bastions for Europhile actors and they indeed seem to have, over time, promoted further European integration. This pro-integration bias is examined through the analysis of three interrelated factors: ideas, interests and institutional logics. But this introduction also shows that there have been diverging views of Europe among EU elites; therefore it is necessary to explore these views and their impact on EU institutions but also to go beyond the binary pro/anti-Europe divide. It exposes the main research questions that structure the special issue and briefly presents the different articles. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue, “Diverging views of Europe: the EU against itself?”. See also Abstr. 62.3746, 3771, 3818, 3865, and the conclusion by Juan DÍEZ MEDRANO, Abstr. 62.3772]
62.3748 BRAGHIROLI, Stefano —
The article looks at the way the debate on Turkish membership has developed in the Sixth European Parliament (EP). It analyzes the impact of the debate on Turkey on the voting dynamics in the assembly, [and] assesses how and to what extent Euro-MPs' individual view of Turkey and Turkish membership influence their actual voting behavior. The analysis suggests that the issue of Turkish membership has a very divisive impact on the voting dynamics and voting alignments in the EP. Given its national and political significance, the issue seems to determine ad hoc voting blocs only imperfectly matching MEPs' individual party affiliation. [R]
62.3749 BROCK, Lothar —
In his Agenda for Democratization, former UN Secretary General B. Boutros-Ghali referred to the UN as “an experiment in democratic international organization”: a programmatic vision rather than a statement of fact, the UN was built on a broad democratic consensus which called for the organization to play an active role in promoting democracy, including the democratization of the UN itself. The democratic consensus in the UN has certainly broadened. However, it remains weak because democracy continues to have a different meaning to different people. [R, abr.]
62.3750 BROWN, Bernard E. —
NATO is not merely a military alliance. It is a treaty organization that has been able to assume new functions since the collapse of the USSR. Its consultative structures have had a “spillover effect” in the larger political sphere, enabling it to combine hard and soft power. Similar spillover effect may be observed between special agencies and central institutions in the EU and the UN. Sovereign states continue to play key roles in all international and regional organizations. [R]
62.3751 BROWN, David —
In 2010, the EU agreed its third five year program for internal security, with the Stockholm Program building on pre-existing arrangements from Tampere and The Hague. This article highlights the nature of the problem confronting the EU in the area of internal security, exploring thematic concerns regarding both the institutional and conceptual construction of the EU's internal security regime, from the lack of an effective statistical analysis into the nature of the problem confronting the member states to the continued fragmentation of the European level as a practical venue for policy-making. [Then] the article critically appraises the solutions contained both within the 2010 Stockholm Program and the Treaty of Lisbon. At best, the “Stockholm solution” simply papers over pre-existing cracks, leaving the EU with a continued credibility gap in this important area of co-operation. [R, abr.]
62.3752 BRUNNENGRÄBER, Achim —
Global environmental governance and global environmental law are subject to three main hurdles: they can only be created and handled on the global level, they produce and include a multitude of environmental actors, and, thus, challenge global democratization processes through creating hard politics but soft law, which results in an institutional area of conflict. It is caused by the diverse character of actors, their diffuse possibilities of participation, by the market-based nature of environmental regulation, by heterogenic (scientific) views of the basic environmental problem. The challenge for state and non-governmental actors is to overcome the neoliberal focus of both soft law and hard politics in order to adopt universal and binding environmental legislation. [A] [First of a series of articles on “Ecology”]
62.3753 BUCHET DE NEUILLY, Yves —
Access to the EU Presidency is usually seen as an opportunity for a member state to put forward its agenda. But one cannot understand the effects of EU Presidency through a such state-centric, homogenizing approach, which naturalizes state interests. The resources provided by that status and its constraints change the relative position of member state representatives, their options, expectations and strategies. The impact of this structural move is not the same for all the representatives of a given country (here, France in 2008). The differential impact of the Presidency role depends first on the balance of power, the dynamics and institutions of each EU public policy field. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3825]
62.3754 BULJEVIĆ, Josip —
After the Treaty of Lisbon, certain changes have been made to the ESDP as an integral part of the CFSP. EU member states have expressed their wish to take more responsibility in protecting the security of Europe and the whole world, through civilian, police-led or combined action. Europe is also starting to demonstrate its readiness for military action, either independently or in cooperation with NATO. At this point, however, there is no fully organized and complete security and intelligence system at the level of the EU. Each of the three EU umbrella institutions (European Parliament, Commission and European Council) is comprised [of] bodies in charge of security-related issues, whose work is purely analytical. Unlike bodies within NATO, the EU security and intelligence elements do not act multilaterally. [R, abr.]
62.3755 BUTLER, Michael J. —
A decade after achieving independence, the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste (DRTL) continues to rely upon the UN directly and indirectly to carry out functions typically ascribed to the state. This dependency raises the specter of what scholars concerned with the breadth and extent of recent and ongoing UN operations in places such as Timor-Leste have dubbed “neo-trusteeship”. This research advances an empirical accounting of, and explanation for, the emergence and persistence of neo-trusteeship in Timor-Leste. Careful scrutiny of the UN involvement in Timor-Leste betrays the origins and sources of the neo-trusteeship arrangement and suggests that neo-trusteeship is better understood as a by-product of the disjuncture between mandate overreach and organizational incapacity playing out within complex post-conflict environments rather than any intentional manifestation of “postmodern imperialism”. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2936]
62.3756 CAMMACK, Paul —
The emergence of the G20 leaders' meeting during the recent global financial crisis as the “premier forum for international economic cooperation” does not challenge the authority or objectives of the international financial institutions. Successive G20 initiatives, culminating in the adoption of the Seoul Development Consensus for Shared Growth in November 2010, reveal both a further strengthening of the already close institutional relationship between the G20 and the Bretton Woods institutions and a strong shared commitment to a developmental form of global liberalism. This article charts the ascendancy of emerging economy perspectives through the lens of the G20, maps their ties to the IMF and other international organizations, sets out the content of the new global developmental liberalism, and assesses the implications of emerging economy hegemony for the advanced and the emerging economies, respectively. [R, abr.]
62.3757 CARAWAY, Teri L.; RICKARD, Stephanie J.; ANNER, Mark S. —
What is the role of international organizations (IOs) in the formulation of domestic policy, and how much influence do citizens have in countries' negotiations with IOs? We examine these questions through a study of labor-related conditionality in IMF loans. Using new data from IMF loan documents for programs from 1980 to 2000, we test to see if citizens' economic interests influence IMF conditionality. We examine the substance of loan conditions and identify those that require liberalization in the country's domestic labor market or that have direct effects on employment, wages, and social benefits. We find evidence that democratic countries with stronger domestic labor receive less intrusive labor-related conditions in their IMF loan programs. We argue that governments concerned about workers' opposition to labor-related loan conditions negotiate with the IMF to minimize labor conditionality. [R, abr.]
62.3758 CARRUBA, Clifford J., et al. —
In “Judicial behavior under political constraints: evidence from the European Court of Justice”, [ibid., 102(4), 2008: 435–452; Abstr. 59.5637], [we offer] evidence for political constraints on ECJ decision-making. A. Stone Sweet and T. Brunell [Abstr. 62.3874] argue that our theoretical foundations are fundamentally flawed and that our empirical evidence supports neofunctionalism over intergovernmentalism “in a landslide”. We respectfully disagree with them regarding both their conclusions about our theoretical arguments and what the empirical evidence demonstrates. We clarify our argument and draw a clearer contrast between our and their perspective on the role the ECJ plays in European integration. Finally, we re-evaluate their neofunctionalist hypotheses. Ultimately, we do not find support in the data for their empirical claims. [R]
62.3759 CHABAN, Natalia —
With the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty and the launch of the European External Action Service, the EU has embarked on a new phase of international diplomacy, which includes renewed attention to EU public diplomacy (PD) efforts. This article contributes to EU PD scholarship and practice by studying the images and perceptions of the EU among news media professionals in Asia (findings from twelve Asian locations in the north-east, south, and south-east of the continent). A systematic analysis of the newsmakers' perceptions of the EU is doubly beneficial — first, it displays an insight into the world view of a powerful cohort of stakeholders in the region, and second, it explores the visions and attitudes that may stand behind choices in EU news selection and news writing. [R, abr.]
62.3760 CHARLÉTY, Véronique —
Even after the Lisbon Treaty, the rotating Presidency of the [European] Council is still considered a politicial opportunity to be used by member countries as a mean to prove their level of European integration in terms of administrative capacity and efficiency. With a view to better preparing for the Presidency, member states often set up targeted training programs. Their main purpose is usually to strengthen the administrative capacity of the officials in charge of European affairs by transferring know-how and good practices, and to bring to the foreground a common administrative culture. The complexity of the missions incumbent on the state exercising the presidency justifies this effort. It also makes the use of this “Presidency momentum” an instrument of legitimization in relation to national and European public opinion. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3825]
62.3761 CHEVALLIER-GOVERS, Constance —
This article not only studies the cooperation between the EU and ASEAN in the fight against terrorism but also shows the interactions between the fight against terrorism within the EU and within ASEAN. It analyzes EU's and ASEAN's respective terrorist threats and compares the EU and ASEAN as counterterrorist actors. Regional cooperation within ASEAN is still at its infancy stage, as ASEAN is profoundly attached to the principles of state sovereignty and non-interference, whereas the EU has developed a real strategy in order to pursue and prevent terrorism. Thus, the EU has been brought to integrate its fight against terrorism into all aspects of its foreign policy and has recognized that South-East Asia is a critical factor for its security agenda. [R, abr.]
62.3762 CHO Sungjoon; KELLY, Claire R. —
The G20's coordination of institutions and networks exemplifies a new form of global governance. Network coordination offers an opportunity to confront complex problems with a needed comprehensive approach. The institutions and networks engage in an ongoing dialectical process that propels standard setters toward convergence on a number of fronts. The actors in this process employ a variety of tools to forge consensus and the G20 leverages this consensus-creating process to achieve its goals. Unpacking these tools can help scholars tackle intricate questions that arise from the G20's coordination role. In particular, we focus on concerns regarding the effectiveness and legitimacy of the G20's coordination of multiple networks and institutions. [R, abr.]
62.3763 CHO Yoon Je —
The current international monetary system (IMS) is deemed to be no longer adequate to meet the needs of a complex, integrated world economy. There have been various proposals to build a stronger global financial safety net to diversify the supply of international reserve currency. These proposals face trade-offs between desirability and political feasibility. Given this situation, a practical transition would strengthen policy-coordination among the major economies and reform the IMF. The success on both fronts depends heavily on global economic governance reform and the role of the G20. Increased status and representation of Asian countries in the G20 give both privileges and responsibilities to Asians. They should put forth greater efforts to develop their intellectual leadership in global economic issues through creating new forum and institutions. [R, abr.]
62.3764 CLEGG, Liam —
By placing recent developments in their historical context, this article outlines the evolution of competing views amongst key internal actors over how and when the Fund should lend to low-income countries, and highlights the limited ability of US representatives to achieve their aims in this policy area. In line with a series of historical precedents, advocates of a “developmentalist” IMF have again drawn upon a period of crisis to overcome the more “minimalist” views of the US. By doing so, space has been opened up for the IMF to gain traction over “poverty-reduction” through the use of ring-fenced spending. With these changes the IMF is gradually learning to become a development partner. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2835]
62.3765 CRAIG, Paul —
The concept of subsidiarity was a notable addition to the Maastricht Treaty when it was first introduced. It continues to be of political and legal significance in the post-Lisbon world. This article considers subsidiarity from a political and legal perspective. It analyzes the diverse rationales behind its inclusion in the Treaty, and the reasons why it has proven difficult to realize the objectives of subsidiarity. The focus then shifts to the legal dimension and considers the role played by the EU courts in monitoring subsidiarity and suggestions that the EU courts should review subsidiarity through a form of competence-proportionality control. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3853]
62.3766 DAKOWSKA, Dorota —
The creation of political foundations at the EU level, made possible by a Regulation adopted in December 2007, is a breakthrough compared to the European Commission's previous position on party — affiliated organizations at both the national and the European levels. This article analyzes the mobilization of political entrepreneurs in the European Parliament and of national foundations' network, lobbying the Commission and Council representatives. The Commission's initiative needs to be considered in the political context of the aftermath of the 2005 constitutional referenda defeat. The article proposes a critical analysis of the foundations' contribution to the politicization of the European public debate. It analyzes their communication strategies to see how they respond to the European objectives of proximity and dialogue. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3714]
62.3767 DANI, Marco —
In intersectional litigation, European courts face conflicts between rival claims of legal authority that, in the absence of a unified European constitutional framework, may receive only context-dependent solutions. This poses critical challenges for judicial bodies: not only are they expected to make up for the absence of an overarching constitutional structure and ensure legal coherence, but they are also put at the forefront of articulating and accommodating the conflict between the largely regulatory framework of the EU and states' republican constitutionalism. The actual interpretive strategies employed in intersectional disputes, nevertheless, do not appear entirely up to that task. The essay calls for the structuring of a European interpretive community and proposes “contextual deference” as an interpretive strategy promoting external coherence between judicial rulings crafted in distinct legal orders. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3888]
62.3768 DE GOEDE, Marieke —
This article examines the “SWIFT affair”, whereby US security authorities acquired access to financial data of European citizens, and argues that it is a powerful lens through which to understand current shifts in European security governing. The affair demonstrates the institutional challenges produced by the deployment of private, commercial data for security, and analyzes the ad hoc innovations produced in EU governing as a result. Furthermore, the affair has allowed the EU to position itself in the global security landscape as a normative power that promotes the values of privacy and data-protection. However, the development of a European Terrorism Financing Tracking System, coupled with the way in which the EU itself is keenly implementing risk-based and data-led internal security measures, means that critical attention to the EU's own security practices remains urgent. [R]
62.3769 DE WILDE, Pieter; ZÜRN, Michael —
Following the failure of the Constitutional Treaty, executives of EU member states and the European Commission tried to take European integration as a political issue off the agenda and limit involvement of citizens in EU decision-making. This article assesses the viability of this attempt to combat politicization of European integration and concludes that it is unlikely to succeed in the long run. Politicization is a direct consequence of the increasing authority of the EU. The executive response to reverse this trend, however, does not address its cause, but rather the intermediating factors in the form of political opportunity structure. Since the cause of politicization remains intact and intermediating factors are unlikely to be controlled by executives, this attempt to reverse politicization is not viable. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3853]
62.3770 DEDJA, Sokol —
The examination of the approach of the EU return policy to Albania — a country to which the EU returns about one-fifth of the total number of the third-country nationals removed — demonstrates that the predominant focus of the EU return policy on the effectiveness and efficiency of returns has left little room for safeguarding the human rights of the returnees. The return procedures of the readmission agreement that should guarantee the protection of human rights in the return process are not observed by the EU member states. There are insufficient guarantees that the reception and possible detention of returnees in Albania will offer a dignified treatment. [R, abr.]
62.3771 DEHOUSSE, Renaud; THOMPSON, Andrew —
Contrary to the dominant view in the scholarly literature on European institutions, where the European Commission is generally described as a unitary actor whose acts are primarily influenced by a political agenda and/or considerations of self-interest, this article argues that a variety of opinions coexist within the Commission staff. Based on the largest attitudinal survey ever conducted on Commission officials, it documents the existence of a sizeable minority of intergovernmentalists and analyzes their attitude towards the institution they serve and their views on its place in the integration process. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3747]
62.3772 DÍEZ MEDRANO, Juan —
This article summarizes the special issue's main findings and analytical contributions, challenges some of the arguments, and suggests ways of pushing the research agenda forward. The contributions emphasize the penetration of European institutions by actors set on slowing down or reversing the process of European integration and the growing weight of Euroskeptic views in the public sphere. In general, however, they express optimism as to the EU institutions' ability to contain this dissent. At the same time, two articles examine the role of contrasting visions of European integration in the explanation of the EU's current financial and economic crisis. They emphasize Germany's change of heart with respect to the meaning and goals of European integration. Diversity of visions on European integration matters because most states and their citizens are reluctant to further transfers of competences and sovereignty. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3747]
62.3773 DONDERS, Karen —
Since the early 1990s, the European Commission applies the state aid rules (part of European competition law) to the funding of national and subnational public broadcasters. This article analyzes to what extent discussions on the regulation and funding of public service broadcasting are determined by a conflictual notion of subsidiarity. Focusing on encounters between the EC on the one hand and Germany, the Netherlands and Flanders on the other hand, the article concludes that member states and the EC focus more on competence divisions than on substantive discussions about the future of public service broadcasting. This is particularly regrettable as the digital age requires a through re-thinking of the role of public broadcasters in Western European democracies. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2863]
62.3774 DORMAN, Andrew M. —
NATO and its members are beginning to gear themselves up for the summit in Chicago in May 2012. Such summits are always important, especially when they are held in the US during an election year and in the aftermath of the French presidential elections. This article addresses the issues that are likely to be most prominent at the Chicago summit —NATO's wars; enlargement and Russia; burden-sharing; and divergent agendas — before drawing some general conclusions. The outstanding question is whether these issues will lead to division within NATO and hence its possible demise — or will they be finessed? [R]
62.3775 DREHER, Axel; STURM, Jan-Egbert —
Using panel data for 188 countries over the 1970–2008 period, this paper analyzes empirically the influence of the IMF and the World Bank on voting patterns in the UN General Assembly. Countries receiving adjustment projects and larger non-concessional loans from the World Bank vote more frequently in line with the average G7 country. The same is true for countries obtaining non-concessional IMF programs. Regarding voting coincidence with the US, World Bank non-concessional loans have a significant impact, while IMF loans do not. This overall pattern of results is robust to the choice of control variables and method of estimation. [R]
62.3776 DUKE, Simon —
The literature on coherence in EU external action often fails to consider coherence at the level of services. This contribution aims to complement the existing literature by considering coherence in EU external action in the post-Lisbon Treaty institutional setting, with a specific emphasis upon the role of the European External Action Service (EEAS) and its responsibilities in this context. The core argument is that a number of practical steps can be taken to enhance coherence in both its vertical and horizontal domains and that there is some urgency to this. Failure to do so will only lead to incoherence, not only at the level of services but also beyond. [R]
62.3777 ECKES, Christina —
This article gives a comprehensive account of the shortcomings of the EU's policy of sanctioning terrorist suspects and makes tentative suggestions on how to resolve them. While much has been written on the case law of the EU courts on counter-terrorist sanctions, the actual practice of adopting these measures has attracted much less attention. Imposing sanctions on individuals remains qualitatively and quantitatively the most important CFSP of the EU, and individuals continue to bring challenges against sanctions before the EU courts. At the same time, many issues surrounding the EU's sanctioning practice remain unresolved. This article addresses these issues. Individual sanctions are not only the cornerstone of EU counterterrorist policies but also an oddly harmonized form of EU criminal law. [R, abr.]
62.3778 EICHENGREEN, Barry —
The year 2007 saw a series of events celebrating the first decade of Europe's monetary union. Within a year, however, the Eurozone descended into the most serious crisis in its short history. [I ask] whether scholarly analysis of European monetary integration was deficient in ways that led observers to miss impending problems. I answer that the standard analysis was broadly on the mark, although it missed the need for effective oversight of banking and financial systems at the level of the monetary union and underemphasized political economy consideration. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3853]
62.3779 ELEFTHERIADIS, Pavlos —
This article responds to J. Weiler's argument [Abstr. 62.3888] by sketching a philosophical framework within which we may understand the moral distinctiveness of the EU. The argument is informed by the international political theories outlined by Kant and Rawls, according to which the domain of international institutions is distinct from that of domestic politics. If the EU is an international project for the achievement of international and cosmopolitan objectives, then the virtues that it ought to promote are not those of the state. Instead, the relevant virtues are outward looking in that they require respect to other nations and citizens as equal members of the society of peoples. [R]
62.3780 EMERSON, Michael —
The EU's self-definition as an integrating civilian, democratic and legal space of political norms and economic regulation, without any significant military power structure, profoundly affects the conception of its neighborhood policies. While the EU has one explicit neighborhood policy, there are no less than thirteen concentric circles of graduated neighborhood relationships surrounding its territory, with a continuous blurring of categories between them. The EU can be described as engaging in a policy of Eurocentric normativism. But does trying to make neighbors “become like us” amount to an effective strategy? There is widespread agreement that although the enlargement process for accession of new member states has proved impressively transformative, the official ENP, sometimes called “enlargement-lite”, has not. [R, abr.] [First of three articles on “Comparing neighborhood policies”. See also Abstr. 62.3920, 3949]
62.3781 FERNÁNDEZ PASARÍN, Ana Mar —
The reform of the presidential system exerts an influence over the dialectic of power between the Council Presidency and the Commission. Since the late 1990s, several key innovations have been introduced to the rotating system in order to improve the continuity of the Council's work. These functional changes such as the new stable, team and super parties involve a break from the traditional “national profile” of the Presidency. The aim of this article is to analyze this process of institutional conversion and to explore how it seems to affect the relationship with the Commission. The hypothesis rests on the idea that the reform of the presidential system, and in particular the increasing tendency towards communitarization that it sets in motion, is an intervening variable for the development of co-operative rather than conflictive inter-institutional dynamics. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3825]
62.3782 FUTTER, Andrew —
Within the next few years, NATO will need to make a collective decision about the future of US tactical nuclear weapons (TNW) in Europe. This decision is made far more complex by the determination of NATO officials to link the withdrawal of these weapons to reciprocal reductions in Russian TNW in Europe, and by the possibility of substituting the key strategic and political link they provide with a ballistic missile defense (BMD) system. This article shows how we have arrived at this position, highlights the potential benefits to NATO Europe of BMD, and considers the key questions that the Alliance will face in achieving this. Ultimately, this article shows how the future of TNW in Europe is likely to be linked to whether NATO values arms-cuts with Russia, or the deployment of missile defenses, as its central priority. [R, abr.]
62.3783 GÁBOR, Sulyok —
The study focuses on the relationship of globalization and the human rights reform of the UN. It reviews major reform proposals on the basis of various official documents issued before and after [2000]. These proposals constituted an important source of inspiration for several subsequent measures taken by the organization, which appear to coalesce into three distinct categories: a general change of organizational attitude, an overhaul of obsolete structures, and a procedural and functional modernization. The author introduces and critically evaluates the accentuation of the human dimension, the establishment of the Human Rights Council as well as the solemn declaration of the responsibility to protect. [R, abr.]
62.3784 GARCÍA, Borja; WEATHERILL, Stephen —
The absence of explicit reference to sport in the EU treaties has allowed the Court and the Commission room to require sport to adjust to the standards required by EU law. Sporting federations typically assert a need for a wider zone of autonomy. This paper shows how they were able to exert influence in both the Convention on the Future of Europe and the subsequent intergovernmental conference in order to secure recognition of sport's special characteristics within the Treaty, albeit in ambiguous form. Sports bodies engage with the EU precisely in order to minimize its impact. The relevant provisions of Treaty of Lisbon dealing with sport are examined to show that they leave open scope for future contestation about the interaction between EU law and policy and the systems of sports governance. [R, abr.]
62.3785 GERMOND, Basil —
This article comprehensively discusses the maritime dimension of the EU's security, which encompasses military and civilian aspects, intergovernmental and community components as well as institutional and geopolitical elements. It provides a narrative of the development of the maritime element in the EU's security policy since the adoption of the European Security Strategy in 2003. The maritime dimension is often obscured by the complicated institutional structure of the Union. Thereafter, the article emphasizes the need to define an effective EU Maritime Security Strategy, which would provide a strategic framework for the Union's security-related activities regarding the sea that encompass maritime power projection, as well as maritime security and safety. [R, abr.]
62.3786 GOLUB, Jonathan —
Each year, small Member States receive a disproportionate share of the EU's budget. A prominent explanation for this is that Council decision-making involves a healthy dose of vote-selling, whereby large Member States offer small states generous fiscal transfers in exchange for influence over policy. But nobody has investigated whether net budget contributors actually get anything for their money. I identify the vote-selling model's observable implications and find virtually no evidence consistent with Council cash-for-votes exchanges. I also show that a compromise model — the leading model of EU decision-making to date — modified to incorporate vote-selling does not outperform a standard one that assumes votes are traded rather than sold. [R, abr.]
62.3787 GONZÁLEZ ALEGRE, Juan —
Motivated by the lack of success of previous studies trying to estimate the impact of the European Cohesion Policy, this paper brings an unexplored issue to light: transfers that are intended to finance public investment in key areas for growth might be crowded-out by subsidized governments to alternative uses. In fact, using annual data from fifteen member countries (1993–2005), we conclude that public investment in the member countries makes up around 60% of the increase in EU funds. The limited role of the European Commission in the allocation of the funds could partially explain this result. [R]
62.3788 GOODLIFFE, Jay, et al. —
Since governments traditionally guard their sovereignty carefully, it is puzzling that the ICC was not only established, but established so rapidly. Looking beyond traditional explanations for joining international institutions, this study identifies a new causal factor: a country's dependence network, which consists of the set of other states that control resources the country values. This study captures different dimensions of what states value through trade relations, security alliances, and shared memberships in international organizations. Using event-history analysis on monthly data from 1998 to 2004, we find that dependence networks strongly affect whether and when a state signs and ratifies the ICC. Some types of ratification costs also influence state commitment, but many conventional explanations of state commitment receive little empirical support. [R, abr.]
62.3789 GORDON, Joy —
This article considers whether the UN Security Council is bound by international humanitarian law in the context of Chapter VII, which authorizes the Council to use force in response to aggression, threats to peace, and breaches of the peace. In the early 1990s, the Council took unprecedented measures seen by many as overreaching, raising the possibility that the leading institution of global governance might abuse its power. [Although] the matter [may be] resolved politically and judicially, it is not resolved constitutionally, and the abuse of power by the Security Council remains a possibility. If a permanent member of the Council comes to hold considerable political and economic influence over the other permanent members, as was the case in the early 1990s, the possibility of an extraordinary abuse of power within the Security Council again becomes viable. [R, abr.]
62.3790 GREEN-PEDERSEN, Christoffer —
L. Hooghe and G. Marks recently [“Postfunctionalist theory of European integration: from permissive consensus to constraining dissensus”, British Journal of Political Science 39(1), Jan. 2009: 1–23; Abstr. 59.5690] introduced a new research agenda for the study of European integration focusing on politicization, that is, the inclusion of mass public attitudes in the politics of European integration. This article — unlike the existing literature, which focuses on Euro-skeptical extreme left or right-wing parties — argues that the explanation for politicization or the lack of it should be found in the incentives the issue offers for mainstream political parties. Denmark serves as a crucial case study to show the limitations of the existing literature and the need to focus on the incentives of mainstream political parties. [R, abr.]
62.3791 GROSSMAN, Nienke —
This article explores the relationship between the paucity of women judges and the legitimacy of international courts. After providing statistics on women's participation on eleven of the world's most important courts and tribunals, the article argues that under-representation of one sex affects the normative legitimacy of international courts because it endangers impartiality and introduces bias when men and women approach judging differently. Even if men and women do not “think differently”, a sex-unrepresentative bench harms sociological legitimacy for constituencies who believe they do nonetheless. For groups traditionally excluded from international lawmaking or historically discriminated against, inclusion likely strengthens sociological legitimacy, while continued exclusion perpetuates conclusions about unfairness. [R, abr.]
62.3792 GRUGEL, Jean; PERUZZOTTI, Enrique —
Insufficient attention has been paid to the political processes that take place between ratification of international human rights treaties and domestic implementation. Yet how international human rights treaties become embedded in domestic politics and local interpretations of compliance is crucial to understanding how international human rights treaties work in practice. Using evidence from three Latin American countries after the ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, this article demonstrates how different implementation paths have unfolded, shaped by domestic actors and domestic politics. [R]
62.3793 HABERMAS, Jürgen —
The EU appears too often as an economic community in the current debate on the banking, debt and monetary crisis. This narrow “economistic” view — in particular by the German government — is defective. The Eurozone lacks the political powers for the necessary harmonization of the national economies. The EU was from the outset primarily a political project, and the German government should commit itself to proceed with the continued deepening of European integration through a wider sharing of political sovereignty. [R, transl.]
62.3794 HAINE, Jean Yves —
The CSDP is in crisis. Yet as a historical context and as a grouping of shared beliefs and practices, it helps us to better understand how and why the promises of Saint-Malo were not met. The EU's misunderstanding of human security, combined with a widespread risk-aversion, has transformed CSDP missions into political exercises, more focused on Europe's own image, posture and legitimacy than on the strategic requirements necessary to their success. The EUFOR Chad mission, the longest and most complex CSDP mission so far, was a good illustration of this problem. Moreover, this operation played a significant role in the French disillusion and estrangement from CSDP itself. The credibility and legitimacy of the Union in security and defense are now in doubt. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3864]
62.3795 HALLAMS, Ellen; SCHREER, Benjamin —
NATO's recent operation in Libya has been described as reflecting a new burden-sharing model, with the US playing a more supportive role and European allies stepping up to provide the bulk of the air strikes. The US administration of President B. Obama seemed to share this view and has made clear that post-Libya it continues to expect its allies to assume greater responsibility within the alliance. Moreover, unlike previously, changes within the US and the international system are likely to make America less willing and able to provide for the same degree of leadership in NATO that the alliance has been used to. However, this article finds that Operation Unified Protector in Libya has only limited utility as a benchmark for a sustainable burden-sharing model for the alliance. [R, abr.]
62.3796 HAVERLAND, Markus; LIEFFERINK, Duncan —
There is a large literature on Member State influence in the EU, typically focusing on a combination of preferences of the Member States and their strategies with an emphasis on Council [of Ministers]negotiations. However, prior to Council negotiations Member States also seek to influence the Commission's development of legislative proposals. This paper argues that Member States need scientific expertise, experiential knowledge and target group support to make this strategy work and that the availability of these resources is partly shaped by domestic institutions, such as the territorial organization of the state, the recruitment principles of governmental departments, and the structure of government's relationship with business groups and societal interests. As a plausibility probe for our argument we have conducted a case study of the Dutch government's strategy regarding the REACH Regulation. [R]
62.3797 HÉRITIER, Adrienne —
This article explains how institutional rules change after they have been established in two important areas of European decision-making: co-decision and comitology. It shows how legislation under co-decision was transformed into fast-track legislation and why the Parliament gradually — between treaty reforms — gained more institutional power in comitology. The rational choice institutionalist explanation applied here focuses on the efficiency increasing/transaction cost-saving aspects of interstitial institutional change, but also on the question of who gains and who loses in power under specific rules and how power may subsequently be shifted. The hypotheses derived from the theoretical considerations are subject to empirical (dis)confirmation on the basis of quantitative and qualitative empirical data collected on co-decision and delegation over time. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3853]
62.3798 HOFFMEISTER, Frank —
Under its quasi-constitutional mandate to strive for the peaceful settlement of international disputes, the EU acts as litigator and political mediator in diplomatic practice. Accordingly, this article presents the legal foundations and practical material where the Union litigated cases as a party before the WTO or UN Convention on the Law of the Sea dispute-settlement bodies, or submitted amicus curiae briefs before international tribunals. It then recalls the EU's contributions to conflict-management through military, police, rule-of-law and border missions based on a request from the third party or the third parties involved. Moreover, the EU's role in the conflicts between Russia and Georgia, in the Cyprus problem and in the Slovenia/Croatia border conflict is reviewed. [R, abr.]
62.3799 HOLLIS, Rosemary —
I argue that EU policies helped to trigger the so-called Arab Spring, not by intention but by default. This contention is advanced through an examination of four strands of EU policy towards those countries designated as Mediterranean Partner Countries (MPCs) under the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership Program (EMP) and the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP), namely: trade and economic development, political reform, the “peace process”, and regional security (including migration control). The EU has not just departed from its own normative principles and aspirations for Arab reform in some instances, but has consistently prioritized European security interests over “shared prosperity” and democracy-promotion in the Mediterranean. The net result is a set of structured, institutionalized and securitized relationships which will be difficult to reconfigure and will not help Arab reformers attain their goals. [R]
62.3800 HOLMBERG, Arita —
NATO's changing role was debated in the face of the Strategic Concept adopted in late 2010. Two main roles can be identified in the debate: NATO as a defense organization and as a security organization. The article analyzes the implications of these roles for security governance and the Alliance's legitimacy — with emphasis on the novelties associated with the role of NATO as a security organization. This development suggests an increasing need for security governance, something which is reflected in the debate. However, how for instance decision-making and implementation function in a more fragmented environment is unclear. If NATO develops its role as a security organization new audiences are introduced that determine its appropriateness and the basis of the Alliance's input and output legitimacy changes. [R]
62.3801 HOLZINGER, Katharina; SCHIMMELFENNIG, Frank —
Differentiated integration has been the subject of political discussion and academic thought for a long time. It has also become an important feature of European integration since the 1990s. By contrast, it is astonishing how poor our research and knowledge about the phenomenon is. Whereas there is an abundance of conceptual work and some normative analysis, positive theories on the causes or effects of differentiated integration are rare. Empirical analysis has concentrated on a few important cases of treaty law (such as EMU and Schengen) while there is no systematic knowledge about differentiated integration in secondary law. This article reviews the existing typological and theory-oriented research and outlines a research agenda striving for systematic empirical and explanatory knowledge. [R]
62.3802 HORSLEY, Thomas —
This article reviews the evolution of subsidiarity as a constitutional principle within the case law of the ECJ. To date, discussion of subsidiarity as a judicial principle remains narrowly focused on its impact as a restraint on the Union legislature. In an effort to steer debate in another direction, this article revisits and supports arguments in favor of applying subsidiarity as a brake on the Court's own interpretative functions. Thereafter, it isolates the Court's interpretation of the Treaty free-movement provisions as an empirical example to test this underdeveloped dimension of subsidiarity. [R]
62.3803 HORTON, Lynn —
This paper explores the World Bank's concept of “good governance” as applied in rural Central America. It argues that World Bank good governance seeks to constrain unequal accumulation and privilege in the public sector, but leaves largely unaddressed structural inequalities in the private sector and the conflation of economic and political power in the public sector. This paper suggests that the World Bank analysis does not adequately consider more embedded state/civil society relations linked to national and sub-national political cultures. In contexts in which nationbuilding projects have promoted forms citizenship linked to more activist “leveling” and paternalistic states, good governance is likely to be ideologically contested. World Bank good governance under these circumstances is unlikely to quell discontent or naturalize the neoliberal state. [R]
62.3804 HUELSS, Hendrik —
The EU is often characterized as ultimate normative international actor. Whereas the representations of the EU as alleged “force for good” are well researched, there is a lack of investigations into the question on how the practice of a putative “normative power Europe” is related to approaches of good governance. Despite the role of the latter notion in the EU's external relations and system of governance in general, we know little about the potentially diverse meaning of concepts of good governance on the global level. This article analyzes the significance of good governance for international governmental organizations and the EU in a comparative perspective. [R, abr.]
62.3805 IKESHIMA, Taisaku —
Some states tend to use environmental treaty frameworks — e.g., the Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) on the high seas and the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) — to address environmental issues in the oceans against the background of environmental movements. These relatively new measures may ignite or even worsen tensions between coastal states and maritime powers such as US. The naval powers that need to retain their naval mobility stress the traditional idea of the freedom of the seas, particularly on the high seas. [Meanwhile], coastal states' creeping jurisdiction is expanding through excessive maritime claims. Whether these two apparently conflicting interests are irreconcilable is yet to be seen. This essay clarifies the relations between the MPAs established on the high seas area by the coastal states and the freedom of the high seas enjoyed by the maritime powers. [R, abr.]
62.3806 IVIC, Sanja; LAKICEVIC, Dragan D. —
This inquiry rethinks the concept of European identity within the framework of the Declaration on European Identity and the Charter of European Identity. I argue that those documents employ the modernist notion of a centered, rational, stable, autonomous and unified self. However, this idea of the self leads to exclusion and essentialism. In this way, European identity cannot embrace the multiculturalism of European societies. Thus, it should be replaced by a more flexible, dynamic and shifting concept of identity. [R]
62.3807 JARVIS, Darryl Stuart —
This article explores the cooperative endeavors of ASEAN in the area of investment liberalization. As a net historical beneficiary of investment flows, the article hypothesizes that ASEAN's stated commitment to investment liberalization should by now be realizing progress in four areas: (1) absolute reductions in national autonomy in relation to investment screening and conditionality provisions; (2) increased transparency in respect of member states' national investment regimes; (3) enhanced standardization and codification of regulatory standards governing investment-related provisions across member states; and (4) enhanced centralized coordination and decision-making in respect of investment governance. Each of these areas is investigated in relation to ASEAN's three primary investment agreements and the ensuing regimes that govern investment provisions and policy practices among member states. [R, abr.]
62.3808 JOHANSSON, Karl Magnus; LANGDAL, Fredrik; SYDOW, Göran von —
This article fills a gap in contemporary research on the rotating EU presidencies. In particular, [it examines] the role played by domestic factors in the development and fate of EU presidencies. What is the level of conflict between the government and the opposition during EU presidencies? This question is central for us and we address it through an in-depth analysis of one single case, Sweden, through a comparative examination of the role that domestic politics played in the Swedish EU presidencies of 2001 and 2009. In conjunction with our four main explanations for the varying degrees of political conflict during EU presidencies, we present four hypotheses that could be advanced in the comparative study of EU presidencies. [R]
62.3809 JUNCOS, Ana E. —
This article explores the EU's intervention in Bosnia and the problems it has encountered so far in promoting a “functioning state” and compliance with EU reforms. This state of affairs can be explained as a result of high domestic adoption costs and normative inconsistencies in the application of conditionality on the part of the EU. However, this view assumes that the EU's efforts in Bosnia are intrinsically coherent. This article contends that, in effect, the EU's enlargement policy, and in particular, its statebuilding agenda, is undermined by a series of internal contradictions: between the EU's technocratic approach and the politics of statebuilding; between state-strengthening and state-weakening dynamics associated with the EU's intervention; between the external promotion of EU demands and local ownership; and more generally, between member state-building and peace-building. [R, abr.]
62.3810 KALYADIN, Aleksandr Nikolaevič —
Recent security conventions, in which Russia has refused to participate, point to the need for improvements in Russia's state and social mechanisms of partnership in the field of foreign affairs. From the point of view of Russia's national security, there are four major directions of UN institutional participation in military and political aspects of security: (1) overall nuclear disarmament and the total prohibition of nuclear weapons as well as the preparation of new agreements for limiting nuclear and other types of weapons; (2) strengthening the existing arms control multinational regimes; (3) counteracting international terrorism; (4) preventing armed conflicts, and peace-making.
62.3811 KAMMEL, Arnold H. —
The EU has always paid special attention to developments in the Western Balkans and therefore declared them a strategic priority for European external action. Thus, it is not surprising that the first missions in the framework of ESDP were deployed to this region. Considering the deployment of civilian crisis-management missions to the Western Balkans a first step in the shaping of a strategic culture and based on the assumption that the EU clearly possesses the prerequisites to form such a strategic culture, the chapter analyzes the development of civilian crisis-management and chronologically describes and evaluates the four civilian missions carried out in the Western Balkans. The engagement in civilian crisis-management missions already provides a marker for the existence of an emerging European strategic culture in the process of formation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3864]
62.3812 KATSELLI, Elena —
The question of primacy of [UN] Security Council resolutions over human rights norms is a matter of compelling legal significance. This becomes evident from the wealth of national and international judicial decisions involving challenges against Security Council-authorized action as interfering with fundamental rights. The article provides a critical legal reappraisal of such rulings with main emphasis on Behrami/Saramati, Al Jedda and Kadi/Al Barakaat. It concludes that courts have not always taken a uniform position weakening the effectiveness of human rights protection. Furthermore, the Security Council needs to take appropriate action to ensure respect for these fundamental principles. [R]
62.3813 KOOPMANS, Ruud —
Y. Soysal [defends] her theory of post-national rights, even in the face of changed circumstances. Originally [Y. Soysal, Limits of Citizenship. Migrants and Postnational Membership in Europe (Chicago, 1994)], the theory was designed to account for the extension of all kinds of civic and social rights to immigrants in Western Europe, [although] most had not become citizens. Extending the world-cultural institutional perspective of J. Meyer, et al. [“World society and the nation-state”, American Journal of Sociology 103(1), July 1997: 144–181; Abstr. 47.6621] to the realm of immigrant rights, Soysal placed this apparent anomaly in the context of the spread of supranational human rights discourses in the postwar period. Nation-states had come to embrace a highly universalist and individualized notion of rights, leading to a strong decoupling of rights from national citizenship. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3871]
62.3814 KOSKENNIEMI, Martti —
International law is a “German” discipline, notwithstanding its generally European political vocabulary and historic links with European diplomacy. It is German lawyers and political thinkers who have given international issues a legal coloration. If we were able to subtract these contributions, we would end up with something only slightly reminiscent of what is termed international law. Conversely, if the English, French or American contributions were eliminated, we would still have a body of rules and institutions that would be recognizable.
62.3815 KROOK, Mona Lena; TRUE, Jacqui —
The diffusion of international norms and their effects on policy and political behavior are central research questions in international relations. Informed by constructivism, prevailing models are marked by a crucial tension between a static view of norm-content and a dynamic picture of norm-adoption and implementation. Observing that norms continue to evolve after they emerge, we argue that a discursive approach offers a more promising way forward for theorizing and analyzing the life-cycles of international norms. We present a view of norms as processes, calling attention to both “internal” and “external” sources of dynamism. We illustrate this theory by tracing and comparing the life-cycles of two global equality norms: gender-balanced decision-making and gender mainstreaming. [R, abr.]
62.3816 KUDRNA, Zdenek —
The post-2007 financial crisis created an opportunity for reforms that could close the regulatory gap between transnational banks and national bank-resolution regimes. During the decade before the crisis, the EU tried to develop a cross-border bank-resolution regime relying on voluntary agreements and complex governance networks. However, these arrangements failed to commit national authorities to multilateral resolution as was exemplified by the case of Fortis. The crisis experience provided the Commission with an opportunity to propose legislation that would either deepen the pre-crisis coordinated regime, or replace it with an integrated resolution regime for systemically important cross-border banks. The Commission considered the more ambitious reforms, but after the experience with negotiations over the powers of European Supervisory Authorities, postponed the proposals for an integrated regime until after 2014. [R, abr.]
62.3817 KUPCHAN, Charles A. —
Unless the growing gap between governance and governed is resolved, the EU may be headed for fragmentation, if not outright dissolution. [R]
62.3818 LECONTE, Cécile —
With the mainstreaming of Euroskepticism within established parties, the EU is facing a new challenge: that of soft Eurosceptic governments landing in the rotating presidency's seat. These governments wish to brake developments in further integration and challenge the EU informal norms of legitimacy and expected behavior. On the basis of four case studies, this article illustrates the ability of the EU to adapt to this new situation — especially in the post-Lisbon era, where presidencies' ability to influence the EU agenda and direction is increasingly limited. Indeed, on the whole, Eurosceptic governments live up to the role of the presidency as manager of the EU day-to-day business. However, in this context, there is a risk that EU partners might neglect potentially authoritarian developments in the country holding the chair, as the Hungarian presidency illustrated. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3747]
62.3819 LEE, Donna —
This article develops a bottom-up approach to global trade governance and explains how subordinate states are able to develop resistance strategies to top-down processes in the WTO. It highlights the growing activism and influence of African states in the global governance of international trade through a case study of the involvement of African states in the current Doha Development Agenda (DDA) negotiations. It presents new evidence of the role played by non-dominant states in shaping and contesting the rules and practices of contemporary global trade governance. The article also provides theoretical insights into the source of African resistance in the WTO by drawing attention to the role of discourse in contemporary global trade governance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2835]
62.3820 LEE, Jonathan H. X., ed. —
A symposium, introduced by the author. Articles by Farrah L. TEK; John D. CIORCIARI; Alistair D.B. COOK and Lina GONG; PHAM Phuong, et al.; Astrid NORÉN-NILSSON; YE Beini; LEE Jonathan H. X.; Janet McLELLAN; PHAM Mary Thi and LEE Jonathan H. X.; Karen QUINTILIANI, et al.; Laura McGREW; Trent WALKER.
62.3821 LICHTENSTEIN, Dennis —
Twenty years after the signature of the Maastricht Treaty, the European project is undergoing its deepest crisis. The European identity consists of a multitude of interpretations. Their integrative potential does not come from concrete contents, but from the common quest which takes place through identity discourses provoked by crises. [First article of a thematic issue on “Europe”. See also Abstr. 62.3591, 3739, 3822, 3868, 3890, 4086, 4150]
62.3822 LIMBACH, Jutta; GERHARDS, Jürgen —
The EU encourages the learning of foreign languages whatever their importance. Multilingualism favors the basic European principles of democracy, equal treatment and transparency. At the same time, the use of a foreign language accentuates the inequality between interlocutors. Does multilingualism act to consolidate Europe, or would it make more sense to promote English as a lingua franca? [See Abstr. 62.3821]
62.3823 LUKNER, Kerstin —
This article deals with the ICC as a point of contention in US relations with Germany and Japan. Both countries rank among America's closest allies, but — quite contrary to the US — they have also been supporting the establishment and operation of the ICC, although each to a different extent. The article analyzes the reasons for the three countries' diverging attitudes and policies towards the establishment and operation of the Court, and contrasts Germany's and Japan's handling of the ICC issue vis-à-vis the US. [R, abr.]
62.3824 MAJUMDAR, Margaret A. —
This article traces recent developments in Francophonie in the light of the establishment of the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie and a new institutional framework, examining how these may have changed the Francophone discourse and the nature and focus of its institutions and programs. It also considers whether what was primarily an ideology has evolved to something more practical. It then analyzes shifts in France's approach to Francophonie in the context of the N. Sarkozy presidency, before briefly summarizing some of the strengths and weaknesses that could impinge on its future development. [R]
62.3825 MANGENOT, Michel —
This introduction analyzes the function of an institution, although formally it does not have that status. Progressively institutionalized since its modest inception in 1952, it has since the 1980s acted as a governmental system in its own right, which raises questions about the incarnation, rotation, delegation and temporality of power. Lastly, the introduction presents the papers in this issue, which develop a new historical and political sociology of the presidential office, its place in the space of the inter-institutional relations and competitions between European institutions, and no longer only between Brussels and the various capitals. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Presiding the European Union. Presidence(s) of the Council and governmental system”, edited by Ana Mar FERNÁNDEZ PASARÍN and the author. See also Abstr. 62.3753, 3760, 3781, 3854, 3885]
62.3826 McLEAN, Elena V.; STONE, Randall W. —
The politics of ratifying the Kyoto Protocol may suggest a two-level game; yet, our quantitative analysis shows that ratification constraints did not affect bargaining over the Protocol, nor did bargaining outcomes affect ratification. The politics of the Kyoto Protocol are best understood as an example of the “Europeanization” of international politics: European countries subordinate their domestic politics to international cooperation, and the EU emerges as a key agenda-setter. We find that European countries ratified the Protocol in lock step and offered selective incentives — such as EU accession — to most of the participants. Case studies of Russia and Poland confirm our interpretation of the empirical findings. [R]
62.3827 MEN Jing —
Why does the EU-China partnership encounter so many problems? What are the causes of these problems? Can they be overcome? What kind of partners are the EU and China? Can the partnership be maintained despite the increasing problems? To answer these questions, the paper first looks at the differences between the EU and China in terms of history, economic development levels, their nation-building trajectories, and their understandings on some key concepts such as sovereignty. It then studies their strategic visions, economic and trade cooperation, and climate-change policies, [and] the challenges in EU-China relations. [R, abr.]
62.3828 MÉNY, Yves —
Three types of internal tensions have characterized the process of European integration. They are not new, but are exacerbated by factors such as globalizations, enlargement, increased diversity of views and interests. The first one is the tension between law and politics. Legal instruments have been the main tool of integration, but politics comes back with a vengeance, as democratic practices are challenged by regulatory regimes and institutions. The second one is the alternative between the persistence of an international organization regime or the creation of a federation. This unresolved and lasting issue takes dramatic tones with the euro crisis. The third one relates to the growing gap between elites and peoples. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3853]
62.3829 MEYER, Jan-Henrik —
This article analyses the emergence of a European Community environmental policy in the 1970s in terms of the Europeanization of the environment. There are three different types of Europeanization as established in the documentation: as establishment of institutions and policy making at the EC level; as the EC's impact on the member states; and as a process of establishing transnational cooperation of societal actors across the EC. The article disentangles the Europeanization of the environment process, emphasizing the precedence of Europeanization in the context of the Council of Europe and the EC take over of policy ideas and principles from the international level. Furthermore, it addresses the rapid emergence of societal Europeanization, notably in the anticipation of European impact on member state legislation. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3617]
62.3830 MICHEA, Frédérique —
A systemic reading of the modified treaties implicitly shows an unprecedented change in the role of the European Council, which can at first be analyzed in terms of the diversification of the powers of this new institution. In this regard, the Union's primary legislation carries out an imperfect structuring. All the powers are not clearly indexed and the allocation of numerous tasks of a constitutional nature to the European Council, at the expense of the Council [of Ministers], also draws critical comments. Subsequently, the role of the European Council can be studied in light of Art. 15 s 1 of the Maastricht Treaty which expressively prohibits the Council from exercising a legislative function. And yet, there remain ambiguities on the non-legislative nature of all the acts of the European Council and on its contribution in the process of forming legislative acts. [R]
62.3831 MOSCHELLA, Manuela —
This article examines post-crisis reform of IMF surveillance activities, placing contemporary reforms in their historical context. A particular focus is placed on the IMF's involvement with financial sector surveillance. By tracing the process of surveillance reform from the 1990s, I show that the absorption of the financial sector into the Fund's surveillance activities continues to be shaped by deeply embedded dynamics. Recent reforms have been designed to enhance the Fund's capacity to assess the systemic spillover effects of developments in key members' financial sectors; however, aspects of the organization's structure, culture and mandate will limit the extent to which these aims are effectively met. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2835]
62.3832 MUN Byeong Cheol —
Compared with the first North Korean nuclear crisis in the mid-1990s, the second North Korean nuclear crisis of the early 2000s reveals very different features. The second crisis led to dialogues on how to manage a regional security issue. Moreover, the crisis underwent three diverse phases that can be used to test the assumptions behind three models of security studies: hegemony, concert of powers, and collective security. This analysis of the North Korean case demonstrates ways of organizing regional security in Northeast Asia in the post-Cold War era and thus examines whether certain historical phases of the second North Korean nuclear crisis can be categorized into and explained by these different security models. [R]
62.3833 MURRAY, Philomena; ZOLIN, M. Bruna —
Many scholars have mounted convincing cases that the engagement of Australia and the EU has been characterized by skirmishes regarding the Common Agricultural Policy and its distortion of world markets, and lack of Australian access to EU markets. This article illustrates that agricultural and agri-food trade constitutes a relatively small portion of Australia-EU trade flows; that Australia exports more goods to the EU than in the past; and that, in some agri-food sectors, it exports more goods to the EU than the EU does to Australia. Further, conflict and competition regarding the Common Agricultural Policy need to be understood in the broader context of world trade and in the context of a new and deeper engagement between the two interlocutors. [R]
62.3834 MWANAWINA, Ilyayambwa —
A state can no longer exist in isolation; there is a greater demand and advantage in entering into regional or international agreements in order to be able to survive in an increasingly interdependent world. However states are faced with a dilemma as to how far they have to shed their ability to control and dictate the internal affairs of their countries in favor of the international agreements that they have voluntarily entered into. This paper brings into perspective the experience in the Southern African region and illustrates the conflict between municipal and international obligations, a conflict which can be eradicated only if a regional body has the constitutional prowess to influence domestic policy. [R, abr.]
62.3835 NAKIĆ, Mladen —
With changed international relations through past sixty years, NATO has changed itself simultaneously over decades. The Alliance passed through different stages of its own development — from the Cold War era to attempting to create a global partnership. Acting globally, there is a need for defining the legitimate operations outside the territory of member states under international law. In this sense, Articles 4 and 7 have a special meaning. In fact, bearing in mind the mission of “old” and traditional NATO, the Lisbon Summit represents a major step toward completion of NATO's post-Cold War transition, but also contributes to the process of building long-lasting peace and confidence in Southeast Europe. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3353]
62.3836 NAY, Olivier —
This paper focuses on the circulation of policy ideas within international administrations. Based upon a study of UNAIDS, the Joint UN Program on HIV/AIDS, it shows how bureaucracies can capitalize on policy-oriented information and knowledge to strengthen their influence within their own environment. Using a policy-transfer approach as its analytical framework, the paper draws particular attention to the UNAIDS Secretariat, considered as a “transfer entrepreneur”. It argues that, in the 2000s, the Secretariat has demonstrated a capacity to collect, develop and disseminate policy ideas and, consequently, has gradually participated in UN policy development on AIDS. It thus suggests that the Secretariat has extended its authority within the UN system despite limited resources. The paper points out the need to examine policy-transfer among international administrations through actors, interests and strategies, as a complement to holistic approaches. [R]
62.3837 NOETZEL, Timo; SCHREER, Benjamin —
At its 201 0 Lisbon summit, NATO took significant steps towards becoming a modern alliance. In the face of a changing security environment and divergent strategic interests among 28 members, NATO adapted its strategic concept and reformed its way of formulating strategy. The new strategic concept advances conflict-management as a core task for the alliance. In combination with a greater emphasis on developing partnerships, NATO conceptually strengthened its profile as a global security actor. The summit also reflected a new approach to formulating NATO strategy by providing the Secretary-General with a strong role in setting the strategic agenda. But as the Libya operation demonstrates, NATO will struggle to maintain cohesion in an increasingly “polycentric” alliance. [R, abr.]
62.3838 NORHEIM-MARTINSEN, Per M. —
The idea of a common EU strategic culture was elevated to a policy objective in the 2003 European Security Strategy. By drawing on developments in strategic culture theory, this article demonstrates that the idea of strategic culture is not only compatible with the EU, but may be a particularly useful conceptual tool for studying actors for which cultural factors can make up for the lack of more material ones, such as borders, language, political structure, national history, and so on. Offering a fresh perspective on the European Security Strategy, it shows that a specific strategic culture has evolved in the EU, in which consensus on a comprehensive approach to security as a unique European asset has become a focal point for the fledgling ESDP. However, this does not provide for a robust strategic culture. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3864]
62.3839 OKIMOTO, Keiichiro —
It is sometimes suggested that even if certain measures in self-defense violate jus in bello (international humanitarian law), such measures can be continued by justifying them on the basis of jus ad bellum (international law regulating the resort to force), in particular by justifying that the measures were necessary and proportionate in relation to the initial armed attack. However, State practice, decisions of international courts and arbitration, and opinions of experts indicate the contrary, that if the measures in self-defense violate jus in bello, those violations cannot be ignored or nullified by justifying the measures as necessary and proportionate self-defense. Once the measures in self-defense violate jus in bello, they must be ceased immediately. [R]
62.3840 OKSAMYTNA, Kseniya —
The EU Training Mission (EUTM) in Somalia, the EU's mission to contribute to the training of the Somali Security Forces, was deployed in April 2010 and extended for another 12-month period in July 2011. Despite the positive assessment of the outcome of the first training period, the overall feebleness of Somalia's Transitional Federal Government puts the political feasibility of the mission into question. EUTM Somalia can be subjected to many of the same criticisms as the liberal peace-building agenda in general for trying to contain rather than resolve conflict and maintaining a top-down perspective which ignores organic, indigenous local structures. [R]
62.3841 PACHECO PARDO, Ramon —
The EU has alternately been described as a civilian, normative and ethical power. Even though these conceptualizations differ among themselves, they share a positive view of the EU as a foreign policy actor guided by the common good and disinclined to use military power. This article argues that these conceptualizations do not accurately capture the foreign policy behavior of the EU. Similarly to other powers, the EU is a self-interested actor seeking to maximize its own security. To this end, it mixes the use of military and non-military means as necessary. Hence, the EU is a normal power, no different from other polities striving to minimize external threats to their security. Its “non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD)” policy serves as case study to show that the EU is a normal power. [R]
62.3842 PAPASTEPHANOU, Marianna —
Is it Eurocentric on the part of western philosophers (J. Habermas, J. Derrida) or of researchers in human sciences to set out from a specific locality (Europe) to formulate ethico-political ideals with universal aspirations? I critique the “universalism vs. particularism” framework within which the charge of Eurocentrism is deployed and I redefine the notion of Eurocentrism outside the drastic choice between universalism and particularism and in light of an “ec-centric” reflection on the entanglement of the “We” and the “others”. I illustrate my position by discussing the Habermasian-Derridean plea for the determination of new European political responsibilities beyond any Eurocentrism. Without minimizing their political contribution, I detect subtler Eurocentrisms that pervade several assumptions of Habermas's and Derrida's collaborative efforts. [R, abr.]
62.3843 PAUN, Ştefan —
This study examines the nature and variety of the EU's global actorness, EU's democratic legitimacy, the logic of the EU's system of separation of powers, the reality of current EU politics, and the supranational aspects of policy-making in the EU. Its focus is the study of the creation of the EU's single market, the emergence of European levels of governance, the involvement of civil society in EU policymaking, the democratic legitimacy of European governance, and the character of political conflict in the EU. [R]
62.3844 PECH, Laurent —
The EU constitutional principle of the rule of law is no meaningless verbiage. Not only has the rule of law become one of the defining principles undergirding the Union's constitutional system, it has also been relied on by the EU courts as a multifaceted legal principle with formal and substantive elements. The fact that the EU rule of law is no hollow slogan does not necessarily imply that there is no gap between rhetoric and practice. The post-Maastricht Union's “rule of law deficit”, however, has been considerably remedied by a set of long-awaited reforms contained in the 2007 Lisbon Treaty. [A]
62.3845 PEERS, Steve —
The Commission is planning to propose an EU immigration code in 2013. This will be an opportunity to revise the existing EU legislation in order to enhance standards and procedural rights for migrants, as well as to improve its clarity and coherence. This article discusses the key issues which the Code should address, and suggests a list of amendments which it should adopt. It is accompanied by a complete proposal for a text of the Code, published online. [R]
62.3846 PENTLAND, Charles C. —
Elements of a declaratory EU strategic culture are to be found in the 2003 European Security Strategy and the subsequent reflections of officials and academics. A supplementary but perhaps more reliable guide to its central features may lie in how the EU has conducted itself in the 24 European Security and Defense Policy missions, both military and civilian, that it has created since 2003. Overviews of these missions reveal some consistent themes and patterns of behavior roughly congruent with the discourse of EU strategic culture. A closer analysis of the two Balkan military operations — Concordia in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and Althea in Bosnia-Herzegovina — gives a richer and more nuanced picture of the relationship between words and deeds. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3864]
62.3847 PETERS, Ingo —
This analysis identifies the relative significance of strategic culture for interorganizational cooperation problems, here of the EU and UN in the realm of conflict and crisis-management. First, the respective strategic cultures are identified and compared in order to formulate expectations (hypotheses) for co-operation problems. Second, the practice of inter-organizational co-operation is investigated by using illustrative examples from three EU operations conducted in collaboration with the UN: Operation Artemis, DR Congo 2003, EU EUFOR DR Congo 2006, and EUFOR Chad 2008. Different types of material and institutional factors hampering cooperation are identified. Third, empirical findings are interpreted and evaluated in terms of evidence for strategic culture as a causal factor influencing co-operation. In this case, strategic culture is apparently a comparatively marginal factor hampering interorganizational cooperation. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3864]
62.3848 PRATT, Nicola; RICHTER-DEVROE, Sophie, eds. —
Introduction by the editors, pp. 489–503. Articles by Laura J. SHEPERD, “Sex, security and superhero(in)es: from 1325 to 1820 and beyond”, pp. 504–521; Sheri Lynn GIBBINGS, “No angry women at the United Nations: political dreams and the cultural politics of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325”, pp. 522–538; Vanessa FARR, “UNSCR 1325 and women's peace activism in the occupied Palestinian territory”, pp. 539–556; Carol HARRINGTON, “Resolution 1325 and post-Cold War feminist politics”, pp. 557–575; Sahla AROUSSI, “‘Women, peace and security’: addressing accountability for wartime sexual violence”, pp. 576–693; Laura McLEOD, “Configurations of post-conflict: impacts of representations of conflict and post-conflict upon the (political) translations of gender security within UNSCR 1325”, pp. 594–611.
62.3849 PUETTER, Uwe —
The EU's responses to the economic and financial crisis provided a vigorous illustration for how the role of the Union's core intergovernmental bodies — the European Council and the Council — has evolved in recent years. The European Council has emerged as the center of political gravity in the field of economic governance. The Council and the Eurogroup fulfill a crucial role as forums for policy debate. The emphasis on increased high-level intergovernmental policy co-ordination is the reflection of an integration paradox inherent to the post-Maastricht EU. While policy interdependencies have grown, member state governments have resisted the further transfer of formal competences to the EU level and did not follow the model of the Community method. Instead, they aim for greater policy coherence through intensified intergovernmental coordination. [R, abr.]
62.3850 RAYROUX, Antoine —
This research applies the concept of Europeanization to the EU Common security and Defense Policy (CSDP) in order to argue that the letter's articulation with member states' defense policies stems from a simultaneous move of projection and adaptation of national policies. This logic of Europeanization is illustrated by a comparative study of French and Irish involvement in the military intervention EUFOR Chad/Central African Republic: while France increasingly places its security policy towards Africa in a multilateral framework, Ireland is giving up parts of the constitutive elements of its neutrality policy. [R]
62.3851 RICHTER, Solveig —
The author assesses the task of the EULEX mission in Kosovo, focusing on two central dilemmas. Part one analyzes the ways in which EULEX was forced to move between several political fronts, a situation prompted by an international lack of consensus over Kosovo's status. The analysis of the attempt to introduce rule of law in Northern Kosovo shows how EULEX's engagement is at risk of becoming a victim to the political rivalry between Belgrade and Pristina. The author analyzes the intricacies of the EULEX's mandate, which contains contradictory elements: it purportedly aims to strengthen local responsibility; it also holds executive powers that permit a more interventionist stance. EULEX thus oscillates between a cooperative and a confrontational approach. [R, abr.]
62.3852 RINGMAR, Erik —
This article provides a framework for the comparative study of international systems. By analyzing how international systems are framed, scripted, and performed, it is possible to understand how interstate relations are interpreted in different historical periods and parts of the world. But such an investigation also has general implications-inter alia for a study of the nature of power, the role of emotions in foreign policy-making, and public opinion formation. Case studies are provided by the Sino-centric, the Tokugawa [Japanese], and the Westphalian systems. As this study shows, the two East Asian systems were in several respects better adapted than the Westphalian to the realities of international politics in the 21st c. [R]
62.3853 RITTBERGER, Berthold —
Representative democracy has been accorded constitutional status with the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. The EP and the history of its empowerment embody this constitutional principle and its gradual institutionalization. To shed light on the EP's empowerment and the institutionalization of the principle of representative democracy in the EU, this article adopts a “domain of application” approach. Instead of presenting rival theoretical approaches competing for explanatory superiority, the article shows that a more comprehensive picture of the EP's empowerment can be obtained by distinguishing between three types of institutional choice and associated explanations. Institutional creation, institutional change and institutional use are introduced as different types of institutional choice: each type gives primacy to particular explanatory mechanisms and dynamics to analyze the EP's empowerment. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Regional integration and the evolution of the European polity: on the fiftieth anniversary of the Journal of Common Market Studies”, edited and introduced, pp. 1–17, by Walter MATTLI and Alec STONE SWEET. See also Abstr. 62.3295, 3570, 3765, 3769, 3778, 3797, 4101, and Yves MÉNY's conclusion, Abstr. 62.3828]
62.3854 RITTELMEYER, Yann-Sven —
Following its pragmatic emergence in the EU political landscape, the Presidency of the European Council was the most visible part of a rotating Presidency until the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. An in-depth analysis of this function shows its long dependency on half-years primarily marked by two periods of inflection during which the behaviors of the actors, especially the French and German leaders, tailored a presidential role dissociated from the rotating presidency. The emergence of this supranational role has led to heightened tensions over questions of identity, due to its exercise by national leaders. Moreover, the secondary nature of its legal formalization as regards reflections and codifications by the actors themselves is clearly underlined by this institutional construction. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3825]
62.3855 RITTER, Emily Hencken; WOLFORD, Scott —
International criminal courts and tribunals (ICTs) can enforce rulings once suspects are in custody, but they lack the independent power of capture, leaving them unable to punish alleged criminals and therefore deter crime. We analyze a game between an ICT and a suspect to assess the potential of pre-arrest bargaining as a solution to the problem of capture. We show that ICTs that bargain with fugitives will be able to secure their surrender and administer justice, although this comes at the cost of incentivizing some crime. Further, those courts least able to secure their suspects' capture will, surprisingly, be the most willing to issue warrants. International institutions may thus be able to achieve compliance even when faced with uncooperative member states. [R, abr.]
62.3856 ROLANDSEN AGUSTÍN, Lise —
The Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM) of the EP is one of the key actors within the EU institutional framework for gender equality policies. In the context of this Committee, women's interests are continuously being (re)defined by discursive and deliberative processes. Civil society actors are being included into these processes of policy-making through institutional funding and public hearings. Through the inclusion of particular organizations and the selection of experts for hearings, existing meanings are being reproduced and/or challenged. The article argues that battlegrounds have been (re)opened in recent years as dominant discourses are questioned by the inclusion and legitimation of new civil society actors. [R, abr.]
62.3857 RON, James —
The Palestinian leadership's appeal for UN recognition in Fall 2011 dealt a blow to the emerging debate over a “one-state solution” to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Although support for the one-state notion had gathered some momentum after the Second Intifada and apparent failure of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, few one-state proponents have reflected seriously on what such a solution might entail in practice, or on the pre-requisites for the idea's successful implementation. This article explores the reasons behind the Palestinian leadership's decision not to pursue the idea for now, and urges one-state proponents to reflect more seriously on lessons from other political experiences worldwide, and from the social sciences more generally. [A]
62.3858 RÜHLE, Michael —
New security challenges, ranging from cyberattacks to failing states, cannot be deterred by the threat of military retaliation, nor will military operations be the appropriate response in most cases. Instead, the emphasis must be on prevention and enhancing resilience. If NATO wants to play a meaningful role in addressing such challenges, it will have to develop a clearer understanding of the nature of these challenges, build closer ties with other nations and institutions, and seek partnerships with the private sector. Above all, allies will have to use NATO as a forum for discussing emerging security challenges and their implications. [R]
62.3859 RUMMEL, Reinhardt —
Is the EU about to develop a strategic culture? Analysis of past and present civilian missions under the ESDP in Africa and the assessment of the corresponding institutional setup in Brussels, including the Lisbon Treaty, does not deliver evidence for such a geopolitical quality. Most of the EU member states continue to be preoccupied with the practical puzzle of the EU's internal build-up. At best, the former colonial powers, especially Paris and London, seem to have an idea of a more far-reaching role of the EU on the African continent (see Libya). In the security field, the EU remains a collection of states with no common defense and not much collective, let alone unified, political will. It also lacks the ability to mount the resources for its declared international ambitions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3864]
62.3860 RYNNING, Sten —
Many observers see in the CSDP a power ambition wrapped in an emerging European strategic culture. The EU mostly communicates this culture in benevolent terms, promising a policy of tolerance and international legitimacy and the employment of power for the sake of development and good governance. However, classical realism tells us that the CSDP is not about balancing or projecting power internationally: the EU is simply too weak for this. The CSDP instead is primarily about maintaining restraint within Europe where the shadow of great power rivalry and war still looms. It is about the institutionalization of the weakness of the European nation-state. This leads classical realism to caution about how far the EU should reach in external affairs and thus how progressive the EU should want to be. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3864]
62.3861 SAIDEMAN, Stephen M.; AUERSWALD, David P. —
NATO has faced significant problems in running the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan. Specifically, the coalition effort has been plagued by caveats — restrictions on what coalition militaries can and cannot do — [which] have diminished the alliance's overall effectiveness and created resentment within the coalition. We explain why ISAF countries have employed a variety of caveats in Afghanistan, focusing on the period from 2003 to 2009. Caveats vary predictably according to the political institutions in each contributor to ISAF. [After] reviewing key limitations facing military contingents in Afghanistan, we compare the experiences of Canada, France, and Germany and find that our institutional model does a better job of explaining the observed behavior than do competing explanations focusing on public opinion, threat, or strategic culture. [R, abr.]
62.3862 SCHALL, Carly Elizabeth —
In well-developed European welfare states, strong relationships between citizens and their member-states may prevent the development of a similar relationship at the European level. The US provides a comparison case, wherein a successful transference of citizenship identity from a lower to higher level has occurred, partly as a result of the building of nation al-level social citizenship, at least for certain classes of people. Revolutionary War Pensions provide an example of how social policy influences national identity. The lack of EU-level social policy precludes the possibility of this type of identity formation. Finally, the interplay of social citizenship and democracy in both cases is explored. T.H. Marshall's work regarding citizenship as the basis for democracy is used to understand how the inability to create a common social policy in the EU is harmful to democracy. [R, abr.]
62.3863 SCHMIDT, Peter —
The case-study analyzes EU's military involvement in the Democratic Republic of Congo in the framework of two operations: Artemis (2003) and EUFOR (2006). The EU in this context is regarded as part of a system, including the member states and the UN. In order to bridge the gap between strategic culture and behavior, I take specific interests and “games” played by the actors across these levels into consideration. The analysis suggests that two background features of the multilevel “game” as part of the EU's strategic culture should be especially recognized: the “barrack yard syndrome” as a principle of behavior influencing the question who of participates in the operation, and “multilateral Caesarism” as a feature of the “multilevel game” which limits parliamentarian control of decisions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3864]
62.3864 SCHMIDT, Peter; ZYLA, Benjamin —
This volume revisits the trajectory of the concept of strategic culture and examines its application in a variety of circumstances, especially operations in Africa and the Balkans, including joint operations with NATO and the UN. Strategic culture is a useful tool to understand EU's operations, not in the sense of a “cause”, but as a uniquely European normative framework of preferences and constraints. Classical notions of strategic culture must be adapted to highlight the specific evolution of Europe's strategic culture. Though at variance over the extent to which security and defense missions have promoted a shared strategic culture in Europe, the authors reveal a growing sense that a strategic culture is critical for European ambition as a global actor. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 62.2925, 3794, 3811, 3838, 3846, 3847, 3859, 3860, 3863, 3893]
62.3865 SCHMIDT, Vivien A. —
Leaders' visions of the EU have long appeared associated with particular discourses, [which] inform and explain their actions. But their responses to the economic crisis of the EU as well as to the humanitarian crisis of Libya have thrown such discourses, whether understood in terms of path dependence or incremental development, into question, since some member-state leaders' discourses and/or actions marked radical shifts, and others greater drifts, from the past, at least in the heat of the moment. This article therefore [asks] whether EU visions are not simply continuing to diverge but also whether they are diverging differently in the aftermath of the EU's recent crises in economics and international action. It assesses this through the lens of European political elites' discourses of European integration and international relations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3747]
62.3866 SCHMIDTKE, Oliver —
In her analysis of the distinct status of migrants in Europe, Y. Soysal could have been more explicit about the implications of Europe's new “social project”. Migrants are not simply exposed to this project's endemic forms of social exclusion and inequality in a more pronounced way than most other groups in society. Beyond this new sense of socioeconomic vulnerability, we witness a far-reaching shift in the discursive representation of migration that is likely to have a critical impact on the politics and policies of migration. Soysal's succinct account of how the transformation of rights and obligations contributes to the reproduction of social inequalities could have benefited from acknowledging how migrants' struggle for justice is also intimately linked to struggles over recognition and symbolic inclusion. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3871]
62.3867 SCHWARZ, Michael —
The Lisbon Treaty makes the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights legally binding and thus puts it at the heart of the European value order. According to the preamble, “the Union is based on the indivisible and universal values of human dignity, freedom, equality and solidarity”. As defined by art. 1 of the Charter, human dignity is inviolable. Whereas human dignity forms the axiological center of gravity of the basic law, the European level still lacks not only a comprehensive dogmatic concept, but also a basic consensus. [R, transl.]
62.3868 SCHWARZER, Daniela —
Since the financial crisis struck Europe numerous reforms have been implemented in order to strengthen the economic governance. But the way out of the debt crisis is not yet clear, despite the decision on a fiscal pact (December 2011). It is clear however that member states have been deprived of essential macro-economic instruments, without creating the corresponding powers on the European level. [See Abstr. 62.3821]
62.3869 SIMMS, Brendan —
A strong EU is needed today more than ever: to act as a reliable partner to the US, Britain and the other great democracies; to deal with the growing threats on her southern and eastern periphery; and to deal with the euro sovereign debt crisis. In order to do so, Europeans will have to abandon the gradualist fallacy and learn the lesson of history that all successful mergers, such as the British and the American, have been carried out in one fell swoop at a time of extreme crisis. Today, as we face potential fiscal and economic meltdown and as the external threats to Europe mount, we have another opportunity. We can seize it, however, only if we realize that full EU, if there is to be one, will be an event, not a process. [R, abr.]
62.3870 SINDEEV, Aleksej Aleksandrovič —
Germany and France used to be conceived as the engine of European integration, but this does no longer seem to be the case. Could the “Europe of People” concept become a reality in Germany? What is German democracy like? What are the links between democracy and Western European/European democracy? To what extent would it be possible for the idea of “Europe of People” to rescue both integration and democracy, which represent the foundation of modern Western civilization, from the difficult situation in which they currently are? In order to approach these questions, a chronological analysis of German democracy since the 1960s in the context of the question of European integration is necessary. [First of a series of articles on “Europe: new realities”. See also Abstr. 62.3878, 4011]
62.3871 SOYSAL, Yasemin Nuhoglu —
The emergent European social project draws on a re-alignment between work, social investment, and active participation. I consider the implications of this project for immigrant populations in Europe in particular and for the conceptions of citizenship and human rights in general. In contrast to the recent commentary on the neoliberal turn and the return of nation-state-centered citizenship projects in Europe, I emphasize the broader trends in the post-World War II period that indicate a significant shift in the very foundations of good citizenship and social justice. Rather than treating human rights and citizenship as a dichotomy we should pay attention to their entangled practice in order to understand the contingent accomplishments and possible expansions of citizenship in Europe. [R, abr.] [See also three comments, Abstr. 62.3016, 3813, 3866, and the author's response, “Individuality, sociological institutionalism, and continuing inequalities”, pp. 47–53]
62.3872 SPENDZHAROVA, Aneta —
The changes in the European financial architecture in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis have highlighted the tension between the need for greater centralization of financial regulation at the EU level and the reluctance of some Member States to give up national regulatory autonomy. This article analyzes the attitudes of new EU Member States toward the EU financial regulatory reforms. It investigates whether the extent of foreign ownership in the domestic financial sector, Euroskepticism, government support for deregulation and recent experiences of a severe financial crisis have an impact on countries' reservations. According to the results of the analysis, the higher the foreign ownership of a country's financial sector, the more reservations it expresses. The Euroskeptic attitude of the political parties in government matters as well. [R, abr.]
62.3873 STAHL, Anna Katharina —
In recent years, both the EU and China (PRC) have considerably stepped up their presence in Africa, including in the field of peace and security. This article discusses how the EU's and China's understanding of governance and sovereignty affects their respective security strategies in Africa. It argues that although European and Chinese rhetoric significantly differs in terms of the doctrines of sovereignty and governance, the conventional wisdom of two competing security models is inaccurate. As a matter of fact, Brussels and Beijing pursue converging security interests in Africa, a fact that can open the door for coordinated Sino-European crisis-management efforts. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3963]
62.3874 STONE SWEET, Alec; BRUNELL, Thomas —
In “Judicial behavior under political constraints: evidence from the European Court of Justice”, [ibid., 102(4), 2008: 435–452; Abstr. 59.5637], C.J. Carrubba, M. Gabel, and C. Hankla claim that the decision-making of the ECJ has been constrained systematically by the threat of override on the part of member-state governments, acting collectively, and by the threat of noncompliance on the part of any single state. They also purport to have found strong evidence in favor of intergovernmentalist, but not neofunctionalist, integration theory. On the basis of analysis of the same data, we demonstrate that the threat of override is not credible and that the legal system is activated, rather than paralyzed, by noncompliance. Moreover, when member state governments did move to nullify the effects of controversial ECJ rulings, they failed to constrain the court, which continued down paths cleared by the prior rulings. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 62.3758]
62.3875 STREŽNEVA, M. V.; PROHORENKO, I. —
What kind of new, supranational institutions and authorities would allow the EU to realize its true potential? How much power are member states ready to grant to such institutions? What kind of influences would member countries have to exercise over these institutions? In the context of the current reform of EU's financial markets' regulatory systems, the EU's political and institutional administration provides an extremely topical, peculiar, and also typical example of choice of institutional design. This allows for a critical evaluation of the motives and actual possibilities of those mechanisms, employed in the process of reorganization of EU's power and administration.
62.3876 SZARKA, Joseph —
Analyzing transatlantic relations from the 1997 Kyoto Protocol (KP) to the 2009 Copenhagen accord, the article identifies underlying explanations for the divergences between the EU and US during international climate negotiations. It traces how a climate divide opened between the EU and the US in the early 2000s, involving confrontation over the implementation of the KP. However, a phase of EU-US rapprochement closed the climate gap in the late 2000s, leading to common positions during the 2009 COP-15 negotiations. Yet the Copenhagen Accord served to reinforce American influence, while undermining the coherence and credibility of the European stance. This led to multiple rifts in the postCopenhagen landscape concerning climate treaty architecture, policy implementation and international relationships, jeopardizing the success of future negotiations. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3744]
62.3877 TALBOT JENSEN, Eric —
The current bifurcated conflict-classification paradigm for applying the Law and Armed Conflict (LOAC) has lost its usefulness. During the 20th c., the LOAC became bifurcated, with a complete LOAC applying only to armed conflicts between sovereigns and only few provisions of the law applying to armed conflicts that were not between sovereigns. This bifurcation has led to a lack of clarity for the sovereign's agents in LOAC application and given states the ability to manipulate which law applies to application of force through their agents. The applicability of the LOAC should no longer be based on the manipulable and unclear conflict-classification paradigm, but should instead return to its foundations in the sovereign's grant of agency. [R, abr.]
62.3878 TIMOFEEV, Pavel Petrovič —
During the EU's enlargement, one of France's greatest priorities was to preserve its influential decision-making position. The increasing number of members however made practically impossible the dominance of any single country in the EU's multinational processes. France's position therefore implies not only the realization of its national interests, but also the need for compromises, convenient to all EU countries. These evolving conditions, especially of interest in the present 27-member EU, have been reflected in several EU treaties. France has played a significant role for their acceptance, from the 1992 Maastricht Treaty to the 2007 Lisbon Treaty. [See Abstr. 62.3870]
62.3879 TOLKSDORF, Dominik —
In the negotiations over police reform in Bosnia between 2004 and 2008, the EU applied the instrument of conditionality in order to introduce a model of the police force based on principles formulated in 2004 by P. Ashdown. As a consequence of the Union's adherence to the model, animosities increased not only between the Bosnian parties but also between the EU and Bosnian politicians (especially Serbian politicians). Tensions subsided only when the EU accepted a less ambitious police reform in 2007. The article analyzes the ways in which the EU's instrument of conditionality was increasingly weakened in the course of the negotiation process, ultimately losing its credibility in Bosnia. [R, abr.]
62.3880 TRETTER, Eliot —
During the 1970s and 1980s the “cultural sector” became one of the primary motors for wealth creation in the European Community. At the European and national scales, a group of actors helped transform Europe's vast array of practices and services (tourism, heritage, books, audio-visual products, etc.) into “cultural industries” and pushed the EC to develop a common cultural policy to support these industries. Documenting these changes at the European scale, I argue that the perceived impact of cultural policy for particular national economic competitiveness was also significant. Italian MEPs and members of Italy's national government were especially important, as they fought to protect the country's historical heritage and promote tourism. France pushed the strongest, [with] efforts primarily intended to protect its audio-visual and publishing industries from the EC internal market's liberalization policies. [R, abr.]
62.3881 TRIDIMAS, Takis —
In providing preliminary rulings on the interpretation of EU law, the ECJ [European Court of Justice] carries out essentially review of constitutionality of Member State action. It enjoys discretion in determining the specificity of its ruling. The degree of specificity is not a random exercise but a conscious judicial choice. The ECJ's discretion in this respect operates as a constitutional valve and illustrates the direct use of judicial power. This article examines the varying degrees of specificity, the types of case where each is used, the reasons which determine variations, and whether any conclusions can be drawn as to the optimum approach that the Court should take. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3888]
62.3882 TSARDANIDIS, Charalambos —
The article [examines] the role of the EU during the post-Cold War period, as an external factor encouraging regional cooperation in SouthEastern Europe and the protection of individuals both as victims and as sources of insecurity. The paper analyzes the implementation of the Stability Pact and the Stabilization and Association Process as clear manifestations of asymmetrical inter-regionalism. It also examines the whole process of the Regional Cooperation Council and argues that it should be considered as a case of “sub-regionalism through inter-regionalism” which could be named dependencia sub-regionalism. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3092]
62.3883 TZIAMPIRIS, Aristotle —
This essay assesses Greece role in determining the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia's (FYROM's) EU accession process. Based on documentary evidence, extensive interviews with decision-makers and leaked diplomatic cables, it emerges that Skopje's path towards Brussels has consistently passed through Athens, linked to disputes concerning the republic's name and good neighborly relations. When improvements in bilateral relations have been evinced (1995–2004, 2004–2006), FYROM signed a stabilization and association agreement and became an EU candidate state. During periods of diplomatic confrontation (1991–1994, 2006–2011), the new republic was non-recognized by Athens, did not [join] NATO and failed to get a date to begin accession negotiations. Only if Greece's relative gain concerns are adequately assuaged will FYROM's Euro-Atlantic path be completed. [R]
62.3884 VAN DE GRONDEN, Johan; DE WAELE, Henri —
Some aspects of the Services Directive (2006) have been insufficiently addressed in legal literature so far. The revolutionary design of the Directive has several dramatic consequences for the core constitutional concepts of the EU's internal market architecture: numerous longstanding rules and principles of EU law are put to the test and may ultimately have to be revised or even abandoned altogether. An analysis of the Directive's origin, structure, and harmonization technique shows that the approach it adopts differs significantly from the techniques deployed in “classic” internal market Directives. Its peculiar ground rules and exceptions design give rise to various constitutional complications, while implementation and enforcement issues lead to the Directive's problematic effect in domestic legal systems.
62.3885 VANHOONACKER, Sophie; POMORSKA, Karolina; MAURER, Heidi —
The Lisbon Treaty considerably alters the presidency in EU external relations. In the Common Foreign and Security Policy the rotating chair is replaced by the long-term chairmanship of the Union High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR), while other areas of EU external relations remain with the rotating presidency. This contribution first examines the historical development of the presidency in EU external relations. In line with the focus of this issue, it pays special attention to the position of the Presidency vis-à-vis other institutional players. Secondly, it examines the post-Lisbon situation. The double function of the HR as chair of the Foreign Affairs Council and Vice President of the European Commission radically affects inter-institutional relations. While the HR may bring more continuity and leadership, the position also raises new coordination challenges: not only within the Council and amongst various institutions, but also amongst different dimensions of EU external relations. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3825]
62.3886 VAUCHEZ, Antoine —
How does the ECJ firmly maintain a now 45-year-old consistent integrationist jurisprudence when exerting virtually no control over the recruitment of its members (a selection left to national governments)? Rather than considering such judicial consistency over time as a “given”, the paper questions the social fabric of judicial preferences. On the basis of a variety of commemorative materials produced within the Court (Festschriften, tributes, eulogies, and jubilees) and never studied so far, the paper stresses the manner in which these rituals are home to social processes of aggregation (into one unique judicial family), demarcation (from the political realm), and self-identification (to roles of “founding father”, “current spokesmen”, or “would-be judges”), thereby enabling transnational role transmission within international courts such as the ECJ. [R]
62.3887 WAGNSSON, Charlotte —
The article asks what the evolution of NATO-Swedish relations signifies for the understanding of the evolution of security communities. Given the astonishing evolution of NATO and Sweden as a community of practice, it is logical to imagine the two as forming part of the same security community. It could then be argued that common practice can bring about new security communities rather hastily. Analyzing NATO's and Sweden's recent discourses on security, the author identifies a significant gap between a principally realist and a predominantly idealist discourse that indicates that the two parties do not share key characteristics of a security community — identities, values and meanings. [R, abr.]
62.3888 WEILER, J. H. H. —
I reach out to prior questions as regards both the political and the legal, questions concerning the culture that undergirds political structure and process as well as legal order. Political and legal culture are “prior” in an ontological sense, they inform specific institutional arrangements and, at times give them meaning. Culture, including political and legal culture, is never static. It may inform the specific institutional arrangements, but, in turn, it is itself informed, shaped, and modified by the arrangements in a continuous cycle of interaction. This poses a formidable methodological Gordian knot, which may explain why, despite our long-held understanding of the importance of culture in any systematic analysis of polity, it has received somewhat less attention in EU studies. [R] [First article of a symposium on “The changing landscape of EU constitutionalism”, edited and introduced, pp. 673–677, by Pavlos ELEFTHERIADIS, Kalypso NICOLAÏDIS and the author. See also Abstr. 62.3318, 3767, 3779, 3881]
62.3889 WIEGANDT, Jan —
The issue of whether international law concerns law or politics has occupied generations of philosophers, political scientists and lawyers. In view of the recent conflicts in former Yugoslavia and Iraq, this is a permanent and urgent concern. It would be easy to assume that power alone determines international law and order. But international law is also a form of exercising power.
62.3890 ZIELONKA, Jan —
When the Maastricht Treaty was signed 20 years ago, there was enormous confidence in European integration and deeper cooperation. Today, it is feared that the collapse of the euro could entail that of the EU, or even war. In view of the current crisis, a new paradigm for integration is required. The purpose should be to solve problems and learn from each other and not necessarily strive for convergence and uniformity. [See Abstr. 62.3821]
62.3891 ZWINGEL, Susanne —
The assumption of a global-to-local flow of norms inherent in most of the global norm-diffusion literature is simplistic. To provide a more adequate theoretical framework, the paper juxtaposes the debate on the impact of international regimes and the power of global norms with an interdisciplinary mix of transnational approaches that identify multidirectional processes of appropriation and contestation of global norms. Departing from the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) as the most authoritative and steady piece of the international women's rights discourse, the transnational perspective developed here proposes three main constellations of traveling global norms: global discourse translation, impact translation, and distorted translation. [R, abr.]
62.3892 ZWOLSKI, Kamil —
A holistic approach is important when studying the EU's role as an international security actor, but [there are] problems in adopting such a comprehensive research agenda. Holistic research must include “new” security problems, such as climate change, but also relevant policies and instruments outside the framework of the CSDP. However, owing to conceptual, legal and political obstacles, existing research on the EU as an international security actor tends to narrow the focus to just one framework: the CSDP and its operations. This may lead to a distorted image, because the EU's role in international security surpasses any single policy framework. This article sets the framework for the comprehensive research agenda concerning the EU as an international security actor, [and] identifies key obstacles that are making this holistic approach methodologically and conceptually difficult. [R, abr.]
62.3893 ZYLA, Benjamin —
This paper discusses the inter-organizational relationship of the two leading security organizations in Europe: the EU and NATO. It discusses their quest for organizational identity and role in the domain of foreign and defense policy, as well as the ideational structures that affect both institutions' social behavior and their behavior toward each other. It first teases out how structures of meaning in the form of norms, values, and beliefs have affected the two organizations' behavior toward each other; and second introduces explanatory arguments about their subcultural relationship that can help explain their attitudinal divergences. There is a significant normative overlap between the two institutions. The best way to make sense of the ideational divergences between the two organizations is to conceptualize NATO's strategic culture as a subculture of the EU's strategic culture. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3864]
62.3894 Responses to special issue “Ideas of Asian regionalism” [ibid. 12(2), Aug. 2011; Abstr. 61.6670]. Japanese Journal of Political Science 13(1), March 2012: 131–154.
Articles by Takashi INOGUCHI and HE Baogang, “Preface: about these feature articles”, pp. 131–132; Rosemary FOOT, “Asia's cooperation and governance: the role of East Asian regional organizations in regional governance, constraints and contributions”, pp. 133–142; Gilbert ROZMAN, “East Asian regionalism and Sinocentrism”, pp. 143–154.
(b) Foreign policy and international relations/Politique étrangère et relations internationales
62.3895 AGARWAL, Manmohan —
Despite developing countries accounting for an increasing share of world income and exports, no significant shift in the ranks of the 25 largest economies by GDP has occurred between 1965 and 2007. And only China, and perhaps India, would account for a significantly higher share of world income by 2025 or 2050. Furthermore, in terms of per capita income, India would continue to remain relatively poor. We then find that there was no significant shift in economic power between 1990 and 2005 on the basis of an index formed from about 20 indicators of economic power. Next we measured how far countries were from the US on the basis of these indicators. Practically all countries, particularly the European ones, had substantially reduced the lead of the US. [R, abr.]
62.3896 AHN Mun Suk —
It is important to identify the real intention of North Korea's nuclear program in order to predict the nation's future nuclear posture and more effectively engage in nuclear talks and negotiations with its government. Nuclear proliferation cases have mainly been explained using three theoretical frameworks: the security model, the domestic politics model, and the symbol/norms model. However, these models have serious shortcomings in explaining the root cause of North Korea's nuclear program. This article examines North Korea's political and economic situation during the critical periods of the first and second North Korean nuclear crises and argues that the nation's nuclear program can be explained using the regime-survival model. [R]
62.3897 AKHTAR, Shaheen —
The study examines the transformational value of the current patterns of cross Line of Control (LoC) interactions by using the conflict transformation approach that believes in changing the conflict structure from war system to peaceful system. It argues that expanding cross-LoC travel and trade has the potential to create transformational spaces which will help ease tensions over Kashmir and bring in its people to the center in resolving the Kashmir dispute. It will eventually contribute to peaceful settlement of the conflict by transforming it from state-centric to people-centric solutions. [R]
62.3898 AMIR, Merav —
Drawing on a perspective which takes into account the convergences of sovereign and biopolitical ruling apparatuses, this article [examines] the Separation Wall constructed by Israel in East Jerusalem, and, through it, Israeli control of Palestinian East Jerusalem. Neither a comprehensive border, nor a mere barrier, the Separation Wall which is being constructed in Jerusalem operates to reinstate sovereign power in arrays of governmentality for the purpose of drawing on the ability of sovereignty to appropriate legitimacy for the territorialization of governmentality. These territorialized arrays give rise to processes of racialization, sustaining the communities of Palestinians in East Jerusalem in an intermediate position, standing in the way of their full integration into the Israeli population while severing their existing connections with the Palestinians in the West Bank. [R, abr.]
62.3899 ARAS, Damla —
As Syria [falls] deeper into civil war, the decade-long honeymoon between Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and B. al-Assad's regime has ended. Fearing the possible spread of the revolt to Turkish territory, Prime Minister R.T. Erdogan and Foreign Minister A. Davutoglu openly sided with the rebels, sheltered thousands of refugees fleeing government repression, including scores of military defectors, conferred with opposition leaders, and even threatened military intervention should the regime continue its brutal crackdown. In August, Erdogan warned that “we reached the end of our patience”; three months later, he lauded the “massacred” rebels as “martyrs”. As President Assad ignores these admonitions, has Turkey reached the limits of “soft power” and will it revert to the instruments of hard power to find stability on its southern border? [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.4059]
62.3900 ARGOUNÈS, Fabrice —
Canberra has accompanied the regional transformations in Asia and the Pacific while maintaining the centrality of the alliance with the US, which is a defining feature of Australia's international identity. However, the ambition and assertion of power, omnipresent in the speeches of Australian leaders, focus increasingly on the neighboring countries and the region as a whole. As part of an increasingly coherent and structured regional system, which is imposing its economic, political, strategic and institutional priorities, Australia is developing its influence through a number of roles: Washington's privileged ally, the policeman of the Pacific, a major player in Southeast Asia, the sponsor of Asian regionalism or energetic superpower in order to preserve its prosperity and security, which has been the country's priority since its origin. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.4074]
62.3901 ARNOLD, Samantha —
This paper explores Canada's self-identity as a Nordic nation as articulated in and through the recent northern dimension of Canada's foreign and security agenda. This image of Canadian Nordicity has become aligned with what is sometimes called the “Inuit vision” of the north. This deployment of Canadian nordicity has both emerged from and facilitated a complex and mutually beneficial relationship between the Inuit of Canada and the Canadian government. This relationship is rooted in, and serves, important domestic considerations, but at the same time, it has important external dimensions that have advanced both Canadian foreign policy goals and the Inuit internationalist agenda over the past decade. Indeed, the relationship between Canada and the Inuit is now represented as embodying a “new spirit of partnership.” [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2936]
62.3902 BAKER, James S.; BYERS, Michael —
The Beaufort Sea maritime boundary dispute has traditionally been understood as involving a wedge-shaped area of maritime space extend 200 nautical miles north of the terminus of the Canada-US border between the Yukon Territory and Alaska. However, new data collected in pursuit of establishing the limits of the extended continental shelf in the region show that the two countries' seabed resource rights may stretch far beyond the 200-nautical-mile limit of the exclusive economic zone. Significantly, at approximately 200 nautical miles from shore, the US-claimed equidistance line crosses the line claimed by Canada, meaning that the legal positions of the two countries if simply extended beyond the EEZ would appear to favor the other party. This article explores how the US and Canada might reformulate their legal positions to resolve the dispute. [R, abr.]
62.3903 BANKS, Glenn, et al. —
New Zealand's aid policy has undergone a revolution under the National Party government elected in 2008. Prior to this, NZAID, a semi-autonomous unit, had evolved to manage aid in line with internationally agreed principles. Under the new government, NZAID was reincorporated into the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, its focus was shifted from poverty-reduction to economic growth, and its program was aligned with foreign policy. This article provides an overview of the shifts in New Zealand's aid policy over four decades, explores the relationship between the global aid regime an national practice, and analyzes the influence of politics, and of key individuals, in setting the direction of aid policy. [R]
62.3904 BECHEV, Dimitar —
Turkey's activism in former Yugoslavia is a continuation of the country's post-Cold War strategy in the broader context of South East Europe. It is driven largely by structural shifts related to the spread of democracy, Europeanization and globalization, rather than by ideology or Ottoman nostalgia. Despite its vanishing appeal, the EU remains essential in understanding Turkey's place in regional politics. The Union's expansion has deepened interdependence across southeast Europe and transformed the Turkish approach: from power politics to a multidimensional policy reliant on trade, cross-border investment, and projection of soft power. Although Ankara is acting in a growingly unilateralist manner and could be viewed as a competitor in some Western capitals, Turkish policies are benefiting from Brussels' and Washington's investment in the stabilization and integration of the Western Balkans. [R]
62.3905 BECKLEY, Michael —
Two assumptions dominate current foreign policy debates in the US and China: (1) the US is in decline relative to China; (2) much of this decline is the result of globalization and the hegemonic burdens the US bears to sustain globalization. Both of these assumptions are wrong. The US is not in decline; in fact, it is now wealthier, more innovative, and more militarily powerful compared to China than it was in 1991. Moreover, globalization and hegemony do not erode US power; they reinforce it. The US derives competitive advantages from its hegemonic position, and globalization allows it to exploit these advantages, attracting economic activity and manipulating the international system to its benefit. The US should therefore continue to prop up the global economy and maintain a robust diplomatic and military presence abroad. [R] [See also Abstr. 62.3011]
62.3906 BERNAUER, Thomas; SIEGFRIED, Tobias —
We engage in a critical assessment of the neo-Malthusian claim that climatic changes can be an important source of international tensions, in the extreme even militarized interstate disputes. The most likely scenario is conflict over water-allocation in international catchments shared by poorer, less democratic, and politically less stable countries, governed by weak international water-management institutions, and exposed to severe climatic changes. The Syr Darya corresponds quite well to all these characteristics. If the neo-Malthusian specter of conflict over water is empirically relevant, we should see signs of this in the Syr Darya. The riparian countries of the Aral Sea basin have experienced international disputes over water-allocation ever since the USSR collapsed and, with it, existing water-management institutions and funding. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.4068]
62.3907 BIDDLE, Stephen; FRIEDMAN, Jeffrey A.; LONG, Stephen —
Outside intervention in civil warfare is important for humanitarian, theoretical, and practical policy reasons. Since 2006, much of the debate over the war in Iraq has turned on the danger of external intervention if the US were to withdraw. Yet, the literature on intervention has been compartmented in ways that have made it theoretically incomplete and unsuitable as a guide to policy. We therefore integrate and expand upon the theoretical and empirical work on intervention and apply the results to the policy debate over the US presence in Iraq using a Monte Carlo simulation to build upon the dyadic results of probit analysis. [R, abr.]
62.3908 BLANK, Stephen J. —
Commentators around the world have focused on China's rise but rarely have done so in regard to China's policies in Central Asia. Much of that rise appears to have been at Russia's expense, and China is increasingly able to deploy potent economic and political instruments of power (with the military one always being in reserve) to advance its position in Central Asia. At the same time, China's policy here is in many respects driven by the need to maintain its hold on its rebellious Xinjiang province that borders Central Asia as well as to enhance its energy security and suppress liberal or democratic challenges on its periphery. It is clear that China will be a force to be reckoned with here in the future and already is one at present. [R, abr.]
62.3909 BOUCHARD, Christian; CRUMPLIN, William —
In the Indian Ocean, France is both a regional state, at least on behalf of its islands, and an external great power significantly involved in the region. On the one hand, France exercises sovereignty over several small island entities and consequently claims a vast economic exclusive zone and some extended continental shelf in the Southwest and Southern Indian Ocean. Together, these island territories form what is now emerging as “France of the Indian Ocean”. On the other hand, France's interests and actions in the region extend far beyond those of its island peoples and territories, and therefore France can also be seen as an external great power pursuing its own strategic, economic and cultural goals in the Indian Ocean. Thus, France is clearly a player that cannot be ignored in the Indian Ocean. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3962]
62.3910 BREWSTER, David —
Since the end of the Cold War, India's strategic horizons have moved beyond its traditional preoccupations in South Asia. India is developing a strategic role in East Asia in particular. At the same time India's strategic thinking has undergone a revolution, as the country that prided itself on non-alignment has moved closer to the West. But India's culture, history and geography still fundamentally shape its worldview. In engaging with East Asia, India is guided by a mosaic of strategic objectives about extending its sphere of influence, developing a multipolar regional system and balancing against China. The interplay of these objectives will frame India's role in East Asia in coming years. [R]
62.3911 BROOKS, Sarah M.; KURTZ, Marcus J. —
The dominant approaches to the study of capital-account liberalization highlight institutional barriers to reform and demonstrate an important role for interdependence, or the diffusion of a policy-innovation from one country to another, as a causal force. Our approach contrasts with the institutional approach and clarifies the political mechanisms of international policy-diffusion. We develop and test hypotheses that posit that structural economic legacies of the pre-reform era both condition the way in which international diffusion operates, and create the societal and economic interests that help produce varying capital-account policy outcomes in the domestic political sphere. Analysis of capital-account liberalization strategies in post-debt-crisis Latin America (1983–2007) reveals that capital-account opening and the channels through which this innovation diffuses are conditioned by the legacy of a country's pre-debt crisis economic development model. [R, abr.]
62.3912 BRUNET, Antoine; GUICHARD, Jean-Paul —
The West made a disastrous error in 2001 when it allowed China to join the World Trade Organization (WTO). As a member, China can apply its strategy of economic warfare, based on the manipulation of its currency. Because of its undervalued yuan, China has stacked up a huge trade surplus. But where there is a surplus in one place, there is a deficit elsewhere. The upshot is that the economies of the US and the EU are now largely dependent on decisions made by Beijing. China's goal is very clear, namely to impose its hegemony on the world. Faced with this predator, Americans and European have to take the appropriate measures, especially by heavily taxing products “made in China”. If there is no transatlantic accord, Europe, whose euro is highly overvalued, should implement a currency policy designed to sharply reduce the value of the euro — and quickly! [R]
62.3913 BRZEZINSKI, Zbigniew —
The author emphasizes the need for a broader American strategic vision that entails short-term economic sacrifice for long-term revitalization, and embraces collective, global self-interest. He illustrates a vision of an economically revitalized US, leading and uniting a broader “West” that includes Turkey and Russia, and mitigating inter-Asian conflicts as a necessary power. Ultimately, he calls for the US to fulfill the expectations of A. de Tocqueville, who wrote that the US uniquely embodies the principle of “self-interest properly understood”. [R]
62.3914 BUHARI-GULMEZ, Didem —
The re-definition of national interests is a dialectical process that involves not only internal dynamics and domestic interests but also explanatory factors transcending national level, such as the European-level and global-level stimuli. Accordingly, the study offers four alternative explanations for Turkey's preferences on the Cyprus question: the EU's constraining stimuli, the EU's constitutive stimuli, global-level constraining stimuli, global-level constitutive stimuli. The original empirical data support that it is the incongruence between the EU-level constraining stimuli and the global-level constitutive stimuli that predicts Turkish perceptions on national interests and thus, Turkish attitudes towards the EU-led reform on Cyprus policy. [R]
62.3915 BURGOS, Sigfrido; EAR, Sophal —
China aims to secure, across the globe, the natural resources and raw materials needed to sustain the rapid economic growth in its manufacturing and industrial sectors. Among the many critical resources needed to fulfill its variegated energy needs, oil is by far the most important, given that it fuels its economic engine. Angola's vast oil reserves and flexible production levels make it a leading producer and exporter of crude oil. It quickly became a strategic oil supplier to China. In 2010, Angola supplied one-quarter of China's oil imports. [R]
62.3916 CANNISTRARO, Vincent —
The Arab Spring's instability will compel changes in American policies for the region. The awakening has been enervated by violent responses from more cohesive and profound dictatorships in Syria and Libya, but the “leaderless” model of the awakening can quickly bring together disparate groups working toward a common goal. As the process across the Arab world unfolds, American interests will need to be addressed in ways different from the past. New American wars will not be a promising option. The region's challenges require a serious and consistent policy toward resolving the core issues of instability, and that includes overcoming domestic opinion and lobbies that work against a two-state solution for Israel and Palestine. [R, abr.]
62.3917 CHANDRAMOHAN, Balaji —
New Zealand Prime Minister J. Key's historic visit to India in June 2011 sealed better Indo-New Zealand bilateral relations. Both countries have a common interest in the overall security architecture of the Asia-Pacific region and a stable international system under the aegis of the UN. In what can be described only as a paradigm shift, both India and New Zealand have shed their political differences and are ready to work for closer defense cooperation and to strengthen their positions in the regional multilateral organizations. They are now better placed to sort out their differences over the long-awaited Indo-New Zealand free trade agreement. [R]
62.3918 CHANIS, Jonathan —
Current US and Chinese petroleum import-dependence differ sharply, and the respective vulnerability of each state to future supply disruptions should further strengthen the US power position and weaken China's power position. In an effort to minimize present and future petroleum vulnerability, China has been pursuing neo-mercantilist policies and favoring relations with states hostile to the US. These polices continually place China in conflict with the US, particularly since they challenge the international petroleum security and trading regime that largely was built by, and is currently supported by, the US. While in the past, the US and China have formally discussed “energy security”, these meetings tend to avoid the real points of difficulty in each country's pursuit of petroleum supply security. [R, abr.]
62.3919 CHEN Dingding —
This article explains both China's motivations in, and South Korea's response to, the Koguryo controversy. It is necessary to take into account the role of national identity and domestic politics in explaining the controversy. China's claim is neither defensive nor offensive toward the two Koreas; rather, it is a logical consequence of a particular historiography in China that was developed in the 20th c. Given the centrality of national identity construction in both countries, the conflict over Koguryo will be difficult to resolve. To prevent future conflicts from occurring, both sides need to adopt a new perspective on history to move toward a shared history and cultural community. [R] [See Abstr. 62.4078]
62.3920 CHEN Zhimin; PAN Zhongqi —
China's regional policy is mainly centered on its efforts to forge a friendly, stable and prosperous neighborhood. To achieve this end, China has developed an approach combining both partnership bilateralism and tailored regional multilateralism. By and large, China does not consider its neighborhood as a whole and has been very cautious and hesitant to engage in overarching “region-building”. China has relied mostly on soft (attractive) use of power, particularly economic power, supported by cultural and assurance diplomacy, even though diplomatic and economic coercion have been exercised occasionally. China has once again become the biggest economy in Asia. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3780]
62.3921 CHOUDHURY, Upendra —
As India rises as a major world power, two divergent perceptions are beginning to dominate the policy-making circles in both China and the US. According to the Chinese, India's recent behavior clearly proves that it is joining an anti-China alliance with the United States and the Americans are recruiting the Indian tiger to hedge against the rising Chinese dragon. The US India nuclear deal and the warming strategic relationship between the two countries are in this context viewed as part of Washington's global strategic calculations. The Americans on the other hand, are worried of the recent warming of Sino-Indian relationship such as improving economic and trade ties, closer coordination on some common global issues, more frequent diplomatic exchanges and the emergence of a Russia-China-India axis that could counter the alleged US hegemony in the world. This paper examines the merits of these perceptions. [R, abr.]
62.3922 CLARK, Julian; JONES, Alun —
[Inadequate] consideration has been given to the political-administrative consequences of Iceland's 2008 financial crisis in terms of its restructuring state-based projects and instituting new scalar strategies, and, specifically, the role played in this process by Icelandic political and policy elites. We analyze recent attempts to reconfigure Iceland's skeptical position towards the EU by promulgating state narratives of “EUrope” as a “safe haven” for the shattered national economy as part of the country's formal application for EU membership. We show within the Icelandic state there is, however, a highly fragmented and polarized position on EU accession. Drawing on B. Jessop's strategic relational approach, we demonstrate that this derives from the actions of different elite fractions seeking to establish parameters for strategic selectivity on EU accession in ways that support their own interests. [R, abr.]
62.3923 COHEN, Craig —
As national debt skyrockets and government budgets shrink, the defining feature of American foreign policy over the next decade will be the tightening fiscal environment. The author examines how dwindling resources may affect the policy and efficacy of the Department of Defense, Department of State, intelligence community, and USAID, questioning the likelihood of American decline. Because traditional supports during tight times (such as strengthening ties with allies and falling back on international institutions) are of little value in today's geopolitical and economic climate, he argues that the US' challenges are great but workable. The key will ultimately lie in mapping and managing risks. [R]
62.3924 CORKIN, Lucy —
It has long been recognized that the actors involved in crafting and implementing China's foreign policy are not always in agreement. This paper argues that the prioritization of commercial outreach over purely political objectives in Africa has led to a shift in influence from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) to the Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM). To that end, the paper examines the rising prominence of China Exim Bank's concessional loans as a foreign policy instrument in Africa along with the process through which they are negotiated and implemented. Using the case of Angola, this paper shows how despite formal institutional equality, the MOFCOM is playing a far more influential role than the MFA is in defining the direction of China's foreign policy toward Africa. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3963]
62.3925 CORNISH, Paul; DORMAN, Andrew M. —
The newly elected Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government initiate a review of UK national strategy, culminating in the October 2010 revised National Security Strategy as well as a new Strategic Defense and Security Review. This article [examines] the formulation, implementation and longer-term implications of the review. [After] assessing the review as a national strategic plan, the authors turn to operational matters, and discusses the review as a public statement of national policy, gauging the impression it has made on the national strategic narrative since 2010. Finally, it asks what the review and its aftermath reveal of the formulation and implementation of national strategy in the UK. [R, abr.]
62.3926 DABAGJAN, Emil S. —
The first decade of the 21st c. marks the beginning of a new stage in Russian-Latin American relations in the form of intensive contacts, one of Moscow's foreign policy's priorities being the optimal widening the range of its partners worldwide. Apart from being significant trade partners, Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, and other Latin-American countries also constitute strategic allies. Among the favorable factors, which bring Russia and Latin America together, is their shared attitude towards key international problems, as well as some common features in terms of socio-political development in the near past and present. Constructive international relations advance not only on the level of separate countries, but also within regional political unions, such as the Rio Group, OAS, and LAIS.
62.3927 DAVID, Roman; HOLLIDAY, Ian —
International sanctions, which commonly seek to engineer target-state compliance with human rights norms, often fail to deliver on their objectives. In recent years, however, a fresh approach has emerged through the rise of international justice, which can act as either a complement or an alternative to sanctions. We develop three hypotheses. Political change will be facilitated by: (1) lifting sanctions; (2) guarantees of non-prosecution; or (3) lifting sanctions combined with guarantees of non-prosecution. We test the hypotheses on Myanmar, a country that has long been subject to international sanctions, but that has rarely complied with human rights norms. Myanmar is also situated in a region where international justice is currently being applied through prosecution of former Khmer Rouge leaders in Cambodia. [R, abr.]
62.3928 DELLO BUONO, R. A. —
The unraveling of the Washington Consensus in Latin America is part of a broader decline of US hegemony in the region and beyond. Four distinct approaches by Latin American analysts from Argentina, Chile, Mexico, and Cuba are introduced that examine different aspects of this decline. It is argued that any serious analysis of regional hegemony must include consideration of the interrelationship between economic and military factors; the emergent modalities of exercising hegemony such as free trade agreements; the power structure of the hegemonic state; and the broader context of the global political economy. [R] [First article of a symposium, “Critical analyses from Latin America”, introduced by David FASENFEST, “The importance of a perspective from abroad”, pp. 147–149. See also Abstr. 62.3079, 4019, 4020, 4032]
62.3929 DÉRENS, Jean-Arnault —
Faithful to its multilateral strategy, Turkey is also developing a multifaceted diplomacy, both in the Middle East and in the Balkans. Turkey's leaders are multiplying their trips to that region, and Turkish companies are making massive investments. Turkey is also seeking to play a role as mediator in the simmering conflicts between countries in the region (especially Serbia and Bosnia) underscoring its status as an international player. To play that role, it counts on the many Muslims living in these countries, whether as the majority (Bosnia, Kosovo, Albania) or as minorities (Serbia, Macedonia, Bulgaria). No matter what happens, this new local presence will benefit Turkey. If the European integration of Balkan countries starts again, Ankara hopes to benefit, and will surely remind them of the constructive role played by its diplomatic corps. If the process continues to be stalled, on the other hand, Turkey will call on its network of bilateral agreements to stake a claim as an “alternative option” to a still evasive EU. [R]
62.3930 DeVORE, Marc R. —
Reacting to Iraq's invasion and annexation of Kuwait, two European states, the UK and France, contributed large forces and participated in land, air, and sea operations. The contributions of these states varied considerably in their composition and role. The UK deployed as many forces (45,000 personnel) as the country could manage, while France sent a significant force (15,000) that fell short of its potential. Once in Arabia, the British played a major role in coalition planning, while the French remained operationally aloof. Finally, British forces were central to the coalition's riskiest endeavors, such as special forces raids and preparing a fake amphibious invasion, while French forces played a credible, but less dangerous role. This article tests the ability of realism and historic institutionalism to explain these different responses to the 1990–1991 Gulf Crisis. [R, abr.]
62.3931 DOROFEEV, Sergej E. —
In recent years, Russia and the US have been sharing strategic interests in the Central Asian region. These need to be identified, for each of the two countries individually, in order to assess the possibility for their realization from the perspective of active institutions and the experience of Central Asia's historical development. Using the concept of strategic interest, long-term interests can thus be contrasted with short-term interests' gains. Strategic interest has to be distinguished from ‘national interest’ since the latter has a very broad meaning, whereas it is often perceived only within the context of the state's interest.
62.3932 DOVER, Robert; PHYTHIAN, Mark —
The British government's 2010 Strategic Defense and Security Review (SDSR) was intended to be a fundamental review of Britain's defense and security posture. By the turn of 2011, the SDSR was being widely described as fundamentally flawed. This article examines the politics and strategic direction of the SDSR and it assesses the extent to which the SDSR was “strategic”. It evaluates how the 2011 intervention in Libya has impacted on the premise of the SDSR. This paper argues that the Libya policy highlights the critical disjuncture between the strategic intent underpinning the response to the Libyan crisis and the fiscally-led nature of an SDSR and the government's inability to articulate a strategic vision for the UK. [R]
62.3933 DUPONT, Alan; RECKMEYER, William J. —
This article reviews the seminal influences on Australian national security planning and outlines a methodology for assessing national security risk which provides a workable analytical framework for prioritizing Australia's nation al security challenges and allocating scarce resources in a systematic and integrated way. The authors argue for a System of Systems approach that addresses the most serious security challenges as a whole rather than treating them as independent, compartmentalized issues. The ability to develop effective analytical tools for assessing nation al security risk will be a key determinant of strategic success in the 21st c. Nations adept at anticipating developments, discerning trends and evaluating risk among the clutter of confusing and contradictory change-indicators will be significantly advantaged over those which are not. [R]
62.3934 DURÃO BARROSO, José Manuel —
Since the previous visit to New Zealand by a European Commission president 30 years ago, the world has been transformed. The old division in the geo-political order between developed and developing nations has faded. Today there are multiple poles of economic influence. Sharing values with like-minded countries will be increasingly important. Commonality of basic principles and long-term objectives will carry more weight in foreign policy than geographical proximity. In this context, New Zealand and the EU have a close and enduring relationship, based on the Joint Declaration of 2007. They have convergent interests in many areas, most notably Afghanistan. [R]
62.3935 ELLEMAN, Michael —
The breathing space offered by a regional flight-test ban could facilitate cooperation on missile defenses and the building of greater trust and confidence between Moscow and Washington. [R]
62.3936 FALKE, Andreas —
Three factors are contributing to the reduction of the role of the US as a global power player: its disappearing economic power basis, the dysfunctional nature of its political system and the strong isolationist trends in American public opinion. One may expect a permanent discussion between those favoring a continued international commitment and the advocates of greater focus on national affairs and the economic and budgetary constraints. [See Abstr. 62.3297]
62.3937 FAWN, Rick; NALBANDOV, Robert —
The August War in 2008 generated incompatible accounts of the events causing its outbreak. Through an analysis of Russian-language, Georgian-language and major English print media, web and television sources, this article provides analysis of the empirical obstacles to objective knowledge; determines what we know, and what remains unknown, and demonstrating what is contested. It then shows the difficulties of being certain of the causes of war, the divergent terms and justifications used, and contends that the start of the war should not be treated as a single event. Rather, the start of the conflict must be understood in terms of an interlinking cycle of events. [R] [See Abstr. 62.4097]
62.3938 FEITELSON, Eran; TAMINI, Abdelrahman; ROSENTHAL, Gad —
This article critically examines the potential interactions between climate change and conflict in the Israeli-Palestinian case. Based on a review of the possible effects of climate change, water is identified as the main issue which may be affected, and it also has transboundary implications. We illustrate the potential implications of reduced freshwater availability by assessing the ability to supply normative domestic water needs under rapid population growth scenarios, including return of refugees. In addition, the ability to supply environmental needs and the needs of peripheral farmers under extremely reduced availability scenarios is examined. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.4068]
62.3939 FINKEL, Evgeny; BRUDNY, Yitzhak M. —
The color revolutions, and especially the Orange Revolution in Ukraine, alarmed Russian elites, who feared the possibility of a local color revolution during the 2007–2008 electoral cycle. To thwart the perceived color revolution threat, Russian authorities adopted strategies that combined a political, administrative and intellectual assault on the opposition and Western ideas of democracy promotion. [They] first created a mass youth movement, Nashi, as a counterweight to the driving forces behind the [various] color revolutions. Second, [they] delegitimized the idea of liberal democracy itself, labeling it subversive and alien to the Russian national character. Russian reactions to the “color revolution threat” provide important insights into what an authoritarian regime, such as that in Russia, perceives as the most threatening aspects of democratizing activities by domestic and international actors. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.4099]
62.3940 FRANCH, Fabio —
Game theory fails to account adequately for an evolving context which can affect the preferences of disputing actors, an issue which the author finds to be likely to produce systematically inaccurate explanations and predictions. Empirical evidence is presented that supports the claim that the start of recent natural gas crises has damaged the GDP growth of nine external European countries. A Pooled Panel Nonlinear Auto-Regressive Conditional Heteroskedasticity (PP-NARCH) model and Box-Tiao intervention models are selected to support the validity of what is defined as a “Fully-Fuzzy” (FF) game. The findings are then enriched with a summary of the most relevant statements, agreements, and partnerships which are likely to have exerted pressure on Russia and the other negotiating country. [R]
62.3941 FREEMAN, Chas W. Jr. —
The more “change we can believe in” unfolds in the Middle East, the more things stay the same or retrogress. The more policy the US has, the more perverse the results it seems to produce for our country. Unless the causes of Muslim indignation are mitigated and the deviant ideology of those who exploit it is refuted, anti-American terrorism will continue to flourish. We Americans are good at killing our enemies. We are unqualified to refute Islamic heresies and persuade those who have embraced them to abandon the path to terror.
62.3942 FREUDING, Christian —
War is still present but not like in the old days. The difference in the Anglo-American discussion between wars of choice and wars of necessity is at best of significance for historians. The West's global need for responsibility and security makes for an indispensable commitment in complex, small wars. Governments are currently prepared and willing to engage in this type of conflict. In Germany however, this implies a new direction for the army and a new attitude in German society.
62.3943 GAU, Michael Sheng-Ti —
A principal aspect of the territorial and boundary-delimitation disputes in the South China Sea is the so-called U-shaped line. This article addresses the genesis and substantiation of the U-shaped line claims as well as the possible change in positions of the governments of the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China with respect to the historical waters claim, which is an integral part of their U-shaped line positions. A legal analysis of the various communications of the South China Sea players with respect to the U-shaped line helps to clarify and identify the nature of four kinds of legal disputes. It is also possible to differentiate the various degrees of difficulty involved in settling each of these disputes. [R]
62.3944 GELBRAS, Vilja G. —
Over the past few years, and especially since the outbreak of the global economic crisis, China's foreign economic activity has been abruptly intensified. In this respect, the country remains unequalled worldwide. The reasons for such a condition can be found in some of the national economy's peculiarities as well as in the authorities' political goals. Since the 1980s, when GDP was selected as the nation's prior economic index, a GDP mania has occurred: China's aim became to reach and surpass developed countries' GDP, the US in particular. The best example of China's ‘Go abroad!’ strategy is the 2010 turn in Russian-Chinese economic dialogue and, in particular, the Russian-Chinese program for cooperation in the Far East (2009–2018).
62.3945 GLASMAN, Frantz —
Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria has been severely shaken for months by a vast internal protest movement, determined to resist come what may, even in the face of terrible massacres by the loyalist army. The entire world has its eyes riveted on Syria. The West, now joined by the Arab League, is pressing the head of state to stop the violence. But in the concert of nations, Russia is following its own score. A long-time Syrian ally, Russia has major interests in the country, which is why the Kremlin has long given Damascus its unalloyed support. By the end of the year, however, because of the unyielding attitude of Assad, this was no longer tenable. Moscow opted for a firmer tone — after all, Assad is not eternal, and his adversaries could well take over power in the coming months. So Russia is hedging its bets to make sure it does not compromise its future in the region. [R]
62.3946 GORDON, Joy —
The author explores the multifaceted impact of the American embargo on Cuba's political economy. Her examination of Cuba's engagement with companies located in third countries, international organizations such as the UN and WTO, and the international banking sector reveals the embargo's true effects. The author ultimately concludes that Cuba has been adept at circumnavigating the embargo by effectively using its diplomacy skills and engaging heavily in international banking and trade. [R]
62.3947 GREINER, Bernd —
The war in Afghanistan has raged for more than ten years. According to Donald Rumsfeld and his advisors, it was supposed to be a “slim war” to demonstrate US superiority in imposing its ambitions through a high-tech intervention: cost-effective and short, although nasty and brutish. A sobering account of the conflict: the situation in the Hindu Kush is characterized by the will of the warlords, a corrupt regime and mistrust towards the Western troops. To what extent should Afghanistan be considered a failed state in waiting? [R, transl.]
62.3948 GUTKOWSKI, Stacey —
Though British foreign policy toward Iraq was officially separate from counterterrorism strategy, ideas about the “global war on terror” circulated in both policy milieus. This article deploys the concept of the security imaginary, adding insights from Pierre Bourdieu's notion of habitus, to explore why this was the case. The British security imaginary, as structured by a secular social landscape coming to terms with “radical Islamism”, was beholden to a series of problematic assumptions about religio-politics. This article focuses on British perceptions of the Islamist Jaish al-Mehdi militia between 2003 and 2004. Beyond the Iraq example, this historical incident suggests intimate connections between the experience of domestic secularity and warfare. [R]
62.3949 HAKIM, Peter —
Centrifugal forces are gaining strength year by year in inter-American relations. US policy toward neighboring Latin America is today retreating from a long tradition of efforts to formulate a Latin American-wide policy. It is early to dismiss the prospect of a future resurgence of hemispheric cooperation. Surely the US and Latin America share enough common interests and values for cooperation, even integration to benefit all countries. But the trend is now toward a Latin America increasingly independent of the US. The US is becoming more and more focused on its own problems, while increasingly middle class, globalized Latin American nations are finding new partners, and determinedly pursuing their own course. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3780]
62.3950 HARRIES, Matthew —
The 2010 treaty is modest in scope, but there are intriguing possibilities for future collaboration, and perhaps for trilateral cooperation involving the US. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Defending Europe”. See also Abstr. 62.3289, 4049]
62.3951 HART, Michael —
The military outcome in Afghanistan will not resemble the vision of America and its allies, who wanted a strong, Western-aligned central government keeping the Taliban at bay. But the Taliban still may be confined to the country's southern and eastern enclaves, and al-Qaeda could be thwarted from establishing staging bases there. Reality suggests the goals should now be less ambitious. [R]
62.3952 HASTINGS, Justin V. —
I argue that the US [lacks] a coherent geopolitical vision of the Indian Ocean Region. The result is an allocation of political and military resources that is fractured and at times incoherent, which makes it difficult for the US to make a credible commitment to the security of the Region as a whole. The US alliance structure in the Region is composed of the residual relationships from other strategically important regions, thus decreasing their ability to be turned to the security of the Region. There is no single US military command structure dedicated to the Indian Ocean Region. The military forces prepositioned in the region are ill suited for making the necessary commitments to the region as a whole. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3962]
62.3953 HAYES, Jarrod —
What exactly keeps democracies from fighting? Drawing on the securitization theory of the Copenhagen School as well as social psychology, this article claims that a critical mechanism of the democratic peace lies at the political junction between policymakers and the public. I argue that the democratic identity of the public, grounded in basic democratic norms essential for the function of any democracy at any time, plays an independent role in the construction of security and foreign policy in the US. To test the argument, I examine the difficult case of the 1971 Bangladesh War, when President R. Nixon sent the USS Enterprise carrier group to the Bay of Bengal. [R, abr.]
62.3954 HEADLEY, James; REITZIG, Andreas —
This article investigates public opinion on New Zealand's foreign policy, drawing on the findings of a comprehensive poll of general public and elite opinion conducted in 2008. It analyzes what New Zealanders think about a range of foreign policy issues and whether public opinion matches actual foreign policy. The majority of the public support the broad parameters of official policy, but there are significant differences of opinion in some specific areas, particularly trade agreements and defense. These differences correspond in particular to political orientation and age, gender and income level. The article also outlines the key differences between public opinion and the opinion of the positional elite. Overall, the New Zealand public does have clear opinions on foreign policy issues and that these are generally consistent. [R, abr.]
62.3955 HEPPELL, Timothy; LIGHTFOOT, Simon —
The decision of the Conservative-dominated coalition to ring-fence international development spending has been, given the economic environment, one of most intriguing decisions of the new government. Recognizing the relative neglect of academic work on Conservative policy towards international development, the article explains its newfound prioritization, suggesting that it can be attributed to four possible influences: that it can be tied to the process of modernization and brand-decontamination of the Conservatives; that it is a consequence of the personal commitment of key elites; that it is by-product of the perceived success of the Department for International Development under New Labour, which made subsuming it within the Foreign and Commonwealth Office a non-viable (and expensive) option; and that protecting the international aid budget was actually in the British national interest. [R, abr.]
62.3956 HERACLIDES, Alexis —
The paper presents ten reasons for the enduring Greek-Turkish rivalry and indicates that all of them can be overcome (and at times have been overcome). Yet they retain their salience, with no resolution of the outstanding Greek-Turkish differences in sight despite extensive bilateral talks. The non-resolution of the Greek-Turkish conflict is due less to the incompatibility of tangible interests and above all the result of their chosen national identities cum historical narratives: their collective identities which are built on slighting and demonizing the “Other” and concomitant national historical narratives, both of which are presented in detail. The article concludes with using A. Wendt's approach of critical thinking and attitude change. [R]
62.3957 HICKS, Raymond; KIM Soo Yeon —
Reciprocal trade agreements (RTAs) have proliferated rapidly in Asia in recent years, an unprecedented phenomenon in a region in which stateled institution-building efforts were largely unsuccessful during the Cold War years. We investigate the qualitative provisions of RTAs in Asia, focusing on agreements that are professedly geared toward trade liberalization through reciprocal exchanges of trade concessions. We build on the concept of credible commitment — that states “tie their hands” through international agreements and thus signal strong commitment to trade liberalization. We argue that a broad range of agreement provisions will affect an RTA's ability to achieve its primary objective: trade liberalization. We present a coding scheme that measures the strength of a wide variety of provisions in the legal texts of RTAs. [R, abr.]
62.3958 HOMOLAR, Alexandra —
With the end of the G.W. Bush presidency and the inauguration of the B. Obama administration, observers and policy-makers around the world hailed the potential for the US to engage in a new era of multilateralism on issues ranging from nuclear proliferation to climate-change to humanitarian intervention. In contrast to the perceived unilateralism of the Bush era, the Obama presidency raised expectations of international cooperation and increasing interdependence between countries, as well as promising to usher in a more diplomatic and consultative approach by the US to the challenges of global governance. This article disaggregates the concept of “multilateralism”, and generates a set of indicators to examine the character of US engagement in multilateralism, analyzing the Obama administration's response to international crises in the area of global security governance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2835]
62.3959 HOVI, Jon; SPRINZ, Detlef F.; BANG, Guri —
According to two-level game theory, negotiators tailor agreements at the international level to be ratifiable at the domestic level. This did not happen in the Kyoto negotiations, however, in the US case. We interviewed 26 German, Norwegian, and US participants in and observers of the climate negotiations concerning their views on three explanations for why the US did not become a party to Kyoto. (1) Kyoto delegations mistakenly thought the Senate was bluffing when adopting Byrd-Hagel. (2) Europeans preferred a more ambitious agreement without US participation to a less ambitious agreement with US participation. (3) In Kyoto, the Clinton-Gore administration gave up on Senate ratification, and [sought] an agreement that would provide them a climate-friendly face. While all explanations received some support from interviewees, explanation 1 and (particularly) explanation 3 received considerably more support than explanation 2. [R, abr.]
62.3960 HULIARAS, Asteris —
External assistance to the Balkans was largely successful in stopping or preventing conflict and in strengthening state institutions. International donors (and especially the EU) have developed an implicit “human security” agenda in their aid policies towards the region, an agenda that heavily influenced decisions and helped to achieve the goal of reconstruction. Without using the term “human security”, bilateral and multilateral donors in the Balkans adopted a “human security” approach. Their priorities (first promote peace, then strengthen public institutions, then introduce democratic norms and finally bring development) show a growing consistency (especially after 2005) and a rather clear understanding that the simultaneous promotion of possibly conflicting goals (i.e., democracy/stability) might undermine their reconstruction objectives. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3092]
62.3961 IVANOV, Stanislav M. —
The Moldova-Transnistria, Georgia-Abkhazia, Georgia-South Ossetia, Azerbaijan-Armenia conflicts represent the major unresolved and potentially dangerous modern conflicts in the post-Soviet space. Among the reasons for Russia's particular concern continue being also the interethnic struggles south of Kirgizstan, the activation of armed opposition in Tajikistan, as well as underground activity in the North Caucasian region. Despite of the fact that by early 2011 practically all local conflicts were ‘frozen’ and the Georgia-Abkhazian and Georgia-South Ossetian ones were even partially resolved, the potential threat of new massive outbursts of violence and armed confrontations still has not ceased, nor does terrorist activity in the post-Soviet region subside.
62.3962 JACKSON, Ashley —
In the 18th and 19th c., the British established themselves as the major power in the Indian Ocean Region, a position won by aggressive commercial activity, maritime power, and incessant fighting against indigenous polities and European “great power” rivals. This article examines the sinews of Britain's growing regional dominance, which encompassed the land masses on the Ocean's rim, many of its island groups, and the major sea lanes of communication. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “The changing role of external powers in the Indian Ocean region. Part I”. See also Abstr. 62.3909, 3952, 3981, 3999, 4026]
62.3963 JACOBS, Bert —
As China's footprint in African trade grows larger by the day, the need to contextualize this rise through comparative analysis becomes ever more necessary. This paper contrasts the sub-Saharan trade relations of both China and Europe with their respective designated stereotypes: those of a dragon and a dove. The article compares the trade dynamics on four levels: the policies and institutional mechanisms that shape the relationship; the composition of the trade flows; the geographic distribution of trade dominance; and the influence of norms and values on the trade pattern. Although there are empirical grounds behind these stereotypes, Chinese and European trade relations with sub-Saharan Africa are becoming more similar, partly due to a more hawkish European stance. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “China's evolving Africa policy: the limits of socialization”, edited and introduced by Jonathan HOLSLAG, pp. 3–16. See also Abstr. 62.3873, 3924, 3967, 4043]
62.3964 JASPER, Ursula; PORTELLA, Clara —
While integration embraces a number of key areas of national security policy, the EU still shies away from a serious debate on the future of British and French nuclear weapons. The two countries have thus been able to modernize their arsenals without entering into any obligation to take decisive steps towards nuclear disarmament. Their willingness to disarm will therefore be very limited. If the EU wishes to maintain its credibility, pointing a finger at rogue states or demanding the withdrawal of US tactical weapons will not suffice. Europe must begin to question the policy of its own members, and this could prove a real stress test for the Common Foreign and Security Policy. [R, abr.]
62.3965 JONES, David Martin; BENVENUTI, Andrea —
A powerful orthodoxy exists in the academic literature devoted to the history of Australia's post-1945 international relations. It maintains that suspicion and condescension permeated the attitude of the R. Menzies government (1949–1966) towards Asia. Accordingly, Menzies' regional policies not only prevented Australia from engaging meaningfully with its Asian neighbors, but they also ended up antagonizing them. This article critiques this view and instead contends that the assumptions that inform the contemporary construction of Menzies' regional policy are overde-termined by an anachronistic disregard for the diplomatic dynamics, political challenges and economic realities of Cold War Asia. [R]
62.3966 JOVIĆ LAZIĆ, Ana; JELISAVAC TROŠIĆ, Sanja; JAZIĆ, Aleksandar —
This paper analyzes the confrontation between Armenia and Azerbaijan concerning Nagorno Karabakh territory, as well as the many attempts to resolve this conflict. The war ended with the ceasefire agreement under the auspices of the OSCZE Minsk Group, which is empowered for final [resolution] of this issue. The EU in recent years has tried to reduce dependence on Russian natural gas. Western countries are interested in resolving conflicts in South Caucasus due to [their] economic and political interests in the region and the fact that these conflicts pose a risk to investment. [R, abr.]
62.3967 KAMERLING, Susanne; VAN DER PUTTEN, Frans-Paul —
This article assesses how China is using its navy to secure its interests in the Gulf of Aden, and what this means for the EU. The analysis of how China's naval presence in the Gulf of Aden has evolved since early 2009 suggests that China's increasing interests and involvement in Africa do not necessarily lead to the establishment of Chinese naval bases in or close to the continent. To supply its ships, the Chinese navy may well continue using the commercial-diplomatic model that China has been developing. This model is based on China's close diplomatic relations with countries in the region and the extensive presence of Chinese companies to whom logistical services can be outsourced and who are under a greater degree of state influence than most Western multinationals. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3963]
62.3968 KAPIDŽIĆ, Damir —
This paper examines the international role of the EU in regard to the Western Balkans based on constructivist ground and drawing on an analysis of discursive practices. Focusing on questions of consistency and coherence in role concept by analyzing expressions of values and norms in foreign policy documents, conclusions are drawn regarding the EU's international role towards the region. The EU's foreign policy is found to be very consistent throughout the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty. Nevertheless, it is clearly lacking cross-institutional coherence. The emphasis on rational objectives over normative issues further undermines the Union's impact to induce domestically driven reforms. [R]
62.3969 KASTNER, Scott L.; SAUNDERS, Phillip C —
China's rising power and increased global activism have attracted increasing attention, with particular focus on whether a stronger China is likely to be a revisionist or status quo state. Power transition theory highlights the potential for a dissatisfied rising power to challenge the existing international order, but it is difficult to evaluate whether a rising power is dissatisfied. Where Chinese leaders travel offers insights into whether China's behavior is more consistent with that of a revisionist or status quo state and into China's broader diplomatic priorities. We present a series of expectations concerning how the travel patterns of a challenger state are likely to differ from the travel patterns of a status quo state. Using a newly compiled data-set, we then analyze the correlates of travel abroad by top Chinese leaders from 1998 to 2008. [R, abr.]
62.3970 KATSIOULIS, Christos —
Libya has proven to be a heavy burden for Germany in terms of NATO and the EU. Despite its reputation as a hesitant partner with major reservations about sending troops abroad, it has become one of the most important participants in NATO and EU military operations. Germany also needs to play an active role in the UN, where it has contributed to introducing the “responsibility to protect”, reflected in Berlin's decision to participate in Kosovo but not in Iraq. Abstaining on Libya however is a departure from this line. Germany needs to debate the intervention instrument in order to reach a logical position and thus a reliable image internationally. [R, abr.]
62.3971 KATZ, Mark —
How different would the foreign policy of a democratic Russia be from the foreign policy of Russia now? While some aspects of a democratic Russia's foreign policy would be different from that of the Putin/Medvedev regime, much of it could be the same. It is important to understand this since identifying how a democratic Russian foreign policy would be similar to as well as different from Putin/Medvedev's help us to distinguish between what are Russia's core foreign policy interests — no matter what kind of regime is in power — and what are the peculiar interests of an authoritarian Russia which might change as democratization occurs. I explore what a democratic Russian foreign policy might be toward several areas, including Europe, the Middle east, Asia, Latin America and Africa, the Near Abroad, and the US. [R]
62.3972 KAWASHIMA, Shin —
This article examines the doctrine of “hide one's talents, bide one's time, and seek concrete achievements”, which has come to be regarded as China's foreign-policy doctrine since 1989 and as the basis of Deng Xiao-ping's foreign-policy doctrine. Naturally, the view that China's pragmatic foreign-policy actions based on its perceptions of its national interests are more important than this doctrine is also admissible. However, in a China with a complex tapestry of differing perceptions of national interest, this doctrine can be exploited to explain why China might restrict its foreign-policy actions to a certain framework and correct its excesses. [R, abr.]
62.3973 KENNEDY, Peter —
New Zealand and Europe have a longstanding and many-faceted relationship — political, economic and cultural. Apart from the dreadful cost to New Zealand of participation in two world wars that originated in Europe, the continent was the focus of New Zealand's economic diplomacy for many years, as it sought to protect itself from the impact of Britain's entry to the EU. Today, Europe remains vitally important to New Zealand's economy, despite much diversification of its trade in the last 40 years. New Zealand is also closely tied to Europe in its involvement in the Afghanistan War, not least in police training projects in Bamyan province. [R]
62.3974 KENT, Jonathan —
From 2001 to 2005, Canada and the US dramatically altered the way each country views its border. In response to the attacks on New York City and Washington, DC, Canada and the US entered into three important partnerships: the Smart Borders Agreement (SBA), the Container Security Initiative (CSI), and the Security Prosperity Partnership (SPP). These arrangements are conceptualized here as “tacit bargains” whereby Canada provided the US with security in hope of renewed trust and economic accessibility. These “tacit bargains” required a concession of traditional state sovereignty so that stable and predictable relations between both countries could continue. While this process is ostensibly a violation of state sovereignty, the argument is that these three “tacit bargains” represent a transition of “old” sovereignty to “new” sovereignty. [R]
62.3975 KINGDON, W. J. F. —
Strategy's meaning has expanded so that it no longer applies solely to the application of military power. The impact of transnational factors and the increasing imperative to act as part of a coalition or alliance suggest that strategic theory is increasingly different from practice. Multilateral responses challenge the clear articulation of ends, ways and means, and the act of intervention changes the context in ways that are often impossible to anticipate. This paper explores oblique decision-making, and its role in addressing complex problems for which scientific processes seem ill-suited. It challenges the assumption that shortage of resources and inadequate analysis of the theater of operations are at the heart of our difficulties with strategy. [R, abr.]
62.3976 KIRSHNER, Jonathan —
One prominent realist approach, associated with J. Mearsheimer, calls for the US to do whatever it can to slow China's rise. However, while this is a realist perspective, it is not the realist perspective. In particular, realist approaches that derive from a classical foundation suggest policies fundamentally different from those favored by Mearsheimer. This article argues that realism should return to some of its classical traditions. It reviews why, from a classical realist perspective, the rise of China must be viewed with alarm, but argues that Mearsheimer's approach — offensive realism — is wrong, and dangerous. Many of these errors are rooted in structuralism; a classical realist approach, which allows for the influence of history and politics, provides greater analytical purchase and wiser policy prescriptions than offensive realism. [R, abr.]
62.3977 KITANO, Mitsuru —
This article introduces four trends of China's foreign strategy. Analysis of China's diplomacy since the 1980s based on these concepts demonstrates China's intent to become a great power and its aspirations for a China-centric order. [R]
62.3978 KITAOKA, Shinichi —
China is changing the international order in East Asia. Chinese people tend to see the world order in hierarchical terms; nationalism is used as a tool of national integration; and government control of the military is weakening. If these trends continue, a hierarchical order with China as hegemon might be established in East Asia. It seems as if we are returning to the period before the 19th c. when China led the world. However, the international order in the 21st c. has to be based upon such principles as the rule of law, peaceful solution of conflict, democracy, and human rights. In order to establish such an order, Japan and other countries committed to those values should unite firmly. China also would benefit very much from that order in the long run. [R, abr.]
62.3979 KOBLENTZ, Gregory D. —
The Seventh Review Conference of the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) was held in December 2011. US Secretary of State H. Clinton's speech reflected a new understanding that the range of biological threats to international security has expanded from state-sponsored biological warfare programs to include biological terrorism, dual-use research and naturally occurring infectious diseases such as pandemics. President B. Obama's new strategy shifts thinking away from the G.W. Bush administration's focus on biodefense to the concept of biosecurity, which includes measures to prevent, prepare for and respond to naturally occurring and man-made biological threats. This article describes the Obama administration's biosecurity strategy; [compares with] the policies of the Bush administration; discusses how it fits into Obama's broader foreign policy agenda; and analyzes critical issues to be addressed in order to implement the strategy successfully. [R, abr.]
62.3980 KOENIG, Nicole —
[Often], newspapers depict the image of an incoherent and uncoordinated EU foreign policy. This time, the topic under discussion was the EU's response to the Libyan crisis. Many have compared the EU's internal divisions over Libya with those over the Iraq war, an often used example to illustrate the limits of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). This article assesses the coherence of the EU's short- to medium-term response to the Libyan crisis. It distinguishes between the horizontal, inter-institutional, vertical and multilateral dimensions of EU coherence. The analysis shows that unilateral actions or inactions of the member states mainly account for the EU's incoherent response. [R, abr.] [First of two articles on “The EU, Italy and intervention in Libya”. See also Abstr. 62.3989]
62.3981 KOTANI, Tetsuo —
The Indian Ocean emerged as a distant source of threat for Japan but became the lifeline of the Japanese economy after World War II. History shows Japan can reduce threats in the Indian Ocean by allying with the dominant power there. As long as Japan is allied with the US, Japan does not maintain a strong presence in the Indian Ocean Region. Japan can indirectly but sufficiently influence the military balance in the Indian Ocean by restricting the naval reach of Asian land powers from the western Pacific to the Indian Ocean. On the other hand, given the relative decline of US power, Japan will continue to deploy small forces in the western choke points of the Indian Ocean, while increasing engagements with navies in the eastern choke points. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3962]
62.3982 KÜHN, Ulrich —
The program proclaimed by President B. Obama in 2009 to free the world of nuclear weapons has experienced several setbacks and increasing resistance since the end of 2010. The current inertia of some national and international actors and the early commencement of the US presidential campaign mean that arms control is likely to be delayed, or reduced to preparatory steps. Concrete steps towards achieving the goal of Global Zero will remain possible. There is no viable long-term alternative to Obama's program. [R, abr.]
62.3983 KURUSU, Kaoru; KERSTEN, Rikki —
Japan has shaped a distinct human security policy based on evolving policy preferences of successive domestic political leaders and the gradual assimilation of external norms into its own foreign policy. Independent experts have played a particularly significant role in advising Japanese policy elites on how human security could be used by Japan to become an “intellectual leader” within the UN and other relevant institutions. This article explores those processes in the early phase of norm-acceptance on the part of key Japanese policy actors and change agents in Japan from the late 1990s through 2003. It argues that human security has served as an effective approach for Japan to establish itself as a more independent foreign policy actor in contemporary international politics. [R]
62.3984 LARSEN, Henrik Boesen Lindbo —
The brief war between Georgia and Russia in August 2008 provoked vigorous international reactions among the European states as consequence of the sudden shift in the strategic balance. This article argues for a focus on the great powers France, Germany and Britain as crucial actors for understanding the policy reactions towards Russia. Reactions must be explained from the perspective of experience based on past geopolitics which translate the external pressures into concrete foreign policy: France oriented towards the creation of a strong EU as global actor, Germany influenced by her self-imposed restraint in foreign affairs and Britain influenced by Atlanticist commitments in her balancing behavior. The article points to an interest-based foreign policy approach towards Russia driven by a great power concert with the Franco-German axis as stable element but increasingly with backing from Britain. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.4097]
62.3985 LATIF, Muhammad Ijaz; ABBAS, Hussain; SARDAR, Syed Imran —
The paper evaluates the efforts made by the US administrations since 9/11 [2001] to eradicate terrorism, bring stability and to transform Afghanistan into a viable functioning democracy. The paper is divided into three broad sections. The first, “U-turn over Afghanistan”, discusses the root causes of US policy shift and subsequent intervention in Afghanistan as well as the nature of US agenda. The second section, “Towards stabilization and promoting democracy” discusses the measures that the US has taken so far to combat terrorism, bring stability and democracy to the country and the third section highlights key challenges that the US is facing as well as the prospects of democracy in Afghanistan. [R]
62.3986 LAYNE, Christopher —
In the Great Recession's aftermath, it is apparent that much has changed since 2007. Predictions of continuing unipolarity have been superseded by premonitions of American decline and geopolitical transformation. The Great Recession has had a two-fold impact. First, it highlighted the shift of global wealth — and power — from West to East, a trend illustrated by China's breathtakingly rapid rise to great power status. Second, it has raised doubts about the robustness of US primacy's economic and financial underpinnings. This article argues that the unipolar moment is over, and the Pax Americana — the era of American ascendancy in international politics that began in 1945 — is fast winding down. This article challenges the conventional wisdom among IR/Security Studies scholars. [R, abr.]
62.3987 LEE Dong Sun —
This article explains the heightened aggressiveness that North Korea has shown since late 2009. It argues that a combination of militarism and frustration amplified by precarious leadership transition caused Pyongyang's astonishing belligerence. Simultaneously, it calls into question common alternative accounts pointing to either excessive or insufficient engagement or a presumably uncontrolled military as the primary cause for North Korean hostility. In addition, the article argues that North Korean aggressiveness is channeled towards South Korea (rather than the US) and particularly its western maritime frontier, because there are especially acute grievances in that region and safer grounds for implementing militaristic policy. [R]
62.3988 LIN Zoan Maj —
In the end of the first decade of current century the relations between Vietnam and USA reached a new level of active partnership. One can see that summits of leaders of two countries have a regular and constructive character. The mechanism of consultations between ministers of foreign affairs of two countries is very effective. Hanoi and Washington have established good trade and economic relations, with the prospect of an agreement on total liberalization of mutual trade and investment. At the same time one can see in the relations between two countries difficulties in the sphere of human rights and religious freedom. Hanoi is satisfied with he understanding of the Obama administration towards Vietnam and other ASEAN countries, and its preoccupation in political situation in the South China Sea. American interference has helped the ASEAN countries to have a strong position in their dialogue with China. [R]
62.3989 LOMBARDI, Ben —
Rome's approach to the Libyan unrest has been guided by two objectives: to protect the commercial relationship that it has built up with Libya over the past decade, and to prevent a mass exodus of migrants to Italy. Initially, it was believed that these objectives would be endangered by the intervention advocated by Britain and France. By early April, principally because Washington's support for the military mission became clearer, the government's policy changed. Italy secured commitments from the rebel leaders to honor existing agreements and to scale future relations to the level of support they receive. Once it concluded that the Qadhafi regime was unlikely to survive, Italy cast aside its earlier caution and joined the NATO-led war. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 62.3980]
62.3990 LUKIN, Alexander —
China's economic success over the last ten years has led Beijing to take a more assertive approach to China's relationship with the outside world. This shift has manifested itself in a more hardline approach to China's relationship with her partners, less inclination toward compromise, and a tendency to respond to the external pressure with more pressure, to the external bumps with harder bumps. The new assertiveness of China is merely the natural urge of a new, large, and successful regime to actively pursue its interests. The successful economic development of the last ten years has led to the growth of nationalism among the elite. If the nationalist tendency prevails in Chinese foreign policy, China's neighbors, including Russia, will have to do some serious rethinking of their approach to the growing giant. [R, abr.]
62.3991 MANKOFF, Jeffrey —
Pushed by domestic politics to deploy a US missile defense (MD) capability in Europe, the B. Obama administration has made cooperation on MD a key element in its strategy for engaging both NATO and Russia. The current US vision underestimates both the technical and political obstacles ahead. European states and NATO see MD as a lower priority, particularly in the aftermath of the conflicts in Afghanistan and Libya, and are unlikely to commit the resources necessary to making a shared NATO MD architecture a reality. Russia's cautious support for MD cooperation is based on a desire to create a more inclusive model of European security, an idea that has limited support in Washington and the European capitals. By trying to do too much with MD cooperation, the Obama administration risks the whole effort collapsing. [R, abr.]
62.3992 MARTÍNEZ ÁLVAREZ, César B.; GARZA ELIZONDO, Humberto —
Between 2000 and 2011, Russia and China bolstered their strategic partnership. Their principal motive is a shared lack of trust in the US, since Washington's global strategy has fostered a growing sense in both countries of being under threat. Political convergence (on a bilateral level and in international organizations, especially the UN) and military collaboration have been the two most important manifestations of this reinforcement of links. To this may be added cooperation on regional security matters (in Central Asia and the Pacific Rim countries) and the notable increase in trade and financial transactions between the two nations. [R]
62.3993 McKEAN, David —
An unfounded rush to war is often precipitated by events. The [US] president, Congress, the press and the public would benefit from a benchmark against which to measure the advisability of a military response. [R]
62.3994 MICHAELS, Jeffrey H. —
At the May 2012 NATO Summit in Chicago, the “success” of the Alliance's Libya operation will no doubt be a cause for celebration. However, despite the positive outcome, Libya will have a very limited impact on the future direction of the Alliance. Undue focus on recent operations deflects attention from the more important drivers of NATO's future course — ones which will likely ensure that the Alliance remains an active global security actor, even if many of its members do not always want to take an active part militarily. [R]
62.3995 MIRSKY, Georgij I. —
Organizational errors, committed by both the US and al-Qaeda, allow for a critical analysis of the results of the war in Iraq, which has proved to be deadly for the US: Iraq has become transnational Islamist terrorism's new center of activity; Iran has become unprecedentedly powerful and the leader of the “Arab resistance”; anti-American attitudes have reached an unparalleled intensification not only in the Muslim world, but also elsewhere. Since 2008, the situation in Iraq has begun to stabilize. Still, Nouri al-Maliki's power is problematic as is the province of Kirkuk (a new Kosovo?). The reviving modern Iraq, therefore, finds itself in-between the US and Iran on the one hand and Saudi Arabia's and Turkey's influence on the other.
62.3996 MOON Chung-in —
The progressive decade of the Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun government showed a remarkable improvement in inter-Korean relations through two summit meetings and expanded exchanges and cooperation. However, as the Lee Myung-bak (MB)'s conservative government stepped into power in February 2008, the overall landscape was radically altered. Whereas exchanges and cooperation between two Koreas have been virtually suspended, military tension has been heightened as evidenced by the sinking of Cheonan naval vessel and shelling of Yeonpyong island. Blame should be placed on Pyongyang first, but the Lee Myung-bak government equally responsible for such development. [R, abr.]
62.3997 MORRIS, Lyle J. —
This article examines identity as an underexplored factor complicating US-China relations and concludes that the identity variable contributes to mutual suspicion and frustrates efforts in conflict resolution. [R]
62.3998 MOSHES, Arkady —
This article argues that D. Medvedev's term in office, despite the continuity in Russia's foreign policy objectives, brought about a certain change in Russia's relations with the EU and the countries of the Common Neighborhood. The western perceptions of Russia as a resurgent power able to use energy as leverage vis-à-vis the EU were challenged by the global economic crisis, the emergence of a buyer's market in Europe's gas trade, Russia's inability to start internal reforms, and the growing gap in the development of Russia and China. As a result, the balance of self-confidence shifted in the still essentially stagnant EU-Russian relationship. Moscow is less keen to go into an open conflict when important interests of EU member states may be affected. [R, abr.]
62.3999 MURAVIEV, Alexey D. —
In September 2011, a Russian naval task force sailed across the Indian Ocean and commenced counter-piracy operations near the Bay of Aden. The resumption of regular deployments of the Russian Navy to the area and Russia's active participation in counter-piracy operations is one of many examples of the country's current push to restore its fallen image and reputation in the Indian Ocean Region. In the past six years, Russia has intensified contacts with the region. However, questions remain as to the extent to which Russia will be involved in regional affairs. A majority of commentators remain skeptical of the country's interest and its capacity to play any significant future role in the Indian Ocean Region. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3962]
62.4000 MURPHY, Ann Marie —
This article examines the impact of democratization on Indonesian foreign policy and assesses its implications for US interests. [R]
62.4001 NAJI, Saeid; JAWAN, Jayum A.; REDZUAN, M'rof —
This paper analyzes geopolitical codes to reveal the political elite's geopolitical assumptions, which form a state's foreign policy. This paper explains how the relationship between events and geopolitical codes could be interpreted by using qualitative content-analysis method. It shows that this technique is researcher-centric and how effective it is depends on the ability and skill of the researcher. A qualitative content-analysis is also important because, for analyzing geopolitical codes, the researcher needs to analyze and interpret presidential speeches and governmental documents as critical data. A case study is used to explain the process of analysis, including different stages of this technique. [R, abr.]
62.4002 NOGUCHI, Kazuhiko —
This article argues that offensive realism is applicable to explain China's strategic behavior. Contrary to constructivist and liberal arguments, ideational and domestic factors are not the primary causes of China's strategic behavior. Instead, structural and material factors such as anarchy and the distribution of relative power significantly shape how China behaves in the Asia-Pacific. Furthermore, they have a larger impact relative to non-material/unit-level variables on China's policy-making. Available evidence strongly indicates that China's strategic behavior is driven by power-maximizing calculation. China's grand strategy, its maritime ambition as well as naval modernization, and rapid growth rate of military expenditure all confirm the hypotheses of offensive realism. [R]
62.4003 NOH Sunyoung; MAH Jai S. —
As a result of the opening up of the Chinese economy together with the accumulating foreign exchange reserves, Japan's outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) in China has continued to rise over the past decades. It can be characterized by a very high share of the manufacturing sector, the heavy and chemical industries in particular. It implies that Japan's OFDI in China has contributed significantly to the rapid economic growth of China, especially through the economy's structural change into more value-added industries. Due to the similar level of economic development and geographical proximity, China appears to have replaced some Southeast Asian countries as a preferred host of Japan's FDI. [R]
62.4004 OUELLET, Eric —
Irregular conflicts remain a difficult form of warfare for conventional armed forces. In recent years, it has been postulated that organizational culture was the greatest obstacle for conventional military to adapt to an irregular context. This paper, using a sociological institutional analysis framework, analyzes the case of the Indian Army counterinsurgency operations in Sri Lanka in 1987–1990. It concludes that institutional forces, deeply embedded into the military institution itself, present a greater challenge to adaptation to irregular conflicts because this form of warfare directly undermines the foundation of military legitimacy. Deep normative norms and values, as well as shared cognitive patterns that are inherent to all modern military organizations should not be underestimated when it comes to adapt to irregular warfare. [R]
62.4005 PARASILITI, Andrew —
The end of the war brings no sense of triumphalism. In addition to its human costs, the war has been a blow to US prestige, revealing the limits rather than the extent of US power. [R]
62.4006 PATTERSON, Eric —
B. Obama consistently has called upon the US to support “sustainable democracy”. Such a commitment to promoting democracy abroad is a common theme among postwar American presidents, but often there are disconnects between America's ideals and interests as well as between the rhetoric and actual concrete action. This paper introduces democracy-promotion activities in recent US history, then turns to the words and deeds of candidate and now, President Obama and his administration. The Obama administration's first year in office has been marked by grand rhetoric, general continuity with the previous administration in democracy funding, but a lack of policy coherence and leadership on these issues. The paper concludes with a series of lessons and recommendations for the Obama administration on sustaining democracy worldwide gleaned from the shortcomings of the G.W. Bush administration. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2936]
62.4007 PAYNE, Keith B. —
Analyses of US strategic force requirements frequently are based on assertions about the requirements for deterrence. A politically attractive position is that a relatively small number of nuclear weapons reliably meets US strategic nuclear requirements. This position, however, is flawed for two reasons: (1) the number/types of nuclear weapons required for deterrence cannot be identified with precision because requirements shift dramatically across time and circumstances; (2) strategic forces also are intended to assure allies and limit damage, and these goals entail separate requirements that must be included in any serious calculation of US strategic force requirements. [R]
62.4008 PEDERSEN, Rasmus Brun —
Danish foreign policy has changed since the end of the Cold War. An activist tradition has gradually gained a foothold in Danish foreign policy. The article claims that activism has developed from a balancing multilateralism to a more independent foreign policy guided by liberal values. Value-based foreign policy is a new invention, but the defining element in Danish foreign policy activism can be found in an expansive ambition, which aims to expand the action space for Danish foreign policy by transforming the Danish position in the international system. The explanation can be attributed to the introduction of a liberal paradigm rooted in a number of domestic factors. [R]
62.4009 PERRY, David —
This article examines the US government's use of private military and security companies (PMSCs) in support of its post-9/11 [2001] counterterrorism efforts. To date, existing studies on defense privatization have concentrated largely on the American military's use of contractors in Iraq. Here, the focus is broadened to examine PMSC support for military operations in Afghanistan, covert operations in Afghanistan and Pakistan, homeland security, and the intelligence community. Existing understandings of both strategic studies and American counterterrorism are partial, as they ignore the vital, and increasing, role played by private contractors. Overall, the current conduct of American counterterrorism relies heavily on the private sector and this reliance is problematic. [R]
62.4010 PHILLIPS, Andrew —
Conventional accounts of international society's expansion have traditionally emphasized the role played by “civilizing missions” in facilitating and legitimating European aggression and imperial expansion. Conversely, I demonstrate that the relationship between imperial violence and the rhetoric of “civilizing missions” was far more contested and contingent than IR scholars have generally assumed. Using the parliamentary debate surrounding Britain's involvement in the Second Opium War as a case study, I reveal that civilizational rhetoric in the 1857 “China debate” was equally implicated in both anti-imperialist and imperialist agendas. An appreciation of civilization's Janus-faced character —as a rhetorical commonplace that at different times abetted and inhibited imperial aggression — is therefore critical if we are to comprehend the halting and arrhythmic pattern of international society's progressive expansion under British leadership in the mid-Victorian period. [R, abr.]
62.4011 POGORELSKAJA, Svetlana Vadimovna —
In looking for ways of ending the Eurozone crisis, Angela Merkel's Euroskepticism marked in 2010 a new direction for Germany's policy vis-à-vis Europe. What has changed in Germany's attitude, as compared to its tradition of solidarity and involvement, from Adenauer to Kohl? What solutions are proposed for coming out of the crisis, and how do Germans see their future role in Europe? A comparison between Chancellor Merkel's policies and those of Helmut Kohl proves revealing in terms of the German-French partnership concerning the 2010 Eurozone's state of emergency following Greece's debt crisis, Merkel's actions on the level of the internal political crisis and her insistence on the “No Bail-Out” clause. [See also Abstr. 62.3870]
62.4012 PRANGER, Robert J. —
In its essence, the Arab Spring is about “being Arab”, in the words of the late Lebanese journalist S. Kassir. This essay explores the two-fold meaning of this Arab awakening as the emergence of a homogeneous yet plural field of Arab culture and its integration into the mosaic of global culture. Also assessed are America's careful and selective search for relevancy in this veritable revolution sweeping across the Middle East, the impact of fast-moving events on the US-Israel relationship, and the long-term significance of the Arab Spring for future American policy in the region. [R]
62.4013 PRESCOTT, Jody —
The recent exponential growth in cyber-attacks against the digital infrastructure of governments, economies and militaries has potentially catastrophic effects. To date, however, governments are still trying to formulate strategic responses to this new threat. The development of a legal and policy framework consistent with international humanitarian law is essential to the successful creation and implementation of a strategy for operating in cyberspace. [R]
62.4014 PRIKHODKO, Oleg Vladimirovič —
The article examines the Russia-USA-NATO relationship concerning ballistic missile defense. The ongoing US-Russian controversy over the phased and adaptive deployment of US BMS system in Europe is thoroughly analyzed. Special attention is paid to the shifts in the NATO's strategic concept adopted at the Lisbon summit that pertain to the ballistic missile defense. [R]
62.4015 RA'EES, Wahabuddin —
US President B. Obama entered office with a bold plan to combat Afghanistan's escalating insurgency, empower its government, encourage a political resolution of the conflict, and secure the cooperation of neighboring Pakistan — in time for US troops to withdraw by the end of 2014. This new Afghanistan-Pakistan (AfPak) policy has yet to deliver on its promise. While the US military surge swept insurgents out of their southeastern strongholds, the rebels have responded with terror attacks and assassinations reaching into the heart of Kabul. Washington has accelerated its training of Afghan security forces, but most US aid still circumvents the central government, weakening its authority. With a political settlement nowhere in sight and Pakistani support for armed extremists unabated, Washington's options for preventing a Taliban takeover have narrowed. [R]
62.4016 RAHMAN, Mohammad Ashique —
The paper focuses on three aspects of the US-Pakistan relations during the P. Musharraf regime. First, it assesses US policy objectives during the Musharraf era. Obviously, fighting and eradicating terrorism and extremism was a dominant objective, but there were other objectives as well: e.g., Pakistan's and global security, nuclear non-proliferation, US economic and strategic opportunities in South Asia, and democracy-promotion in the Muslim world. Second, I analyze the strategies followed to pursue the objectives. Economic and security assistances are well-known strategies, but was implicit support to Musharraf's military regime also a part of US strategy? If yes, what explains [this] strategy, since it contradicts US grand strategy of democracy-promotion? And finally, what results were achieved by pursuing those policies? [R, abr.]
62.4017 RENVERT, Nicole —
Transatlantic relations are shaped not only at the level of government but also by a number of other actors, e.g. the German political foundations. These wield considerable “soft power” which is particularly effective in times of crisis, such as explaining the German political position on Iraq for US decision makers. Personal connections, contacts and events can help to mitigate political and diplomatic tensions. [See Abstr. 62.3297]
62.4018 RODT, Annemarie P.; WHITMAN, Richard G. —
The global distribution of power is changing. Western dominance is declining, and new actors are entering the international stage. In response to the changing global context, the EU is seeking to further develop strategic partnerships to promote its interests and influence beyond Europe's borders. In 2007, the EU established a strategic partnership with Brazil. This initiative was to strengthen the Union's ties with the country, an increasingly important regional and international player. This article investigates the EU's relationship with Brazil since the end of the Cold War. In particular, it focuses on the nascent strategic partnership and its three priority areas for cooperation: enhancing bilateral relations, environmental sustainability and energy security. [R, abr.]
62.4019 ROMANO, Silvina M. —
This article focuses on the continuities and ruptures between the official discourse of the G.W. Bush Administration and that of the first years of the Cold War, focusing on the realist and liberal patterns present in those discourses. This leads to an analysis of the relationship between democracy and national security under the antiterrorist policy implemented by the Bush government, approached from a power elite perspective. The aggressive foreign and homeland policies of the US government were based upon a booming military-industrial pole, closely bound to free market expansionism and liberal democracy as key dimensions in the reproduction of capitalism. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3928]
62.4020 SALINAS FIGUEREDO, Darío —
Trade policies have long been configured into the history of Latin America. In virtually all such policies, US interests can be readily discerned. Recent experiences in a neoliberal context have witnessed a rearrangement of interests, forces, and scenarios at the global level. The weakening of the role of the state in allocating resources and in defining national agendas has been notable. Wherever proposals for democratization have appeared and have sought to distance themselves from hegemonic policies, the issues of free trade and commerce begin to reveal important aspects of interrelationship between development, regional integration, cooperation, and security. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3928]
62.4021 SAMSON, Victoria —
India's space program used to fall solely under the civil category, but recently it appears to be expanding its use of space for national security efforts and developing capabilities that could give it an anti-satellite (ASAT) weapon capacity. This shift by India could have long-term consequences for its relationship with China and Asia's overall regional stability; it also may provide new opportunities for the United States and India to enhance their relations. This article will first explain how the author views the US government's attitudes toward space and cooperation. Next, it will look at India's missile defense program and study the connection between the program and an ASAT capability, as well as its link to China's ASAT tests. Then, it will discuss ways in which India and the United States can use their shared interests in continuing to utilize space to possibly cooperate. Finally, it will contrast how India and China are viewed within the US policy community. [R] [See also Abstr. 62.3355]
62.4022 SANDERS, Deborah —
This article examines why Ukraine has struggled to build an effective and efficient coastal navy able to protect and advance its interests in the Black Sea and beyond. Using the literature on maritime power, it explores how Ukraine's ability to use the sea has declined significantly over the last five years. It argues that chronic under-funding of Ukraine's ambitious military transformation, recent decisions taken by the government to extend the Russian lease of Sevastopol and to declare its non-aligned status, and ongoing domestic political instability have all damaged Ukraine's maritime power. [R]
62.4023 SAVILL, Michael —
This paper examines the nature of strategy in the context of UK security, particularly its recent attempts to craft a National Security Strategy [NSS] and conduct a Strategic Defense and Security Review [SDSR]. Using a combination of official sources, published literature and interviews with officials closely involved in the process, it suggests that there is much that is logical in the NSS and SDSR and that it represents a more realistic security strategy than hitherto attempted. However, it also highlights that flaws in the process and UK thinking have led to a number of inconsistencies and concludes that, lacking a true National Strategy, if strategists do not provide realistic feedback to policy-makers then political ambition will continue to outstrip ways and means and so UK security strategy will be exposed to potential failure. [R, abr.]
62.4024 SCHMITT, Eric; SHANKER, Thom —
The authors argue that although the US continues to strengthen and refine its counterterrorism capabilities, terrorist organizations morph and evolve in response. This mutual and competitive evolution pits the two against each other in a race that has no guarantee of ending in success. The authors take a look at national security history and the strategy of “new deterrence” to question whether any counterterrorism strategy can end th is evolutionary race to destruction. [R]
62.4025 SCHRAMEYER, Klaus —
In July 2011, Bulgaria was upgraded to level BAA 2 by Moody's. Despite the financial crisis, the country is doing surprisingly well, mainly thanks to its currency board: a budget deficit of 3.3 per cent and a debt of 17 per cent of GDP. But this is the only good news in recent months: the absence of rule of law (especially criminal law), hundreds of contract killings remain without investigation after two decades, and corruption remains widespread. A last hope could be that the country's real rulers realize that a reformed Bulgaria would be both more profitable and safer for their children than the current legal and political mess.
62.4026 SINGH, Swaran —
The naval component of China's Indian Ocean policy needs to be put in perspective and analyses need to explore China's forays into the Indian Ocean in terms of its larger and concerted initiatives in building a maritime infrastructure both across the Indian Ocean littoral and also in expanding its ocean-faring and ocean-exploring claims and capabilities. What is also necessary to appreciate is how, in the face of new threats of maritime terrorism and the expanding US presence on China's periphery, China feels not only isolated but even targeted. All of this makes China far more assertive in accessing the Indian Ocean with obvious implications for its neighbors, especially peer-powers like India that share several of China's proclivities. India, however, must engage China across the whole spectrum of maritime sectors. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3962]
62.4027 SKIDMORE, David —
Expectations that the presidential transition from G.W. Bush to B. Obama would produce a multilateralist turn in American foreign policy have thus far proven misplaced. This is largely because the strategic environment of the post-Cold War era places structural constraints on the ability of any US president, of whatever ideological leanings, to pursue a consistently multilateralist foreign policy. Internationally, the absence of a shared great-power threat has undermined the institutional bargain between the US and allied states, thus rendering the terms of multilateral cooperation more difficult to agree upon. At home, the end of the Cold War has undermined presidential authority and empowered veto-players whose interests are threatened by multilateral commitments. Understanding the sources of political constraint can suggest strategies for overcoming or bypassing such obstacles to multilateral engagement in US foreign policy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.2936]
62.4028 SMITH, Frank L., III —
The US military is responsible for protecting its forces from biological weapons. However, the Department of Defense has neglected biodefense — most of the funding for which now comes from civilian organizations rather than traditional military sponsors. Why? I argue that organizational frames explain military neglect and the rise of civilian biodefense. Because the military's frame of reference is defined by kinetic warfare involving projectile weapons and explosives, it neglects non-kinetic capabilities like biodefense. In contrast, the civilian Department of Health and Human Services has a different organizational frame and thus is more amenable to supporting biodefense. I test this theory against realism and bureaucratic interests. [R, abr.]
62.4029 SMITH, Paul J. —
The US Navy SEAL raid in Abbottabad, Pakistan, and Islamabad's subsequent turn toward China have highlighted one of the most remarkable legacies of the Cold War: the persistence of a strategic triangle composed of China, Pakistan, and the US. Throughout much of the Cold War, China and the US competed to keep Pakistan within their particular sphere of influence, while Pakistan deftly took advantage of the subtle power struggle to improve its security profile vis-à-vis India. In the long term, the strategic triangle may act as a modulating force that may prevent instability within nuclear-capable Pakistan, as well as constrain activities by certain Pakistani state organs that may be linked to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and clandestine support for militant organizations. [R, abr.]
62.4030 SOHN, Injoo —
Why does a re-emerging China pursue institutional strategies to expand its multilateral ties all over the world? This study explains the genesis of China's new multilateral diplomacy toward Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East. Many strands of structural arguments drawn from realist, liberal, and constructivist insights cannot provide complete explanations about China's multilateral activism without recourse to cognitive feedback dynamics. China fed its regional experiences of multilateralism back into its global policy-formation. This experiment-based approach has been a pervasive feature in Chinese multilateral diplomacy as well as Chinese domestic reforms during the post-Mao period. The cognitive-feedback model developed in this study complements the prominent structural explanations by identifying micro-level dynamics and contributes to today's debate over power transition and international order. [R]
62.4031 SONG Jooyoung —
China criticized North Korea's nuclear test in 2006, but Beijing refused to condemn Pyongyang's provocations in 2010. When will China punish North Korea's belligerence? The “Dual Threats Model” suggests that China responds only when Pyongyang's activities heighten the possibility of US military response, and as long as Pyongyang remains stable. [R]
62.4032 SUÁREZ SALAZAR, Luis —
The Western hemisphere is experiencing a multidimensional system of US domination sustained through asymmetrical alliances of the economic, political, and military kind. That system of domination has fallen into crisis and is being challenged by a multifaceted resistance of popular, democratic, reformist, and revolutionary forces. Attempts to preserve the hegemonic “Pan-American Order” gave rise to a “surge” that is analyzed in this article. This hegemonic design has been confronted with new and alternative kinds of regional integration initiatives, spearheaded by the revolutionary states and to some extent assimilated by reformist governments. In this dynamic context, a futurist analysis of the region's short-term prospects suggests that the challenge of building unity around revolutionary and reform processes represents the best hope for cracking US hegemony over the Americas. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3928]
62.4033 SZENT-IVÁNYI, Balázs —
This paper examines the main characteristics of the (re-)emerging foreign aid policies of the Visegrád countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia), concentrating on the allocation of their aid resources. I adopt an econometric approach, similar to the ones used in the literature, for analyzing the aid allocation of the OECD DAC donors. Using this approach, I examine the various factors that influence aid allocation of the Visegrád countries, using data for the years between 2001 and 2008. The most important conclusion is that the amount of aid a partner country gets from the four emerging donors is not influenced by the level of poverty or the previous performance of the recipients (measured by the level of economic growth or the quality of institutions). [R, abr.]
62.4034 TAMAKI, Taku —
A series of Six-Party Talks involving the US, China, Japan, South and North Korea, and Russia resulted in the emergence of a narrative of a “nuclear-free Korean Peninsula”. Given the prevalence of nuclear weapons amidst Sino-American rivalry, the area is hardly “nuclear-free”. Instead, the phrase has evolved into a common signifier for the US and China, suggesting that, despite their rivalries, the North Korean nuclear issue can be detrimental for both — a rare convergence of interests in an often sensitive bilateral relationship. This article provides a Constructivist perspective to this particular aspect of Sino-American balance of power by taking the language of “nuclear-free” seriously, recasting the phrase as borne of both mutual skepticism, as well as convergent interests, over the Korean Peninsula. [R]
62.4035 TAYLOR, Trevor —
This article argues that the 1998 Strategic Defense Review placed excessive reliance on anticipated improvements in the management of defense resources to render Labour's defense policies affordable. Given the demonstrated similarity between the government's concepts of the UK's role in the world in the Strategic Defense Review (1998) and the Strategic Defense and Security Review (SDSR) (2010), there is a clear danger that the SDSR also relies too much on efficiency savings. By reference to the inherent complications of defense-management and to three strands of management thought (complexity-management, wicked problems and principal-agent theory), the article argues that some inefficiency will always be present. [R, abr.]
62.4036 THANG Nguyen-Dang; THAO Nguyen Hong —
Important events relating to the sovereignty dispute over the Spratly Islands have arisen by fits and starts since 2009, marking the start of a new phase in the legal battle over territorial and maritime claims in the South China Sea. While the exchange of legal arguments between the parties has gradually laid bare their maritime claims, much still remains shrouded in uncertainty. Among the obscure claims wanting clarification is China's infamous nine-dotted-line map, which in 2011 elicited a response and counter-response between the Philippines and China. This article examines the maritime and territorial claims of the Philippines and China as revealed in the recent discord over the nine-dotted-line map. [R]
62.4037 THEOPHYLACTOU, Demetrios A. —
Turkey seems to have injected sufficient “soft power” calculations in its foreign policy, presumably aiming at attraction and persuasion rather than coercion. Yet military power combined with a sustained economic growth are arguably the main drivers of its newly assertive foreign policy. This analysis explores Turkey's regional ambitions, including its potential leverage on conflict-resolution, notably in Cyprus, that may conceivably assume significant geopolitical implications on power balances in the region. To be successful, Ankara's new posture necessitates a priori the resolution of several bilateral disputes, ranging from Armenia to the Aegean and troop withdrawal from Cyprus. These steps could be taken irrespective of Ankara's EU accession process, assuming that the new policy is designed to project a credible image of a rising regional power. [R]
62.4038 TIMAŠOVA, Tat'jana Nikolaevna —
Canada has the largest Arctic coastline, compared to Russia, the US, Norway, and Denmark. Canadian policies in the Arctic region are determined by the doctrine of Arctic sovereignty. Among Canada's main political tasks is conflict resolution and administration within local communities as well as participation in international collaboration in the North. An analysis of Canada's foreign and domestic policies in terms of economic development, environmental protection, and involvement in the North as part of a geopolitical and globalized international context allows for an evaluation of prospects for Russian-Canadian partnership.
62.4039 TSURUOKA, Michito —
Since the 9/11 attacks, Japan has entered a new period of co-operation with NATO — but little analysis in the English literature exists on this topic. There has been a swath of joint work, ranging from political engagement to military education and operations in Afghanistan. While partnership between a Pacific power and Atlantic military alliance might not seem obvious, in fact both have much to gain from this emerging relationship. [R]
62.4040 TUDOROIU, Theodor —
In recent years, increased EU interest in its eastern “neighborhood” has been hailed as a possible solution of the Transnistrian frozen conflict. The fall of the communist authoritarian regime of Chişinau [Moldova] and the internal crisis of the Smirnov regime in Tiraspol also modified the conditions of the nineteen-year conflict. However, the European involvement in Moldova is perceived by the Kremlin as an intrusion in its own domaine réservé. Moreover, the 2008 war in South Ossetia illustrates Russia's return to the early 1990s policy of overt instrumentalization of the post-Soviet frozen conflicts. This volatile situation is analyzed in order to predict the future evolution of the Transnistrian conflict in the larger context of the developing regional rivalry between Brussels and Moscow. [R]
62.4041 UDDIN, M. Jashim; BHUIYAN, Mahbubur Rashid —
Since the establishment of diplomatic relations, Bangladesh and China have developed robust bilateral cooperation based on mutual trust and interests. The most inspiring feature of Sino-Bangladesh relationship is its relative stability and continuity. Nevertheless, the trade deficit between the two countries has been a key concern for Bangladesh. From a different perspective, the Indian apprehension about the growing Sino-Bangladesh cooperation also worries Bangladesh. Bangladesh's efforts to promote relations with China are viewed by some Indians as unsettling for Indian interests in this region. Such apprehensions may put a kind of psychological pressure on Bangladesh to follow a cautious approach while dealing with China. This paper argues that both China and Bangladesh need to work together to implement various strategies to reduce the existing trade gap. [R, abr.]
62.4042 UK Heo; KIM Hayam —
Since South Korea and Taiwan established diplomatic ties in August 1948, the relationship between Seoul and Taipei has gradually expanded through public channels and private-sector networks. However, South Korea's normalization of relations with China in 1992 led Taiwan to sever its formal ties with South Korea. Nevertheless, Seoul and Taipei expanded their economic and cultural private-sector exchanges. What made this possible? We argue that the private-sector networks developed through economic and cultural exchanges enhanced national interests, which explains why the two governments facilitated expansion of their informal ties. [R, abr.]
62.4043 VAN HOEYMISSEN, Sara —
African regional organizations play a significant role in maintaining peace and security on their continent. This article looks at how China, as an emerging power in Africa, has incorporated these organizations into its policies on African security crises. It asserts that China has explicitly endorsed regional conflict resolution mechanisms, which it perceives as having a less intrusive impact on third world countries' sovereignty than have initiatives taken under the global collective security system led by the UN Security Council. Moreover, China strengthening cooperation with African regional organizations and aligning its stance with the views emerging from these regional bodies is an important way in which China has tried to respond to the rising security challenges and political demands it is faced with in Africa. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 62.3963]
62.4044 VORONOV, Konstantin V. —
The Scandinavian countries' interest and practical involvement in peacemaking operations have significantly increased in the post-bipolar period. Despite of Sweden's and Finland's neutrality status, which distinguishes them from the pro-Atlantic Denmark, Norway, and Iceland, the Northern European countries share much in terms of their approach to crisis resolution. They assume leading roles in such operations, whether in the Balkans, Afghanistan, or Libya. Current debates in the region spring from the dichotomy of interests versus values, but this has a practical aspect as well in terms of national priorities, the extent and methods of involvement. The ambiguous consequences of Scandinavian countries' peacemaking actions produce an increasingly significant effect on the entirety of their national policies.
62.4045 VUCETIC, Srdjan, ed. —
Articles by Paul T. MITCHELL, “Policy commentary — lightning in a bottle: the F-35 and the bankruptcy of modern warfare”, pp. 193–195; Srdjan VUCETIC, “Canada and the F-35: what's at stake?”, pp. 196–203; James FERGUSSON, “The right debate: airpower, the future of war, Canadian strategic interests, and the JSF decision”, pp. 204–216; Michael BYERS and Stewart WEBB, “Canada's F-35 purchase is a costly mistake”, pp. 217–227; Rob HUEBERT, “The future of Canadian airpower and the F-35”, pp. 228–238; Anton BEZGLASNYY and Douglas Alan ROSS, “Strategically superfluous, unacceptably overpriced: the case against Canada's F-35 Lightning II acquisition”, pp. 239–250; Justin MASSIE, “Bandwagoning for status: Canada's need of the F-35”, pp. 251–264; Aaron PLAMONDON, “Amnesia in acquisition: the parallels of the F-35 procurement and the Sea King replacement projects”, pp. 265–276.
62.4046 WAGENER, Martin —
In 1962, the ICJ ruled that the Preah Vihear temple lies within Cambodian territory. The status of the 4.6 km of land surrounding the temple, however, remained unclear. When UNESCO declared the Preah Vihear temple a Cambodian World Heritage Site in July 2008, the situation was exacerbated. Several firefights between October 2008 and April/May 2011 claimed at least 34 lives. The border dispute became a roller-coaster ride along the way: Talks between Thailand and Cambodia were regularly interrupted by exchanges of fire, only to be resumed a little later. This prevented a resolution of the conflict. The essay explores how Thailand's and Cambodia's conflict behavior can be explained from a first-image perspective. Uncovering the motives of both countries' prime ministers is crucial to understanding Bangkok's and Phnom Penh's actions in the border area. [R, abr.]
62.4047 WAISOVÁ, Šárka; PIKNEROVÁ, Linda —
In the Czech foreign policy process, there exists an explicit mechanism that has incorporated the dissident tradition, which, in a few cases, has affected policy outcomes. The introduction of the dissident tradition into Czech foreign policy was facilitated by the dissidents' great concern for foreign policy and for human rights issues, and, in particular, for human rights issues outside the Czech Republic. We present evidence that dissidents have been concerned with foreign policy and with human rights issues by analyzing the membership of parliamentary committees of both chambers of the Parliament as well as the dissidents' activities in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. Significantly, when activities tied to the dissident tradition emerge in the Parliament, the initiators of such activities are always dissidents; the opponents, always nondissidents. [R, abr.]
62.4048 WILHELMSEN, Julie; FLIKKE, Geir —
Since the mid-1990s, China's and Russia's strategic outlooks have gradually been converging. The two great powers have incrementally shed their mutual apprehensions and started a comprehensive and multifaceted cooperation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Simultaneously, as the rift between the US and Russia has opened up and the differences in their views on regional security in Eurasia have become even more evident, China's and Russia's quests for new models for regional security in Central Asia have gained ground. Enveloping the Central Asian states on issues of collective and energy security, both states are sternly against US dominance in international affairs. As their mutual interests hold sway over US influence regionally, questions remain on whether specific interests are compatible, or harbor new rivalries. [R, abr.]
62.4049 WILKENING, Dean A. —
Concerns that the later phases of the proposed European missile-defense architecture threaten Moscow's strategic deterrent lack technical merit. [R] [See Abstr. 62.3950]
62.4050 WILKINS, Thomas S. —
This article examines the dynamics of contemporary Taiwan-Japan relations and considers potential avenues for the consolidation and expansion of bilateral cooperation. [R]
62.4051 WILNER, Alex S. —
The arguments presented here are based on a future scenario in which Iran has succeeded in developing nuclear weapons. Employing the logic and theory of deterrence, the article suggests ways in which the US and its allies might counter, contain, and coerce nuclear Iran's sponsorship of terrorism and nonstate militant groups. Four strategic concerns are explored in particular: nuclear Iran may blackmail rival and neighboring states; shield an especially assertive foreign policy; protect its nonstate proxies and protégés; and facilitate nuclear terrorism. Deterrence theory is applied to each scenario. [R]
62.4052 WINKLER, Heinrich August —
Long-term and historically oriented thinking is as important in European policy as in the Atlantic alliance policy. Germany will be able to make its role in the EU and the western alliance convincing only if it keeps repeating why it opened up to the Western political culture after 1945, and took an active part in the global European unification from 1990. This policy is both in Germany's, Europe's and the West's interests. These are now so closely knit together that it is difficult to imagine a German interest opposed to that of the EU and the Atlantic alliance.
62.4053 YARON, Gil —
From an Israeli viewpoint, the upheaval in the Arab states is a cause for concern, as overthrowing dictators necessarily entails a power vacuum. A more inclusive political system will ensure greater pluralism, but also greater influence for Islamist forces. It is still unclear in what direction the Egyptian revolution will evolve. The realization that a democratic system does not forcibly involve economic growth in the short term could feed frustration among the poor population. [See Abstr. 62.4061]
62.4054 ZAHAR, Marie-Joëlle —
This article examines the transmission and reception of democratic norms in the context of liberal peace interventions. It identifies two reasons for the failure to promote democracy: the strategies favored by liberal peace actors and the agency of local elites. Drawing on field research in Lebanon and Sudan, the article argues that liberal peace projects systematically provide opportunities for local elites to overcome the apparent asymmetry of power between them and liberal peace actors. It identifies two strategies of resistance to the promotion of democracy — disengagement and recuperation — and suggests that, of the two, disengagement is more likely to produce a relapse into violence. [R] [See Abstr. 62.2814]
62.4055
Contributions by Katharine H. S. MOON, “Ethnicity and US foreign policy: Korean Americans”, pp. 19–38; LEE Taeku, “Koreans in America: a demographic and political portrait of pattern and paradox”, pp. 39–60; KANG Yoonhee, “Korean civil society and trust-building between South Korea and the United States”, pp. 61–82.