Abstract
64.1 ACUTO, Michele —
The Climate Leadership Group is perhaps the most significant case of metropolitan intersection with global governance. I rely on Actor-Network Theory (ANT) to develop a qualitative network-analysis of the evolution of the C40 in the past seven years from a limited gathering of municipal leaders to a transnational organization partnering with the World Bank. Pinpointed on the unfolding of a twin diplomacy/planning approach, the evolution of the C40 can demonstrate the key role of global cities as actors in global environmental politics. These cities have a pivotal part in charting new geographies of climate governance, prompting the rise of subpolitical policy-making arrangements pinpointed on innovative and hybrid connections. Yet, there remains some important rational continuity, in particular with neoliberalism, which ultimately limits the revolutionary potential these cities might have for international relations. [R, abr.]
64.2 ÁGH, Attila —
The three consecutive crises in the New Member States (NMS) have claimed a heavy social price that has been responsible for the drastic backsliding of the new democracies. These countries underwent a transformation recession in the early 1990s and, once members of the EU, they fell into the post-accession crisis, followed immediately by the global crisis. Originally, their populations reacted to the collapse of the authoritarian rule with a revolution of high expectations, so under the label of democracy they expected a Western welfare state overnight, thus after twenty years, the disappointment has been tragic. This paper approaches the crisis of democracy in NMS from the side of the triple crisis in general and from that of Hungary in particular. [R, abr.]
64.3 AGNOLETTO, Stefano —
Marxist analysis can achieve an appropriate hegemonic role in the public debate on the basis that distinctive Marxist approaches provide a superior explanation for the current crisis. A “Marxist perspective on periodic crises” can be based on the idea that periodic crises are not to be considered as a pathology of the market system, but as a natural outcome of the way it works. This understanding of crises as a structural element in capitalist growth has the power to increase our knowledge of reality. Moreover, the core Marxist insight — crisis as a necessary restorative aspect of capitalist accumulation rather than as an arbitrary disruption — is necessary to the project of synthesizing the various elements in the crisis literature: real vs. financial, general vs. contingent, periodic/cyclical vs. long-term/systemic. [R, abr.]
64.4 AHMED, Faisal Z. —
I use a natural experiment of oil-price-driven remittance flows to poor, non-oil-producing Muslim countries to demonstrate that remittances deteriorate the quality of governance, especially in countries with weak democratic institutions. The results indicate that a 1 standard-deviation increase in remittances raises corruption by 1.5 index points (on a 6-point scale), which is equivalent to a $600 decrease in per capita GDP. Concomitantly, remittances may enable governments to reduce their delivery of public services (for example, health care, school enrollment). The results suggest that political institutions may mediate the potentially beneficial socio-economic effects of remittance inflows. [R]
64.5 AKHTER, Zohra —
National security has remained a major theme of IR because of its academic as well as policy relevance. Grounded in realism, national security dominated the security discourse during the Cold War era. However, the demise of the Cold War and the emergence of new security threats — i.e., climate change, environmental degradations, poverty, endemic diseases, transnational crime and drug trafficking — pose significant challenges to the national security paradigm. Many among the new generation of security experts, moreover, negate the relevance of national security. In this context, the paper explores the relevance of national security in the post-Cold War era by applying four objective criteria, viz., levels of analysis, nature of threats, goal of security and means of security. [R, abr.]
64.6 AKSOY, Deniz; CARTER, David B. —
Surprisingly little terrorism research takes into account the variation among democracies in terms of their electoral institutions. Furthermore, despite much discussion of the differences in terrorist groups’ goals in the literature, little quantitative work distinguishes among groups with different goals, and none explores whether and how the influence of electoral institutions varies among groups with different goals. This article posits that electoral institutions influence the emergence of within-system groups, which seek policy changes, but do not influence the emergence of anti-system groups, which seek a complete overthrow of the existing regime and government. The study finds that within-system groups are significantly less likely to emerge in democracies that have a proportional representation system and higher levels of district magnitude, while neither of these factors affects the emergence of anti-system groups. [R, abr.]
64.7 ALBO, Greg —
Since 2008, the world market has been wracked by a degree of economic turbulence unusual in its scope, depth, and duration, which has revealed how important the state has always been in capitalist economies, even in the neoliberal era. The politics of the crisis has thus renewed the critique of neoliberalism, and even capitalism, and opened up new spaces of political opposition. Renewed interest alone, however, does not make the metrics for assessing alternative economic programs — from Keynesian reflationary policies to socialist transitional reforms — particularly transparent. A consistent politics of fighting austerity could help cracking open space in the state for struggles over the very definitions of democracy and needs and would point the way not just to impending but potentially transcending capitalist power. [First article of a volume on “The question of strategy”, edited and introduced by Leo PANITCH, Vivek CHIBBER and the author. See also Abstr. 64.123, 279, 370, 607, 722, 725, 755, 771, 833, 896, 911, 929, 930, 948, 962]
64.8 ALEMÁN, Eduardo; CALVO, Ernesto —
Policy networks formed by co-authoring and co-sponsoring bills reflect one of the most important types of connection legislators develop while in office. We expect that in presidential countries, the probability of a tie between two legislators should be influenced by partisan membership, territorial linkages and the policy areas in which they develop expertise. Given the complex nature of relational data and the particular characteristics of bill initiation networks, we propose a new approach — bootstrapping an exponential graph model using augmented data reflective of the frequency of ties — to address the challenges of thinning dense networks. [R]
64.9 ALOYO, Eamon —
I argue that transitional justice should be democratized and propose a method by which people can be enfranchised to make such choices. By showing that transitional justice options often involve trade-offs, I lay the groundwork for my democratic account of transitional justice. This article balances three democratic principles, including collective self-determination, the all-affected interests principle and the protection of individual rights that are necessary to vote, to argue that victims and potential victims should constitute the transitional justice demos. I propose a new institution that would balance international and local control of transitional justice decision-making, and choose the demos. I develop a theory of who should be empowered to make transitional justice decisions and how their powers should be constrained. [R, abr.]
64.10 ANCELOVICI, Marcos; JENSON, Jane —
The study of the transnational transfer of practices and institutions generally looks at the intermediary and final stages of the process, with much less attention devoted to its initial steps. In contrast, this article theorizes the early part of the trajectory of transfer, conceptualized as the process through which local ideas and practices are turned into a “standard model », which we term the process of standardization. Drawing upon the public policy and social movement literatures, we identify three potentially robust mechanisms as central to the process of standardization — certification, decontextualization, and framing — and apply this framework to two cases: the transnational spread of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions and the use of conditional cash transfers as a social policy instrument. [R, abr.]
64.11 ANCKAR, Dag —
The concept of constitutional rigidity refers to the difficulty of the constitutional amendment process. One central dividing line in the constitutional politics literature is between flexible and rigid constitutions; however, as very few constitutions are flexible in a full sense of the word, the most interesting differences are rather between types and categories of rigidity. Given this point of departure, this article addresses the question how to approach rigidity levels and how to measure rigidity in terms of scores that may come to use in research that makes use of rigidity as an independent (why rigidity) or dependent (so what, of rigidity) variable. [R, abr.]
64.12 ARDANAZ, Martin; SCARTASCINI, Carlos —
Why does personal income taxation (PIT) remain relatively low in many developing countries despite a period of democratic advancement and rapid economic growth? This stylized fact is hard to reconcile with standard political economy models of taxation that expect democratic regimes to bring about redistribution in countries that suffer from high inequality. This article argues that the details of political institutions are key to understand why PIT remains low in many developing and unequal countries. We show how legislative malapportionment may prevent the use of personal income taxes as a major revenue source by skewing the distribution of political power across groups. Malapportionment is usually the result of design by those with political power at the transition or reform moment: it depends on the structure of political and economic power in society. [R, abr.]
64.13 ARLETTAZ, Fernando —
The privation of the religious phenomenon in the modernity has implied the recognition of the religious freedom and the separation between the state and the religious organizations. These two legal tools have been used, respectively, by the European Court of Human Rights and the US Supreme Court to judge state sponsored religious symbols. The article analyzes the case-law of both courts, and suggests that the differences between them are not only due to the legal tools used, but also to their different institutional position and to the interpretative criteria used by the judges. [R]
64.14 ARONOW, Peter M.; CARNEGIE, Allison —
Political scientists frequently use instrumental variables (IV) estimation to estimate the causal effect of an endogenous treatment variable. However, when the treatment effect is heterogeneous, this estimation strategy recovers only the local average treatment effect (LATE). The LATE is an average treatment effect (ATE) for a subset of the population: units that receive treatment if and only if they are induced by an exogenous IV. However, researchers may instead be interested in the ATE for the entire population of interest. We develop a simple reweighting method for estimating the ATE, shedding light on the identification challenge posed in moving from the LATE to the ATE. We apply our method to two published experiments in political science in which we demonstrate that the LATE has the potential to substantively differ from the ATE. [R]
64.15 ASHWORTH, John; GALLI, Emma; PADOVANO, Fabio —
This paper extends the empirical literature about the effects of fiscal decentralization on the growth of government along three dimensions. It distinguishes between the effects of the level of decentralization from the way local governments finance their expenditures (common pool versus own resources); it uses a panel co-integration approach to separate the long run effects of decentralization from the short run dynamics; and it extends and revises the datasets generally used in these empirical analyses. The results show that the amount of revenue raised by subnational governments leads to a long-term fall in the size of government but grants have the opposite effect. [R, abr.]
64.16 AVDAGIC, Sabina —
Why do some governments adopt unpopular reforms entailing far-reaching liberalization of the labor market, while others opt only for marginal adjustments or even regulatory reforms? This paper explains the likelihood of different types of reforms as an effect of different constellations of government partisanship and veto-players. Combining the “blame avoidance” and “veto-players” logics of politics, I argue that veto-players have either a constraining or enabling effect depending on the partisan orientation of government. Liberalization is most likely to be adopted either by right parties facing few veto-players, or by left parties in contexts with a high degree of power-sharing. Regulatory reforms are most likely when left governments enjoy strong power concentration, but marginal regulation may also be adopted under external pressure by right governments facing many veto-players. [R, abr.]
64.17 AVSAR, Veysel; KARAYALCIN, Cem; ULUBASOGLU, Mehmet Ali —
State-owned enterprises continue to play a considerable role in many economies. We empirically investigate the connections between these enterprises and inequality as mediated through political ideology. Using cross-country data on the relative size of the state-owned enterprise sector, we find strong empirical support for an inverted U-shaped relationship between its size and income inequality. We also find strong evidence that left-wing (vis-à-vis right-wing) governments are associated with a larger state-owned enterprise sector in countries with higher inequality. This result is robust to using cross-sectional vs. panel data, different identification strategies, and various controls. [R]
64.18 AYRES, Sarah; MARSH, Alex —
This article offers reflections on contemporary debates in policy studies. It maps the contours of the terrain covered by Policy & Politics over the last 40 years. It does so under four headings: (1) theorizing policy (2) evidence and the policy process (3) transforming structures and processes and (4) implementation and practice. It then uses these headings to draw out themes from the articles comprising this 40th anniversary special issue. We conclude by arguing for greater tolerance of diversity in theoretical and empirical enquiry and for continued reflection on the foundational assumptions of the field of policy studies. [R] [See Abstr. 64.576]
64.19 BACZKO, Adam; DORRONSORO, Gilles; QUESNAY, Arthur —
To account for the peaceful mobilizations, which started in Syria in March 2011, the authors show first the irrelevance of Rational Choice and Resource Mobilization theories. They build a model of “Deliberative Mobilization”, which puts at the core participation in small groups, in which the individuals transform their values, their calculations and their sociability. Furthermore, to account for the resilience of the [Syrian] regime and the start of the civil war, the authors propose the concept of “Polarizing Crisis”, characterized by a limited autonomy of social fields, an enlargement of individual tactical activities and the strategic use of violence by the state. [R]
64.20 BANHAM, Cynthia —
The media landscape is undergoing a period of radical transformation, characterized by the decline of the traditional media and the rise of digital new media. This article is concerned with the impact these changes are having on political violence and liberal democracies. The article argues that the emergence of citizen journalism and the decline of traditional journalism signals a dangerous deficit in accountability structures in liberal democracies. [R] [See Abstr. 64.257]
64.21 BARAKAT, Sultan; WALDMAN, Thomas —
Approaches to conflict assessment remain stuck in the late 1990s. Methodological tools are overwhelmingly geared toward development actors. Significant policy evolution — driven by experiences in practice — over the last decade, along with progress in research on conflict and instability, powerfully suggests the need for analytical tools that are both truly joint and capable of embracing all major aspects of conflict causation and drivers of state fragility. Based on a review conducted for DFID and taking the UK as a case in point, this article outlines the key issues, challenges and requirements involved in operationalizing genuinely joint analysis. There are positive signs that the UK government is serious about its commitment to integrated approaches in conflict-affected and fragile states, as demonstrated by development of the new Joint Analysis of Conflict and Stability (JACS). [R, abr.]
64.22 BARBER, Benjamin, IV; BERAMENDI, Pablo; WIBBELS, Erik —
The dominant theoretical approaches in the comparative political economy of the welfare state provide alternative accounts for why some governments spend more on social policies than others. In one, poor voters seek to increase their current income by taxing the rich, and social policy serves to redistribute income from the rich to the poor. In the second, voters seek social insurance against future job loss, and social policy serves as an insurance mechanism rather than a redistributive one. Both accounts share the assumption that voters can clearly distinguish between the redistributive and insurance elements of public policy and, therefore, that individual-level characteristics (income, labor-market risks) systematically shape preferences over social policy. We examine the soundness of that behavioral assumption, with a laboratory experiment that involves economic production, voting on taxation and fiscal transfers. [R, abr.]
64.23 BARGU, Banu —
Although much scholarly attention has been paid to suicide attackers who have become symbolic (if dystopic) figures of this new warfare, this article draws attention to their inverse figure: human shields. The human shield risks life not to destroy and terrorize others but to resist organized violence and protect others. This article explores the figure of the human shield, situating it within the context of global moral spectatorship, international humanitarian law and biopolitical warfare. Arguing that the human shield is both a symptom and the immanent critique of the present, one that exposes its multiple contradictions, this article makes a case for the importance of the figure of the human shield for contemporary politics. [R, abr.]
64.24 BARRY, Colin M.; CLAY, K. Chad; FLYNN, Michael E. —
Non-state actors, such as international NGOs (INGOs) and multinational corporations (MNCs), have attained an increasingly prominent role in modern world affairs. Little attention has been paid to these actors’ respective interactions with each other. We examine the extent to which the decisions of private actors seeking to invest abroad are affected by the reputational costs of doing business in countries publicly targeted by human rights activists. We find that “naming and shaming” by human rights INGOs tends to reduce the amount of FDI received by developing states, providing evidence that INGO activities affect the behavior of MNCs. An additional implication of our findings is that shaming by INGOs can impose real costs on targeted states in the form of lost investment. [R]
64.25 BAUHR, Monika; CHARRON, Nicholas; NASIRITOUSI, Naghmeh —
Does perceived corruption in recipient countries reduce support for foreign aid in donor countries? This question is examined using the 2009 Eurobarometer survey for the 27 EU countries. We suggest that perceived corruption can cause aid fatigue but that this relationship is highly contextualized. The results show that perceptions about corruption in developing countries reduce overall support for aid among respondents in donor countries. However, this effect is mitigated by country and contextual-level effects and different understandings of what we call the “aid-corruption paradox”, namely that the need for foreign aid is often the greatest in corrupt environments. Three different dynamics of the aid-corruption paradox influence support for aid: moral, pragmatic, and strategic understandings. [R, abr.]
64.26 BECHER, Michael; DONNELLY, Michael —
There is little evidence on the full mechanism of economic voting implied by performance-based theories of elections. This study provides the first estimates of the linkage between macroeconomic performance, individual economic evaluations, and vote-choice. Building on recent advances in the statistical analysis of causal mechanisms, we conduct a causal mediation analysis in a data-set covering 151 surveys in 18 countries. We find that the effect of economic performance on the incumbent vote is largely accounted for by voters’ retrospective evaluations of the national economy. The effect is stronger in contexts where policy-making power is concentrated rather than dispersed. Altogether, the results imply that the performance-based channel of voting is more relevant in accounting for election outcomes than suggested by recent individual-level studies. [R, abr.]
64.27 BECK, Ulrich; LEVY, Daniel —
Debates about the nation tend to revolve around its persistence or its demise. We depart from this either/or perspective by investigating the formation of the “cosmopolitan nation” as a facet of world risk society. Modern collectivities are increasingly preoccupied with debating, preventing and managing risks. However, unlike earlier manifestations of risk characterized by daring actions or predictability models, global risks can no longer be calculated or forecast. Accordingly, more influence accrues to the perception of risk, largely constructed by media representations. Cosmopolitanized risk collectivities are engendered through the anticipation of endangered futures which are, for the most part, communicated through an increasingly global media scape. While global media events produce shared exposure, risk conceptions retain distinctive political-cultural features as their respective meanings are prefigured by path-dependent pasts. [R, abr.]
64.28 BEHR, Hartmut —
We find in the work of the Scottish Enlightenment philosopher Th. Reid and the IR scholar H. J. Morgenthau similar epistemological commitments, a similarity that allows an interlocution across centuries, identifying both as representatives of anti-empiricist, anti-rationalist and antiidealist political theory. Thereby, both share an understanding of “common sense” as a means to defend humanity. At the same time, however, their “common sense”-based epistemological realism appears responsible for a noetic limitation of their political philosophies. This article argues that this becomes obvious in the oeuvre of Morgenthau looking at three examples: his use of the terms of “power” and “interest”; his use of “objectivity”; and the theory-practice relation underlying his work. [R] [See Abstr. 64.320]
64.29 BELLAMY, Richard —
The democratic critique of judicial review by constitutional courts has prompted its defenders to counter that courts have democratic qualities as good as, and in certain respects even stronger than, conventional democratic politics. This article offers a critical analysis of three arguments favoring this approach. The first argues that constitutional courts operate as exemplars of democratic deliberation. In particular, they give expression to the public reasons underlying democracy and ensure democratic practice does not subvert its ideals. The second holds that rights-based litigation offers a form of democratic participation, providing a voice to those who might have been excluded from electoral democracy. The third contends that judges operate in a similar way to elected representatives, who are best conceived as trustees rather than as delegates. All three views are found wanting. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.570]
64.30 BERNHOLZ, Peter —
Citizens are strongly interested not to suffer from the damages wrought by inflation. With the development of inconvertible fiat paper money and the creation of the monopoly of central banks to issue unlimited amounts of banknotes, the restrictions formerly existing because of the convertibility of notes into gold or silver at a fixed parity have been removed. As a consequence, a constitutional or legal limitation of the supply of money became necessary to check the inflationary bias of politicians became necessary. This could be reached by introducing the independence of central banks from political and governmental influence as a fourth pillar of the separation of powers. The paper also discusses under which conditions monetary stability and independence of central banks can develop and under which it is threatened. [R]
64.31 BHATTI, Yosef; HANSEN, Kasper M.; OLSEN, Asmus Leth —
Although political scandals receive unprecedented attention in the contemporary media, the knowledge of political scientists regarding the consequences of such scandals remains limited. On the basis of two nationally representative survey experiments, we investigate whether the impact of scandals depends on the traits of the politicians involved. We find substantial evidence that politicians are particularly punished for political-ideological hypocrisy, while there is less evidence that gender stereotypes matter. We also show that voters evaluate scandals in the personal lives of politicians in a highly partisan manner – other-party voters punish a politician substantially harsher than same-party voters. Interestingly, voters show no gender bias in their candidate evaluations. [R]
64.32 BLACK, Nathan —
I introduce an original dataset of cases and non-cases of sub-state conflict contagion between 1946 and 2007. The key difference between my dataset and other datasets of this phenomenon is that I require in my definition of contagion not only the spatial and temporal proximity of two conflicts, but also a documented causal link between them. After introducing the dataset and the process by which it was constructed, I show that sub-state conflict contagion by my definition is significantly less common than previous scholarship and policy-maker rhetoric suggest. [R, abr.]
64.33 BLAKE, Daniel J. —
International institutions help governments make credible commitments to other state and nonstate actors by raising the costs of commitment violation, generating sovereignty costs for national governments by constraining the autonomy they have to develop and implement policy. Governments respond to this trade-off between the credibility of commitments and policy autonomy differently depending on their time-horizons and this shapes their preferences over the design of credibility-enhancing institutions. I develop this argument in the context of bilateral investment treaties (BITs), focusing in particular on the legalization of obligation in national treatment commitments. [R, abr.]
64.34 BLYTH, Mark —
In this reply to J. Peck, N. Jabko, Thompson and W. Streek [Abstr. 64.166], I highlight the importance of the idea of austerity as driving policy rather than the more material factors that they stress. In particular, I question whether political opportunism, bond market demands for austerity or the greater crisis of growth of the Western economies are really driving events. [R] [See Abstr. 64.166]
64.35 BOCHEL, Catherine —
Focusing on case studies of five different petitions systems, but also drawing on the [UK] Coalition government's new e-petitions system, this article identifies a number of characteristics of petitions systems. It argues that as a tool for participation they have the potential to act as a significant input to representative forms of democracy by providing a mechanism to enable the public to express their views to those in elected representative institutions. While there may be challenges associated with this, petitions systems may help underpin the legitimacy and functioning of representative institutions. [R]
64.36 BOIX, Carles; MILLER, Michael; ROSATO, Sebastian —
This article updates and describes a widely used data-set on democracy. Covering 1800–2007 and 219 countries, it represents the most comprehensive dichotomous measure of democracy currently available. We argue that our measure's distinguishing features — a concrete, dichotomous coding and a long time span — are of critical value to empirical work on democracy. Inspired by R. Dahl, we define a country as democratic if it satisfies conditions for both contestation and participation. Specifically, democracies feature political leaders chosen through free and fair elections and satisfy a threshold value of suffrage. After comparing our coding to that of other popular measures, we illustrate how democracy's predictive factors have evolved since 1800. In particular, we show that economic modernization variables have steadily declined in their correlation with democracy over time. [R]
64.37 BOLSEN, Toby; LEEPER, Thomas J.; SHAPIRO, Matthew A. —
Does rhetoric highlighting social norms or mentioning science in a communication affect individuals’ beliefs about global warming and/or willingness to take action? We draw from framing theory and collective-interest models of action to motivate hypotheses that are tested in two large web-based survey-experiments using convenience samples. Our results show that attitudes about global warming, support for policies that would reduce carbon emissions, and behavioral intentions to take voluntary action are strongly affected by norm- and science-based interventions. This has implications for information campaigns targeting voluntary efforts to promote lifestyle changes that would reduce greenhouse gas emissions. [R]
64.38 BOOTH, W. James —
Patten's social lineage account of cultural continuity is the most recent effort to provide multicultural theory with a non-essentialist concept of culture, its continuity and loss that meets broadly liberal normative desiderata. I argue that it too fails to offer an alternative to essentialism, to meet standard liberal normative stipulations, and to construct a theory of continuity sufficient to underpin the present claims of involuntarily incorporated communities. That result is theoretically interesting for it shows the deep intractability of the problems at the core of liberal multiculturalism. [R] [See also Abstr. 64.265]
64.39 BOOTHE, Paul —
This paper looks at the changing nature of regulation-making with a special emphasis on the role that economists should play. It focuses specifically on the processes used to develop regulations. It argues that the traditional process for regulation-making is breaking down and that the quality of regulation will decline if processes do not adapt to the changing environment. In addition to their traditional work of comparing regulatory instruments and calculating their benefits and costs, economists can play an important role by serving as strategists to help the public interest win in the strategic game of regulation-making. [R]
64.40 BOSWELL, John —
Drawing on the substantial bodies of literature on narrative in general, and on its relationship to public debate in particular, this article argues that narrative is in fact a crucial aspect of democratic deliberation. In light of the “systemic turn” in deliberative theory, which sees deliberation as occurring across a range of differentiated but interconnected spaces, it suggests that narrative is a crucial device by which people talk and think about complex and contested issues. It argues that deliberative democrats must come to terms with narrative because its pervasive influence can affect deliberative systems in important ways. The article outlines these potential impacts — both those that reinforce deliberative ideals and those that conflict with them. It looks at the broader implications for the practice, theory and study of deliberative democracy. [R, abr.]
64.41 BOUTELIGIER, Sofie —
Networks are often portrayed as more equal governance arrangements because of their horizontal character. Power relations within networks are neglected as the collaborative activities receive the bulk of attention. However, from a critical reading of the network-and-flows literature, we know that networks are not free of power relations, and that they create new inequalities and even intensify existing ones. Using M. Castells's conceptual framework on power in networks, this article studies power relations in two transnational municipal networks that address urban environmental challenges: the World Association of the Major Metropolises and the C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group. Power relations that result from informational and ideational flows are at the core of attention. The paper reveals contributor/receiver linkages and their consequences. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.977]
64.42 BOZÓKI, András —
Our understanding has been significantly expanded concerning democracy and authoritarian regimes, as well as the means of both destroying and rebuilding democratic institutions. While there is a clear link between a developed economy and democracy, the relationship is not self-evident in all cases. Also, economic growth is not conducive to the development of democracy [in] all circumstances, especially when the distribution of wealth is not considered fair by all citizens. In and of itself an election, even a competitive one, does not guarantee the survival of a democracy, as strongmen have learned how to run an authoritarian system behind an electoral veil. The majority of autocratic leaders use the concept of democracy as a screen for building a political regime antithetical to the spirit and practice of a real democracy. [R, abr.]
64.43 BRADER, Ted; TUCKER, Joshua A.; DUELL, Dominik —
Political parties not only aggregate the policy preferences of their supporters, but also have the ability to shape those preferences. The authors investigate the impact of three party-level traits on partisan cuetaking: longevity, incumbency, and ideological clarity. As parties age, voters may become more certain of both the party's reputation and their own allegiance. Governing parties must take action and respond to events, increasing the likelihood of compromise and failure, and therefore may dilute their reputation and disappoint followers. Incumbency aside, some parties exhibit greater ambiguity in their ideological position than other parties, undermining voter certainty about the meaning of cues. The authors test these hypotheses with experiments conducted in three multiparty democracies (Poland, Hungary, and Great Britain). [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.215]
64.44 BRAKE, Benjamin; KATZENSTEIN, Peter J. —
With specific focus on the spread of American procedural practices (class action and pretrial discovery), this article applies a transactional view of law that emphasizes the private practice of law and nonstate actors. Such an approach highlights important aspects of world politics overlooked by traditional analyses of international legalization, conventionally understood as the direct spread of law by and among states. We find that the movement of law is a dynamic process involving diffusion, translation, and the repeated transnational exchanges of legal actors. Through our examination of this process, we offer insights into how aspects of American law moved into unlikely jurisdictions to reshape legal theory, pedagogy, procedure, and the organizing structure of the legal profession. [R, abr.]
64.45 BROOKS, Stephen G. —
A series of important new books have argued forcefully that the lobbying activities of economic actors have an important influence on the prospects for war and peace. These analyses claim that whether economic actors enhance or decrease the likelihood of conflict ultimately depends on the domestic political balance between economic actors who have a strong vested interest in pushing for peace versus those that do not. I advance two contrary arguments: (1) All of the mechanisms that previously contributed to lobbying [for] war in advanced states have been swept away with the end of colonialism and the rise of economic globalization. (2) It has become unnecessary for those economic actors with a preference for peace to directly lobby the government because economic globalization now has sufficiently clear economic incentives for leaders. [R, abr.]
64.46 BROWN, Chris —
The post-war rise in importance of the individual in international political theory, as evidenced by the development of the international human rights regime, International Criminal Law and theories of global justice, has, paradoxically, been accompanied by an highly critical approach to the concept of human nature. Criticisms of human nature largely rest on the association of the concept with social Darwinism, racism, sexism and eugenics, but, understood properly and at the right level of generality, the concept of human nature need not attract such undesirable, pseudo-scientific bedfellows. The modern science of evolutionary psychology is in the process of changing our understanding of the social implications of our genetic inheritance, and social and political theorists ought not to resist this change, and IR scholars should not leave the field to realist scholars. [R, abr.]
64.47 BUTTICE, Matthew K.; HIGHTON, Benjamin —
Multilevel regression and post-stratification (MRP) is a method to estimate public opinion across geographic units from individual-level survey data. If it works with samples the size of typical national surveys, then MRP offers the possibility of analyzing many political phenomena previously believed to be outside the bounds of systematic empirical inquiry. Initial investigations of its performance with conventional national samples produce generally optimistic assessments. This article examines a larger number of cases and a greater range of opinions than in previous studies and finds substantial variation in MRP performance. Through empirical and Monte Carlo analyses, we develop an explanation for this variation. The findings suggest that the conditions necessary for MRP to perform well will not always be met. [R, abr.]
64.48 BUZAN, Barry; LAWSON, George —
Unlike many other social sciences, IR spends relatively little time assessing the impact of the 19th c. on its principal subject matter. As a result, the discipline fails to understand the ways in which a dramatic reconfiguration of power during the “long 19th c” served to recast core features of international order. This article examines the extent of this lacuna and establishes the ways in which processes of industrialization, rational state-building, and ideologies of progress served to destabilize existing forms of order and promote novel institutional formations. The changing character of organized violence is used to illustrate these changes. The article examines how IR could be rearticulated around a more pronounced engagement with “the global transformation”. [R] [See also responses by Christopher CHASE-DUNN, pp. 635–637; Paul MUSGRAVE and Daniel H. NEXON, pp. 637–639; Andrew PHILLIPS, pp. 640–642]
64.49 BYRNE, Kevin; O'MALLEY, Eoin —
We present a novel method which can be used to show that contemporary party systems may originate much further back than is usually assumed or might be expected — in reality many centuries. Using data on Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland, jurisdictions with party systems that differ significantly, one of which poses significant challenges to the universality of many political science theories, we show how using surnames as markers can confirm the obvious explanation for the Northern Ireland party system and then propose a novel explanation for the Irish party system. We suggest that surnames could be an objective way of studying migration patterns and ethnic heritage which may be important in explaining party systems. [R]
64.50 CADMAN, Tim; MARASENI, Tek —
This paper provides a quantitative analysis of stakeholder perceptions regarding the governance of the UN climate-change negotiations on reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation in developing countries (REDD+). Governance quality and legitimacy were evaluated by means of an online survey conducted in 2011, using a normative framework of principles, criteria and indicators. The paper concentrates on national-level stakeholders active in REDD+ in Nepal, and their perceptions of governance quality, with a discussion, given the focus of this special volume, that emphasizes inclusiveness, equality and resources (indicators of interest representation) and democracy, agreement and dispute-settlement (indicators of decision-making). [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.977]
64.51 CANES-WRONE, Brandice; PARK Jee-Kwang —
This article argues that the policy uncertainty generated by elections encourages private actors to delay investments that entail high costs of reversal, creating pre-election declines in the associated sectors. Moreover, this incentive depends on the competitiveness of the race and the policy differences between the major parties/candidates. These arguments are tested using new survey and housing market data from the US. The survey analysis assesses whether respondents’ perceptions of presidential candidates’ policy differences increased the likelihood that they would delay certain purchases and actions. The housing market analysis examines whether elections are associated with a pre-election decline in economic activity, and whether any such decline depends on electoral competitiveness. The results support the predictions and cannot be explained by existing theories. [R]
64.52 CARDOSO REIS, Bruno —
In this essay we look at the question from Waltz's point of view of the very topical issue of nuclear proliferation. Since the early 1980s until his recent death Waltz kept an active interest and a very specific position on this matter. He denied there was such a thing as nuclear proliferation and, moreover, refused that, in light of structural realism the spread of nuclear weapons, even to a theocracy like Iran, would be a problem. This paper will explain why and around this theme we will draw the intellectual profile of Waltz as a realist that values the role of the state in international security, but was often critical of the security policies of his own state, the US. [R] [See Abstr. 64.119]
64.53 CARR, Madeline —
Internet freedom is rapidly becoming understood as a normative framework for how the internet should function and be used globally. Recently declared a human right by the UN, it also forms a central pillar of the US's 21st Century Statecraft foreign policy doctrine. This article argues that although there is a clear human rights agenda present in this policy, there is also a power element which is much less discussed or acknowledged in the vast literature on internet freedom. Through an exploration of both a short history and some important lessons learned about internet freedom, this article demonstrates how the US Department of State has adapted to the information age in such a way as to harness individual agency (reconceptualized in policy terms as “civilian power”) for the promotion of state power. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.257]
64.54 CHEN Ying; ERASLAN, Hülya —
We analyze a legislative bargaining game over an ideological and a distributive issue. Legislators are privately informed about their ideological positions. Communication takes place before a proposal is offered and majority-rule voting determines the outcome. We compare the outcome of the “bundled bargaining” game in which the legislators negotiate over both issues together to that of the “separate bargaining” game in which the legislators negotiate over the issues one at a time. We identify two disadvantages of bundled bargaining under asymmetric information: (1) “risk of losing the surplus” (failure to reach agreement on ideology results in the dissipation of the surplus under bundled bargaining, but not under separate bargaining); (2) “informational loss” (the legislators may convey less information in the bundled bargaining game). [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.239]
64.55 CHENOWETH, Erica; CUNNINGHAM, Kathleen Gallagher —
The events of the Arab Spring of 2011 have made clear the importance and potential efficacy of nonviolent resistance, as well as the field's inability to explain the onset and outcome of major nonviolent uprisings. Until recently, conflict scholars have largely ignored nonviolent resistance. This issue features new theoretical and empirical explorations of the causes and consequences of nonviolent resistance, stressing the role that unarmed, organized civilians can play in shaping the course of conflicts. Contributors demonstrate the importance of treating nonviolent and violent strategies, as well as conventional politics strategies, as alternative choices for engaging the state, show how gender ideology can influence which opposition groups use nonviolent resistance, and suggest that the causes of civil war and nonviolent resistance often differ. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. [See Abstr. 64.56, 68, 86, 290, 301, 307, 558, 705, 1304, 1331]
64.56 CHENOWETH, Erica; LEWIS, Orion A. —
We introduce the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes (NAVCO) 2.0 dataset, which compiles annual data on 250 nonviolent and violent mass movements for regime change, anti-occupation, and secession from 1945 to 2006. NAVCO 2.0 also includes features of each campaign, such as participation size and diversity, the behavior of regime elites, repression and its effects on the campaign, support (or lack thereof) from external actors, and progress toward the campaign outcomes. After describing the data-generation process and the dataset itself, we demonstrate why studying nonviolent resistance may yield novel insights for conflict scholars by replicating an influential study of civil war onset. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.55]
64.57 CHUMAKOV, Alexander N. —
This article examines globalization, as it exists today and diverging perceptions of the term. It then discusses the challenge it poses to governance, a key concern given the nature of contemporary global issues. Last, the article provides lessons that can be drawn from the global financial crisis. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1376]
64.58 CLARE, Joe —
This study [argues] that challengers select targets based on their expectations about the reliability of their allies. These expectations are, in turn, based on the magnitude of political costs that an ally's leader would pay for failing to honor its international commitments. In democracies, the domestic audience would punish a leader for failing to defend an ally, but only if they care about the issue at stake. For this reason, I argue that democratic allies only effectively deter challenges against those partners that are of a greater strategic importance. In the absence of such strong interests, targets with democratic allies are more likely to be challenged. I find strong support for this argument in a quantitative test from 1816 to 2002. [R, abr.]
64.59 CLARK, William R.; GOLDER, Sona N.; POAST, Paul —
According to the political business cycle literature, survival-maximizing leaders will manipulate whatever macroeconomic policy instruments they have at their disposal in order to retain power. However, does having the ability to manipulate policy instruments actually allow leaders to stay in office longer? We argue that elected leaders who have neither fiscal nor monetary instruments available for electoral purposes will find it more difficult to survive in office. We test this claim using data from 19 OECD countries in the latter part of the 20th c. when the degree of capital mobility in the international economy was high. We find that access to macroeconomic instruments does help leaders retain office, but that these instruments are only effective for leaders who have been in office for at least seven years. [R, abr.]
64.60 CLAVIER, Carole —
Policy transfer studies have put a lot of emphasis on studying the influence of inter-national organizations on policy convergence. However, they have granted less attention to the reception of policy transfer. Based on a study of the transfer of the social determinants of health by the WHO and of its integration into local public health policies in France and Denmark, this paper argues that the reception of policy transfer is an active process. It requires the contribution of intermediate actors who circulate ideas, highlight their relevance according to local policy issues and integrate them within local public policies. our conclusion is that the conditions and constraints of the reception of policy transfer help explain policy convergence. [R] [See Abstr. 64.145]
64.61 COLGAN, Jeff D. —
Some states experience significant international conflict only during and immediately after a revolution, whereas other states continue to engage in conflict for many years and even decades afterward. This article explains the persistence of conflict for some but not all revolutionary states by differentiating the concept of revolutionary leaders from that of revolutions as events, both theoretically and empirically. The author shows that existing theories linking revolution to international conflict underemphasize an important mechanism through which revolution leads to conflict: by selecting conflict-prone leaders through the dynamics of revolutionary politics. Having obtained power, revolutionary leaders have aggressive preferences that make their states more likely than non-revolutionary states to instigate international conflict. [R, abr.]
64.62 COLLIN, Richard Oliver —
This article studies the complexities of communicating political words and concepts from one language/culture to another, noting that traditional political science has shown little interest in this process or its dangers. From linguistics, however, come two opposing theories: the effability principle defends universal translatability, while the linguistic relativity/Sapir-Whorf hypothesis holds that meaning (particularly abstract conceptual thinking) is locked within the grammatical and semantic structure of individual languages and can be transmitted with difficulty or not at all. After considering these rival positions, we conclude that the translation of political ideas from culture to culture can be more problematic than we have commonly believed. [R, abr.]
64.63 CONGLETON, Roger D. —
This paper provides a tightly written overview and modest extension of the constitutional exchange and evolution model developed in [R. D. Congleton's] Perfecting Parliament [Liberalism, Constitutional Reform and the Rise of Western Democracy, Cambridge, 2011] and uses that approach to analyze the division of authority that one would expect to see in contemporary constitutional governments. The analysis suggests that constitutions tend to be written, based on the king and council template, and buttressed by a more or less independent court system. Moreover, it suggests that constitutions change at the margin through time as constitutional bargaining takes place. This suggests that a complete separation of power is unlikely to be observed in the long run. Empirical evidence developed from the IAEP database is consistent with these predictions. [R]
64.64 CONRAD, Justin; KIM Hong-Cheol; SOUVA, Mark —
We contend that as narrow political interests have more influence on a leader, relative to broader political interests, a state's military burden increases. Further, we argue that two domestic factors are central to explaining the relative strength of narrow political interests for military spending, and therefore variation in state military burden. First, institutions that increase the cost of political participation reduce the influence of the median citizen, increasing the strength of narrow political interests and, concomitantly, military spending. Second, as a regime ages, narrow interests become more entrenched and the regime becomes less concerned about overthrow. In turn, older regimes spend more on their militaries. We test hypotheses from this argument by examining the military burden for all autocracies over the period 1950–2000. [R, abr.]
64.65 CRAIG, Campbell; RUZICKA, Jan —
The “nonproliferation complex” comprises dozens of governmental agencies, international NGOs, think tanks, and academic programs and institutes. This essay first traces the history of the rise of the complex during and immediately after the Cold War. We show how nonproliferation and disarmament organizations and advocates turned toward ameliorative approaches in the face of great-power refusal to accept more substantial change, or indeed defended an international order favoring the status quo. We then identify three contemporary consequences of this position: the creation of a permanent justification for intervention and war; the fomenting of widespread cynicism about nuclear peace; and the establishment of a dominant discourse about nonproliferation and disarmament that excludes serious ideas about dealing with nuclear danger. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.148]
64.66 CRONIN, Audrey Kurth —
The global non-territorial nature of new media is having unexpected effects on everything from intellectual discourse to mass movements and mob psychologies, in turn changing the shape of domestic and international violence. Three key features affect war: (1) individuals have an enhanced ability to leverage their own use of force; (2) the audience plays a much greater role, reacting to unfiltered information and participating even as conflicts unfold. And (3), the means and ends of mass mobilization are changing, no longer requiring the involvement of the state. The article explores each of these changes in depth and within its historical context, discussing potential state responses and practical implications. [A] [See Abstr. 64.133]
64.67 CUNNINGHAM, David E.; GLEDITSCH, Kristian Skrede; SALEHYAN, Idean —
This paper introduces the Non-State Actors in Armed Conflict Dataset (NSA), which contains detailed information on the state–rebel group dyads included in the Uppsala Conflict Data Project Dyadic Dataset. Existing quantitative studies generally focus on characteristics of countries and conflicts to examine the duration, severity, outcome and recurrence of civil wars, in ways that often ignore the actors in civil wars. The NSA data provides additional information on the organizations involved in conflict dynamics. We describe the structure of the NSA data and the variables included, provide descriptive statistics of the indicators, and discuss areas for future research on non-state actors to enhance our understanding of conflict processes. [R]
64.68 CUNNINGHAM, Kathleen Gallagher —
A great deal of work has addressed the factors that lead to violent mobilization, but less attention has been paid to understanding why disputes become violent or nonviolent, comparing these two as strategic choices relative to conventional politics. This article examines the determinants of strategy choice in self-determination disputes by analyzing how a variety of factors affect the costs and benefits of conventional political strategies, mass nonviolent campaign, and civil war. I find that civil war is more likely, as compared to conventional politics, when self-determination groups are larger, have kin in adjoining states, are excluded from political power, face economic discrimination, are internally fragmented, demand independence, and operate in states at lower levels of economic development. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.55]
64.69 CUYVERS, Armin —
This contribution approaches the EU as a modified confederal system. It suggests that such modified confederal arrangements form a prima facie attractive model for transnational government more generally. To this end, the EU is comparatively contrasted with the US Confederation, established directly after American independence, on the one hand, and with its subsequent evolution into a federate state on the other — a comparison that demonstrates how the EU has combined a confederal foundation with some crucial federate reinforcements in its constitutional superstructure. Subsequently it is demonstrated how these modifications have addressed several of the classic weaknesses of the confederal form and may further help to open up the potential inherent in the confederal form for complementary transnational government more generally. [R]
64.70 DAHLSTRÖM, Carl; LINDVALL, Johannes; ROTHSTEIN, Bo —
This article argues that bureaucratic capacity — the competence and reliability of the national bureaucracy — matters to the allocation of public spending among welfare state programs, since it is difficult for governments to justify high levels of spending on programs that require bureaucrats to make case-by-case decisions, on a discretionary basis, if the bureaucracy is incompetent, corrupt or both. We expect bureaucratic capacity to have a positive effect on programs that involve bureaucratic discretion, but weak or no effects on programs that are more straightforward to implement. In order to test these hypotheses, we analyze public spending on active labor market programs (which involve a lot of discretion) and parental leave benefits (which involve less discretion). [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.614]
64.71 DAVID, Charles-Philippe —
War between great powers seems to be a thing of the past. Between developed States, this change heralds an era of postmodern conflicts which bypass armed confrontation. Other conflicts, brought about by the fragmentation and reformation of political spheres, are linked to premodern wars waged by warlords. But in general, wars are becoming scarcer. Are we heading for a time of peace in which conflicts might be kept under the military confrontation stage? [R] [First of a series of articles on “Does war have a future?”, edited and introduced by the author and Dominique DAVID. See also Abstr. 64.72, 1042, 1216]
64.72 DAVIS, Dominique —
The world of conflicts and confrontations is not homogenous; it juxtaposes different spaces, types of logic, and actors. Currently, there is no transnational discourse or power that seems able to regulate these conflicts. Their causes remain manifold, the number of players who are liable to put pressure on the international framework is increasing, and the powers that be are only just managing to control the array of potential confrontations. The world of conflicts in the 21th c. will be both familiar and unprecedented. [R] [See Abstr. 64.71]
64.73 DeBELL, Matthew —
Political knowledge research faces a problem, perhaps even a crisis. For two decades, the American National Election Studies asked open-ended questions about political knowledge and coded answers using procedures that are neither reliable nor replicable and that were never shown to be optimally valid. Consequently, conclusions based on these widely used measures of the public's competence are in doubt. This article presents several new and overdue methodological improvements: coding knowledge data using formal and specific coding rules based on a substantive rationale for the validity of the codes, recognizing partially correct answers, using multiple coders working independently, using machine coding, and testing reliability and validity. The new methods are an improvement because they are transparent and replicable and they produce valid and extremely reliable knowledge data. [R, abr.]
64.74 DEHART, Paul R. —
Ockham argued that God was free of moral constraint in ordaining natural law for human beings. Thus, the natural law could command the opposite of what God had ordained if He wished to make it so. Bodin extended Ockham's argument to earthly sovereigns, who do not (he argued) have to obey civil law. However, Bodin undermined his absolutism by maintaining that civil law has to be consistent with natural and divine law. Hobbes more consistently argued that while mortal sovereigns are accountable to God, the power of sovereigns to command is not subject to moral constraints. Underlying Ockham's view of God's sovereignty, and Bodin's and Hobbes's view of earthly sovereigns, is a notion of the will's unconstrained power. But this notion is self-referentially incoherent. This incoherence, in turn, infects the very notion of sovereignty. [R, abr.]
64.75 DENTERS, Bas; KLOK, Pieter-Jan —
This article answers the question “Do institutions matter?” for institutions that define democratic systems as more citizen-oriented as opposed to systems where political parties play a more important role. The focus is on the possible influence of these institutions on the orientations of local councilors regarding their representative role and on their subsequent role behavior. We hypothesize that the influence of citizen democratic institutions runs through the political culture amongst councilors and affects their individual support for participatory governance. With regard to the role orientations of councilors, we find that there was only a very weak, indirect effect of institutions on how councilors valued responsiveness. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.149]
64.76 DER DERIAN, James —
As information networks catalyze local incidents into international crises, as global events appear and disappear on multiple screens at an accelerated pace and as a war of images displaces the image of war, it becomes increasingly difficult to understand the rapidly changing nature of global violence within the confines of security studies. Phase-shifting with each media intervention from states to sub-states, local to global, public to private, organized to chaotic and virtual to real — and back again — global violence superpositions into a quantum war that requires new transdisciplinary, transnational and transmedial approaches. [R] [See Abstr. 64.257]
64.77 DITTMEIER, Christopher R. —
Traditional interpretations of politics among nuclear-weapons states — as epitomized by T. C. Schelling's theory of deterrence through mutually-assured destruction — are less useful in today's proliferation environment than they were during the Cold War's superpower rivalry. As regionally-important states begin to pursue nuclear weapons, they do so in an environment that is shaped by the preferences and behaviors of the great powers. Using an elaboration on R. Powell's bargaining model of conflict, this article shows that nuclear proliferation radically alters the future distribution of power, introducing a commitment problem vis-à-vis conventionally-stronger neighbors. This explains the occurrence of preemptive war in cases of attempted nuclearization, although the empirical paucity of such bargaining failures requires the shadow of great-power intervention in understanding the relations of second-tier states. [R]
64.78 DIZAJI, Sajjad Faraji; VAN BERGEIJK, Peter A.G. —
In order to explain why successes of economic sanctions predominantly occur in the first two years of a sanction episode, we analyze the dynamic economic and political impact of an economic sanction. Our theoretical analysis of the dynamics of adjustment [shows]: (1) the strongest impact in terms of utility forgone occurs in the initial phase of the sanction episode and (2) the long-term gain of compliance decreases during a sanction episode and is lower in the long run than acknowledged by the usual comparative static analysis. On both accounts we expect that sanctions have a higher probability of success in the early phase and a lower probability of success in the long run. We build a comprehensive set of vector autoregressive (VAR) models that we apply to the case of a boycott of Iranian oil. [R, abr.]
64.79 DOLI, Dren; KORENICA, Fisnik —
This article examines the constitutional position of ethnic minorities in Kosovo, the individual features, and the key protection mechanisms applied therein. At the outset, the article provides a general introduction to the topic, illustrating the character of Kosovo's state model. Subsequently, it builds upon the view that Kosovo was shaped under an international supervision, which aimed to establish a state freed from monoethnicity, which is regarded as both multi-ethnic and a state of citizens. The article explains the institutional mechanisms established with the objective to protect and uphold the ethnic minorities’ position at both central and local levels. Furthermore, it discusses the affirmative human rights law standards granted to ethnic minorities — both at personal and collective levels. [R, abr.]
64.80 DOOMERNIK, Jeroen —
Migration processes are driven by forces that are by their very nature difficult to address with government policies, especially when these are aimed at control and restriction. Yet, in response to domestic and international policies, governments, jointly and individually, seek to intervene forcefully in certain types of migration. Paradoxically, these interventions by and large go against the logic inherent in migration processes and thus have perverse effects: they do little to reduce migration and instead create a market for human smuggling. The thrust of current policy development is in the direction of further criminalization. It is argued that this is not the most sensible course of action. [R]
64.81 DORUSSEN, Han; GIZELIS, Theodora-Ismene —
Multidimensional peacekeeping affects the balance of power between the government and rebels and provides them with opportunities for rent-seeking. Although the potential gains are obvious, the process is bound to lead to uncertainty and controversy. Whereas the international community mainly appreciates the opportunity of comprehensive peacekeeping to create value, local actors may be more concerned with opportunities for claiming value. What will be the responses of local actors to peacekeeping given the likely impact on the distribution of power between rebels and governments and their uneven opportunities to benefit from collaborating? Using event-data for post-Cold War UN peacekeeping missions in Africa, the analysis considers when peacekeeping elicits cooperation rather than conflict. [R, abr.]
64.82 DOVERMANN, Ulrich —
Extremist narratives are oriented by basic ideological tenets but remain focused on concrete outcomes. A potential response seems to reside in developing counter-narratives. These however will be operational only to the extent they are devised in the same cultural environment. This implies knowledge of the religion and the concurrent authority to present didactic concepts and the appropriate intermediation. [See Abstr. 64.251]
64.83 DRAGOS ALIGICA, Paul; TARKO, Vlad —
Revisiting the theory of institutional hybridity and diversity developed by V. and E. Ostrom to cope with the challenge of the “neither states nor markets” institutional domain, this article reconstructs the Ostromian system along the “value heterogeneity–co-production–polycentricity” axis. It articulates the elements of a theory of value heterogeneity and of the fuzzy boundaries between private and public. It rebuilds the model of co-production, clarifying the ambiguity surrounding a key technical public choice theoretical assumption, and it demonstrates (1) why it should not be confused with the Alchian-Demsetz team production model and (2) how co-production engenders a type of market failure that has been neglected so far. [R, abr.]
64.84 DRAGU, Tiberiu; POLBORN, Mattias —
This article builds upon the observation that political rulers have to rely upon administrators to implement their policy decisions to uncover two mechanisms by which legal limits, understood in terms of fundamental human rights, can be self-enforcing. We show how the effectiveness of such legal limits depends on administrators’ expectation that rights violations might be costly in the future, when the current ruler's grip on power ends. We also show how the effectiveness of legal limits depends on administrators’ expectation about each others’ actions when asked to execute an illegal policy, which allows for the possibility that human rights laws might induce compliance by making a particular behavior salient. The analysis contributes to a general understanding of the mechanisms by which law can effectively limit the arbitrary power of the government. [R]
64.85 DREZNER, Daniel W. —
Ostensibly, military primacy, beyond reducing security tensions, also encourages economic returns through a variety of loosely articulated causal mechanisms. A deeper analytical look reveals the causal pathways through which military primacy is most likely to yield economic returns: geo-economic favoritism, whereby the military hegemon attracts private capital in return for providing the greatest security and safety to investors; direct geopolitical favoritism, according to which sovereign states, in return for living under the security umbrella of the military superpower, voluntarily transfer resources to help subsidize the costs of hegemony; and the public goods benefits that flow from hegemonic stability. A closer investigation of these causal mechanisms reveals little evidence that military primacy attracts private capital. The aggregate evidence suggests that the economic benefits of military hegemony have been exaggerated in policy circles. [R, abr.]
64.86 DUDOUET, Véronique —
There is scarce scholarship on the phenomenon of armed groups shifting their conflict-waging strategies from violent to nonviolent means, especially in contexts which cannot be resolved by force but are also “unripe” for conventional de-escalation methods through negotiation and political integration. This article investigates the nature and the drivers of transitions from armed strategies to nonviolent methods of contentious collective action on the part of non-state conflict actors. It focuses in particular on the internal and relational/environmental factors which underpin their decision-making process, from a change of leadership and a pragmatic re-evaluation of the goals and means of insurgency, to the search for new local or international allies and the cross-border emulation or diffusion of new repertoires of action. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.55]
64.87 DUNLOP, Claire A.; RADAELLI, Claudio M. —
The field of policy learning is characterized by concept-stretching and a lack of systematic findings. To systematize them, we combine the classic Sartorian approach to classification with the more recent insights on explanatory typologies, distinguishing between the genus and the different species within it. By drawing on the technique of explanatory typologies to introduce a basic model of policy learning, we identify four major genera in the literature. We then generate variation within each cell by using rigorous concepts drawn from adult education research. By looking at learning through the lenses of knowledge utilization, we show that the basic model can be expanded to reveal sixteen different species. These types are all conceptually possible, but are not all empirically established in the literature. [R, abr.]
64.88 DUSSAUGE-LAGUNA, Mauricio I. —
Policy-transfer studies have commonly assumed that changes to policies borrowed from abroad are either the result of deliberate efforts to adjust/translate them to fit its receiving environment, or an adaptive response to the cultural and institutional circumstances of the latter. In introducing the concept of “contested policy transfer”, this article argues that differences between the “original model” and the borrowed one might be actually due to the series of conflicts and negotiations which take place among key bureaucratic actors at the “importer” jurisdiction. The article illustrates the concept by analyzing the transfer of the Chilean Programa de Mejoramiento de la Gestión to the Mexican government, a process which took place between 2005 and 2010. [R]
64.89 DUTRISAC, Myrtô —
I [examine] a positive dimension of ideology that makes it a necessary component of the affirmation, and therefore the births, of social groups. I supplement French philosopher Lefort's analysis of ideology with the addition of a few ideas inspired by Ricoeur's work. Lefort, a reader of Marx, focuses essentially on the dissimulative dimension of this phenomenon. By doing so, he does not take into consideration its role in the construction of social imaginaries. This positive aspect of ideology, acknowledged by Ricoeur, plays an essential role in the democratic experience. I feel that the study of this movement of ideology between affirmation and dissimulation can even offer new solutions to the crisis of the social imaginary diagnosed by Lefort during the 1970s, when he wrote his essays on ideology. [R, abr.]
64.90 DVOŘÁK, Tomáš —
Research on campaign dynamics and voting behavior in direct democracy suggests that referendum campaigns can be seen as processes of learning. This finding stems from two assumptions: (1) information has mediating effects — the more voters know about the issue at stake, the stronger the effect of issue preferences in their decision-making; (2) campaign volatility and framing effects are linked to weak campaigning and voters’ lack of information. This article suggests the limitations of this approach and discusses the effects of framing in referendum campaigning. It is argued that campaign volatility as well as framing effects are not always related to voter ignorance and information-weak campaigns but rather to qualitative shifts in the underlying value interpretation linked to referendum proposals. [R, abr.]
64.91 DYRSTAD, Karin —
This article analyzes how armed conflict affects individual support for liberal values. It is commonly assumed that the consolidation of democracy depends on individual values such as tolerance as well as aspirations of civil and political liberty. For post-conflict societies, consolidating democracy is also a means of reducing the risk of recurring violent conflict. However, democracy has proven to be especially hard to achieve and consolidate in ethnically divided societies. While previous research has centered mainly on institutions and political elites, I expand the focus to also include ordinary citizens. Using survey data from postwar Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo and Croatia, I examine the effect of exposure to violence on a scale of authoritarian values. While the effects are small, the results show that war-related violence in some cases leads people to embrace authoritarian values. [R]
64.92 ECKERT, Roland —
Each person holds several identities dependent on the membership of many different groups: family, neighborhood, associations, church or philosophy. People define themselves as belonging to appropriate communities, defined by ethnic, religious or class criteria. Their respective representations of a threat or denial of these communities are at the roots of radicalization. The extent to which conflicts then ensue is contingent on how they are handled. [See Abstr. 64.251]
64.93 EDWARDS, Charlie; GRIBBON, Luke —
The internet is often singled out as the key means through which extremists and terrorists are radicalized. Yet, research thus far has fallen short of unearthing the actual mechanisms through which this radicalization takes place. Using examples from a wider study, we explore different ways in which individuals have used the internet in their processes of radicalization and point out that policy-makers and researchers need to focus their efforts on understanding not merely the content that is available online, but the ways in which this content is used in the process of radicalization. [R]
64.94 EGGEN, Øyvind; SENDING, Ole Jacob —
Within relatively few years, a number of books have been published on the links between global health and foreign policy. They concerned health and development or expressed health concerns of globalization, but since 2000 there is optimism about making health a global objective. An examination of recent literature shows that it is strongly marked by political goals expressed in scientific terms dominated by a political or normative focus. [Introduction to a series of articles. See also Abstr. 64.138, 164, 241]
64.95 EMERSON, R. Guy —
This article expands upon the theory of post-hegemony so as to maintain the multitude as an operative political category alongside the State. Ironically, it does so by returning to A. Gramsci. It argues that the multitude — or, for Gramsci “civil society” — is constitutive of statal politics in two specific ways: (1) the multitude as a constitutive outside or alterity that the State carries; and (2) constitutive in its positivity, as a productive immanence that affects the social field from which the State is drawn. This relationship of constituent participation — not representation — is demonstrated by investigating changes in politics-as-usual in Venezuela. [R]
64.96 EMMENEGGER, Patrick, et al. —
Poverty, inequality, and social exclusion are back on the political agenda in highly developed capitalist democracies, [partly] as a consequence of a seemingly “secular” trend towards increased inequality. Tracing this increase in inequality back to structural factors — e.g., deindustrialization, globalization or the crisis — would be a mistake: the missing link between structural change and increasing inequality is “politics”, notably the politics of dualization. We define dualization as a process that is characterized by the differential treatment of insiders and outsiders and that can take the form of newly created institutional dualisms or the deepening of existing institutional dualisms (policy output). We develop and define the concept of dualization, map the variation of dualization and insider-outsider divides cross-nationally, and identify the politics of dualization, i.e., the power relations driving this process. [R, abr.]
64.97 ENGELEN, Bart; NYS, Thomas R. V. —
We argue that the secret ballot is only second-best at best and that a modified version of open voting might prove to be more democratic. After rehearsing the various arguments pro and contra open voting, we draw attention to the role of shame, neglected by both sides in the debate. While shame plays a pivotal role in the democratic argument pro open voting, it also brings out new problems that tell against opening up the vote. If we want to draw on the democratic potential of open voting, we will have to find a system that minimizes the undesirable effects of shame. We formulate a concrete proposal of open voting that we believe is more democratic than the current secret ballot and is able to avoid potential worries. [R, abr.]
64.98 ERCAN, Selen A.; HENDRIKS, Carolyn M. —
This article considers the democratic challenges and potential of localism by drawing on insights from the theory and practice of deliberative democracy. On a conceptual level, the ideas embedded in localism and deliberative democracy share much in common, particularly the democratic goal of engaging citizens in decisions that affect them. Despite such commonalities, however, there has been limited conversation between relevant literatures. The article considers four democratic challenges facing localism and offers a response from a systems perspective of deliberative democracy. It argues that, for localism to realize its democratic potential, new participatory spaces are required and the design of these spaces matters. Beyond structured participatory forums, local democracy also needs an active and vibrant public sphere that promotes multiple forms of democratic expression. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.101]
64.99 ESCRIBÀ-FOLCH, Abel —
Along with the mobilization of political support, repression is one of the two basic instruments dictators use to stay in power. Yet, there is no systematic investigation analyzing whether repression actually helps dictators retain power. This article addresses the simultaneous relationship between survival and repression. The results reveal that repression certainly increases the likelihood of dictators’ survival. This article also analyzes different types of authoritarian leader exit and repression. The article distinguishes between, on the one hand, nonviolent and regular exits and, on the other hand, violent and irregular exits as well as between political terror and restrictions on civil liberties. It argues that terror is effective against threats from organized groups, while restrictions on civil liberties essentially serve to prevent collective action. [R, abr.]
64.100 ESTEVES DUARTE, Érico; CERQUEIRA CAMPOS, Tiago —
The article presents the idea of anarchy as K. Waltz's greatest contribution to the field of international relations. It first presents the originality of that idea. It then outlines its basic terms. Finally, it points out its impact by advancing a constructive and necessary convergence to foster more consistent scholarly endeavors about the reality of International Relations. [R] [See Abstr. 64.119]
64.101 EVANS, Mark; MARSH, David; STOKER, Gerry —
These two special issues of Policy Studies investigate various aspects of localism and draw insights from a broad range of different academic disciplines; which illustrates how ubiquitous the issue has become, both in the academy and in political discourse, particularly in the UK and increasingly in Australia. In this introduction, we outline three different types of localism — managerial, representative and community — which have underpinned both debates in the area and policy developments, before outlining our definition of the term. Subsequently, we introduce the theoretical and empirical contributions that this issue makes to understanding localism in Westminster-style democracies. [R] [Introduction to two issues, “Understanding localism. Part I”, edited by the authors [Part II; to be continued]. See Abstr. 64.98, 152, 630, 674, 1324]
64.102 EZROW, Natasha; FRANTZ, Erica —
The policy and donor communities have placed great importance on fixing “failed states”. World leaders have cited failed states as one of the greatest threats to the global community. Nevertheless the concept of the failed state is currently subject to a backlash from the academic community. Scholars have criticized the failed states literature on theoretical, normative, empirical and practical grounds. We provide a brief overview of these main concerns and offer a more systematic method for measuring “state failure”. Coming up with better ways of assessing how states underperform will enhance our understanding of how institutional decay affects stability and development and, most importantly, will provide an improved system of early warning for practitioners. [R]
64.103 FAZAL, Tanisha M. —
The conclusion of peace treaties following war was a norm of international politics for millennia. Since approximately 1950, however, the rate at which interstate wars have ended with a formal peace treaty has declined dramatically. I argue that the costs of concluding peace treaties have risen with the development of the modern canon of the law of war. Using an original data-set, I find that states today prefer to avoid admitting to a state of war and risk placing their leaders and soldiers at risk of punishment for any violations of the law of war. [R]
64.104 FERRERO, Mario —
This paper models theocracy as a regime where the clergy in power retains knowledge of the cost of political production but which is potentially incompetent, quarrelsome, or corrupt. This is contrasted with a secular regime where government is contracted out to a secular ruler, and hence the church loses the possibility of observing costs and creates for itself a hidden-information agency problem. The church is free to choose between regimes — a make-or-buy choice — and we look for the range of environmental parameters that are most conducive to the superiority of theocracy and therefore to its occurrence and persistence, despite its disabilities. Numerical solution of the model indicates that the optimal environment for a theocracy is one in which the “bad” (high-cost) state is disastrously bad but the probability of its occurrence is not very high. [R, abr.]
64.105 FINDLEY, Michael G.; NIELSON, Daniel L.; SHARMAN, J. C. —
Efforts to fight international money-laundering, corruption, and terrorist financing depend crucially on the prohibition barring the formation of anonymous shell companies. To study the effectiveness of this prohibition, we perform the first IR field experiment on a global scale. With university institutional review board (IRB) clearance, we posed as consultants requesting confidential incorporation from 1,264 firms in 182 countries. Testing arguments drawn from IR theory, we probe the treatment effects of specifying (1) the international standards (managerialism), (2) penalties for noncompliance with these standards (rationalism), (3) the desire to follow norms through complying with international standards (constructivism), and (4) status as a US customer. The results present anomalies for leading theories and underscore the importance of determining causal effects in IR research. [R, abr.]
64.106 FINLAYSON, Lorna —
This paper begins from an examination of J. Plamenatz, “The use of political theory” [Political Studies, 8(1), 1960: 37–47; Abstr. 10.682]. I outline his vision of the role of political theory, [and] relate this vision to some themes of contemporary political philosophy — in particular, the “realist” critique of mainstream liberalism. Without unequivocally endorsing “realism”, I suggest that its central complaint pinpoints deficiencies in contemporary liberal theory which are especially clearly manifested in Plamenatz's earlier account of its “use”: in particular, a tendency both to idealize and to idealize away from the political status quo. Finally, I explore how these deficiencies might be remedied by a closer attention to the Marxist notion of ideology, which is accorded insufficient credit by Plamenatz as well as by many contemporary political theorists. [R, abr.]
64.107 FISHER, David; SPENCE, Jack —
The interface between realism and morality in international relations is of perennial concern. Realists are not as immoral, and moralists are not as naive and unrealistic, as they are sometimes portrayed. [R]
64.108 FITUNI, Leonid L. —
How does the civizational approach correspond with the models of global economic development? How productive is such an approach to forecast key parameters of population growth and national requirements in fuel resources, arable lands and fresh water till 2100? Do prognostic scenarios produced within each of the spheres correlate? How much do the realities of world development alter under the influence of global subjective factors, such as global governance? [R]
64.109 FLINDERS, Matthew —
The relationship between social scientists and the broader social sphere is changing as greater pressure is placed on academics to demonstrate the social relevance and public impact of their research. This pressure is creating widespread concern — intellectual, professional and moral — about the direction of many disciplines and what can be done to thwart what some academics view as the “tyranny of relevance”. It is in exactly this context that this paper adopts an interdisciplinary approach in order to offer a more sophisticated and informed account of “the politics of engaged scholarship”. [R] [See Abstr. 64.576]
64.110 FORTUNATO, David —
To maintain its policy cartel, the majority party requires information to recognize good policy and sufficient votes to realize it. There is ample research demonstrating the majority's ability to mobilize votes, but no empirical research examining its ability to facilitate efficient information transmission. Here, I investigate differences between the majority and minority in maintaining an informational organization (representative committee delegations that share their information with co-partisans) and examine the effects of this organization on expressed legislative uncertainty. By analyzing comprehensive new data, I find that the majority is most often able to maintain representative committee contingents, but the minority is not. Further, the majority is able to induce its nonrepresentative delegations to be informative; however, certain types of outlying contingents significantly increase the minority's policy uncertainty. [R, abr.]
64.111 FOSTER, Emma, et al. —
Through mapping the provision of teaching gender and sexuality studies on politics/political science and IR programs, this article asserts that the top-ranked politics and IR departments in the UK offer very little provision of such teaching. We argue that this lack of gender and, more so, sexuality teaching is highly problematic for the discipline. Moreover, we suggest that the lack of such provision is not reflective of staff research interests, potentially not reflective of the market (i.e., students), works against the trend of mainstreaming gender, and is problematic in the wider sense in that gender and sexuality are rendered invisible or as trivial matters. Overall, then, this article contends that curricula in politics and IR departments define the parameters of the discipline in both a narrow and inaccurate way. [R, abr.]
64.112 FOX, Carl —
This paper explains the concept of journalistic objectivity in methodological terms. I argue that the ideal of journalistic objectivity should be recast as a commitment to J. Rawls's conception of public reason. Journalism plays a vital role in the operation of all modern liberal democracies, functioning as the public watchdog, the fourth estate, or the conduit through which vital information flows to the citizenry. Journalism is, therefore, an institution that is best understood as part of the basic structure of society. In Political Liberalism [New York, 2005], Rawls explicitly excludes media of any kind from the demands of public reason because he doesn't think that they play a political role important enough to bring them under the official auspices of public reason. I argue that overlooking the political significance of journalism is a mistake. [R, abr.]
64.113 FRANKE, Ulrike Esther —
An ever-increasing number of governments are using Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) for military purposes. The worldwide proliferation of drones, armed and unarmed alike, presents challenges to the international community. The existing instruments for controlling UAV technology have only a selective impact (import and export). Special instruments for monitoring unmanned systems have yet to be devised. [See Abstr. 64.1071]
64.114 FUKUYAMA, Francis —
What is the relationship between high-quality state administration and democracy? A look back at modern Greece and Italy, along with Germany and the US, provides some insights. [R]
64.115 GAILMARD, Sean; PATTY, John W. —
In hierarchical organizations, lower-level agents can often censor the information that a higher-level principal has available to make a decision. We present a model of this interaction in which the principal can also access an independent source of unfiltered but lower-quality information besides that provided by the agent. This provision of outside information can be thought of as “stovepiping”, the transmission of unfiltered information from analysts directly to decision-makers. Stovepiping has countervailing effects on the principal's utility. We discuss the comparative statics of equilibrium levels of information transmission with respect to the preferences of the principal, the outsider, and the probability that the outsider has access to the information held by the agent. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.239]
64.116 GAINES, Brian J.; TAAGEPERA, Rein —
Because of the prominence of M. Duverger's law, a great deal of work has focused on assessing whether or not given election outcomes can be regarded as exhibiting two-party competition. The most common metric for assessment is whether the effective number of parties is close to two. We introduce two statistics that better measure conformity to two-partyness, briefly survey their logical properties, and then demonstrate their utility with data on parliamentary elections in England [UK]. [R]
64.117 GARCIA-SANCHEZ, Isabel Maria; CUADRADO-BALLESTEROS, Beatriz; FRIAS-ACEITUNO, Jose —
The direct relationship between government effectiveness and the population's well-being has generated a growing interest about the explanatory factors of governance quality. Thus, this study determines the determinants of government effectiveness, in relation to the organizational environment and political and internal characteristics of public administrations. For this, we use a sample composed by 202 countries observed between 2002 and 2008. A World Bank governance indicator represents the government effectiveness. We estimated a panel-data dependence model by the Generalized Method of Moments estimator to avoid heterogeneity and endogeneity problems. Furthermore, a CHAID algorithm provides a classification of governance quality according to the predicted determinants. [R, abr.]
64.118 GASKINS, Ben; GOLDER, Matt; SIEGEL, David A. —
What is the relationship between human development, religion, and social conservatism? We present a model in which individuals derive utility from both the secular and religious worlds. Our model is unusual in that it explains both an individual's religious participation and her preferences over social policy at different levels of development. Using data from the pooled World Values Survey, we find that religious participation declines with human development and an individual's ability to earn secular income. We also find that although social conservatism declines with development in absolute terms, religious individuals become more socially conservative relative to the population average. Paradoxically, our results suggest that human development may make it easier for religious individuals to overcome collective action problems and obtain disproportionate political influence. [R, abr.]
64.119 GASPAR, Carlos —
More than thirty years ago, Kenneth N. Waltz wrote the reference book on the theory of international relations, acknowledged as such by all relevant schools of thought. Theory of International Politics [1979] is the dividing line between the classics and the moderns in the construction of the new theory: for the realists, it marked the beginning of neorealism or structural realism, and the new neoliberal and constructivist theories were developed from the Waltzian theory of the international system. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Kenneth N. Waltz's legacy, 1924–2013”. See also Abstr. 64.52, 100, 213, 244, 315, 1263]
64.120 GEORGE, Cherian —
Journalism around the world is being shaped by both convergent and divergent forces. The resulting landscape, comprising a patchwork of journalistic traditions that are both similar and different, leaves scholars torn between a universalist impulse that risks imposing Eurocentric benchmarks outside of their proper context, and a moral relativism that is unable to make any value judgments. When studying the relationship between journalism and democracy across the world, the challenge is to find common ground that is broad enough to include a diversity of norms and practices, but not to the extent of excusing those that perpetuate the domination of power over truth. This article suggests that the right balance can be struck with an open mind that is sensitive to differences of context, of media functions and of democratic priorities. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.362]
64.121 GIBLER, Douglas M.; HUTCHISON, Marc L. —
Democratic leaders are more prone to domestic sanction following defeats, and these audience costs allow democracies to signal their intentions during public disputes. Empirical tests strongly support this relationship; however, recent criticisms have questioned whether the causal mechanisms of audience costs are responsible for these findings. We provide a unified rationale for why both arguments are correct: democracies rarely contend over territorial issues, a consistently salient and contentious issue. Without these issues, leaders are unable to generate audience costs but are able to choose easy conflicts. Our re-examinations of threat-based and reciprocation-based studies support this argument. We also present tests of within-dispute behavior using MID incident data, which confirms that the salience of territory matters more than regime type when predicting militarized behavior. [R, abr.]
64.122 GILADY, Lilach; HOFFMANN, Matthew J. —
We are in the midst of a surge of Darwinian models of social change in IR and even genetic and sociobiological analyses of politics more generally. But does being correct biologically make the Darwin/Mendel synthesis an appropriate model of change in world politics? This question is made interesting by the existence of multiple discarded models of biological evolution, most prominent among them being Lamarck's model of inheritance of acquired characteristics. So we can also ask, conversely, does being incorrect biologically disqualify a model for use in IR? We examine the challenges of evolutionary analysis and analyze Lamarckian evolution side by side with Darwinian evolution. If IR is to pursue evolutionary analysis, we argue that Lamarck deserves a second look. [R, abr.]
64.123 GINDIN, Sam —
Does the rejuvenation of unions remain possible, or are unions now exhausted as an effective historical form through which working people organize themselves? Trade unions shall not disappear, yet they no longer appear capable of adequately responding to the scale of the problems working classes face. An underlying barrier is the longstanding critique that unions are at their core sectional organizations. This is not likely to change through any dynamic only internal to unions; nor can we expect new working-class parties to arise suddenly to solve the problem. What is possible, and urgently needed, is the introduction of new intermediate institutions — more than unions, short of a party — committed to building the working class as a social force both in and beyond the workplace. [See Abstr. 64.7]
64.124 GINGERICH, Daniel W.; MEDINA, Luis Fernando —
Throughout much of mankind's experience with elections, vote-brokers — local elites who direct the voting decisions of a subset of the electorate — have been able to make or break political careers. In various polities, brokers have thrived despite the secret ballot, a surprising outcome given that vote secrecy would ostensibly allow citizens to pocket the inducements offered by such individuals and vote their consciences anyway. To address this puzzle, we develop a framework for understanding the persistence and demise of vote-brokerage under the secret ballot. [R, abr.]
64.125 GLEDITSCH, Nils Petter —
The author outlines briefly some of the major issues: nature versus nurture, the reliability of the data, how broadly violence should be defined, whether there is more agreement on the phenomenon than on its causes, and finally whether the future will be like the past. [R] [First contribution to a forum on “The decline of war”. See also Abstr. 64.207, 275, 329]
64.126 GO, Julian —
M. Mann's long-anticipated volumes, The Sources of Social Power, Volume 3: Global Empires and Revolution, 1890–1945 and The Sources of Social Power, Volume 4: Globalizations, 1945–2011 [Cambridge, 2012] complete Mann's career-spanning project. These works address global wars, empires, social citizenship across the industrialized world, economic recessions and climate change. In this way they rectify omissions in Mann's previous work, even while continuing to deploy Mann's previous IEMP (ideological, economic, social, political) model of power. However, three short-comings remain: (1) the books do not adequately deploy the concept of society as power networks; (2) they do not offer a conceptualization of global systems or dynamics beyond the sum total of actions by individual states or actors; and (3) they retain the standpoint of power in their analyses. [R, abr.]
64.127 GOLDER, Sona N.; THOMAS, Jacquelyn A. —
There is a contradiction between theory and empirics with respect to portfolio-allocation in parliamentary democracies. While the canonical model of legislative bargaining predicts the existence of a “formateur bonus”, empirical studies show that portfolios are allocated in a manner that favors smaller parties. This article argues that the difference between the empirical pattern and the theoretical predictions can be explained by the vote of no confidence, which provides an incentive for large formateur parties to overcompensate smaller coalition partners in exchange for their sustained support over time. This argument is tested by exploiting variations in the presence of no confidence votes across national and regional levels in France. [R, abr.]
64.128 GOLDMAN, Ogen —
The question I examine is: why does [in] certain circumstances a guerrilla movement succeeds while under others it fails? The hypotheses that I present are the greater the number and variety of voluntary associations supporting that guerrilla movement, compared with the number of associations supporting the regime, the greater is the guerillas’ level of success. Voluntary associations can fulfill the guerrilla's basic needs: resources, organizational ability, and obligation. Achieving these needs assist the guerrilla in realizing: population support; inter-class allies; military force; governmental function, which in turn allows the realization of the political objectives. [R]
64.129 GOLOSOV, Grigorii V. —
This article compares competitive authoritarian, one-party authoritarian, and democratic party systems on three parameters: likelihood to emerge, sustainability and durability. By applying a variety of statistical techniques to a comprehensive dataset on post-World War II elections, this study shows that under competitive authoritarianism, elections are less likely to be party-structured than in democracies, and that competitive authoritarian party systems are markedly less sustainable and durable than systems in the other categories, especially in democracies. These findings are in accordance with the theory according to which competitive authoritarian institutions are epiphenomena, reflecting the distribution of power in the polity but not shaping it. Their emergence and survival are consequences rather than causes of the stability and success of contemporary autocracies. [R]
64.130 GOLOSOV, Grigorii V. —
There is an extensive literature about comparative electoral systems. This article reviews the several alternative systems. It analyzes the pro's and con's of the alternatives, and gives a history of the systems used in a variety of countries. The author expresses his own recommendations, seeing particular merit in “mixed single-vote” systems. Further, he proposes a new vote linkage method of seat-allocation under such voting rules. The new method secures a high degree of proportionality while solving a problem known as “overhang seats”. [R, abr.]
64.131 GONZÁLEZ-RICOY, Iñigo —
The paper makes a twofold contribution. (1) It advances a preliminary account of the conditions that need to obtain for constitutional rights to be democratic. (2) In so doing, it defends precommitment-based theories from a criticism raised by J. Waldron — namely, that constitutional rights do not become any more democratic when they are democratically adopted, for the people could adopt undemocratic policies without such policies becoming democratic as a result. The paper shows that the reductio applies to political rights, yet not to non-political rights, such as reproductive, environmental, or privacy rights. The democratic status of the former is process-independent. The latter, by contrast, are democratic precisely when they are adopted by democratic means. [R]
64.132 GOULD-DAVIES, Nigel —
Two recent studies by I. Neumann capture the world of diplomats through an anthropology of the diplomatic tribe. They illuminate the highly distinctive conventions, rituals and symbols of this world, showing how diplomats are recruited and socialized, where and how they perform their roles and how they communicate — and how these practices evolve in the face of social and technological change. Diplomats emerge as indispensable specialists in creating, asserting and agreeing meaning, and diplomatic conduct as a critical variable in explaining international outcomes. Taking the perspective of practice seriously can build a better political science of international relations, balancing first-person understanding with third-person explanation, impersonal forces with human stories, and contextual facts with their rhetorical construction. It can also help bridge the gap between theory and practice. [R, abr.]
64.133 GRAUER, Ryan —
Many believe that today's emergent weapons technologies herald a new era of warfare. Consideration of classical strategic precepts and close inspection of the opportunities and vulnerabilities created by unmanned, robotic, space, and cyber technologies reveals that, while the appearance of 21st-c. conflicts will be different [from] those of the past, the logic of war remains constant. Classical strategic theory applied to the current context implies that, to cope with the changing appearance of war, the US must invest more heavily in defensive and deterrent capabilities than offensive and compellent weapons and systems. [A] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Conflict in the 21st century”. See Abstr. 64.66, 258, 1125, 1151]
64.134 GREADY, Paul —
This article argues that organizational cosmopolitanism is an increasingly common characteristic of international NGOs. Cosmopolitanism goes beyond international staffing, to include multi-sectoral mandates, multiple skill sets and multiple levels of working. It also challenges the orthodoxies of its parent discourses. Change within such international NGOs represents a new frontier in organizational change, as its ambit and ambition extends beyond the demands of more conventional intrasectoral change. Using ActionAid as a case study, the article explores what might be gained by rendering explicit previously implicit theories of change within such a context. It focuses on inward-looking, organizational change but also explores connections to outward-looking, operational change. [R, abr.]
64.135 GURSES, Mehmet; ROST, Nicolas —
We explore factors that influence the duration of peace after an ethnic civil war. Results from a series of survival models indicate that political and economic discrimination against the ethnic group that was involved in the war on the opposition side diminishes chances for peace. This finding is robust across different model specifications. Group size, group concentration, war duration and war outcome also influence the risk of war recurrence, although these results are not as robust as those for ethnic discrimination. The intensity of the war and its humanitarian consequences — deaths, displacement, and genocide — do not seem significantly to influence the duration of post-war peace. [R, abr.]
64.136 GUY, Jean-Sébastien —
The article uses the second-order perspective developed by N. Luhmann to re-examine the relation between globalization and sovereign states. From a second-order perspective, globalization is redefined as a self-description of society supported by the practice of comparing sovereign states with other sovereign states for the purpose of determining what is global at the present moment in time. The article develops a genealogy in order to account for this particular practice of comparing states with each other in historical terms. The genealogy proceeds by treating the states as spatial units within spatial divisions, while four distinct types of spatial division are discussed and aligned in one sequence: stratified, heterogeneous, homogeneous and meta-division. [R, abr.]
64.137 HABERMAS, Jürgen —
In the April 2013 issue of Blätter, W. Streeck [“Was nun, Europa? Kapitalismus ohne Demokratie oder Demokratie ohne Kapitalismus (Europe: what now? Capitalism without democracy or democracy without capitalism)”, ibid. 2013(4): 57–68; Abstr. 63.5636] and T. Bode [“Europa und die mutlose Linke (Europe and the discouraged [German] Left)”, ibid. 2013(4): 39–46; Abstr. 63.5274] argued for the fiscal sovereignty of the EU member states and advocated the return to national currencies as the only way out of the Eurozone crisis. The Blätter Co-editor responds that such a move would entail high political risks as it would return Europe as a global actor to the status of powerless national governments. Only a legitimate supra-national entity would be capable of countering the anarchic and authoritarian tendencies of a global society.
64.138 HAFFELD, Just —
A global health convention aims at setting international rules to hold governments to certain minimal requirements for the benefit of the local population (top-down) and a set of standards or definitions aimed at stimulating investments by civil society (bottom-up). No government currently supports the proposal, but we may perceive the outlines of similar elements in various national policies, although budget restrictions naturally make the objective a low priority. Thus its supporters will likely need to rely on the mobilization of civil society. [See Abstr. 64.94]
64.139 HAFNER-BURTON, Emilie M.; HYDE, Susan D.; JABLONSKI, Ryan S. —
This article argues that an incumbent's fear of losing power as the result of an election, as well as institutionalized constraints on the incumbent's decision-making powers, are pivotal in her decision to use election violence. While it may seem obvious to suggest that incumbents use election violence in an effort to fend off threats to their power, it is not obvious how to gauge these threats. Thus, this article identifies sources of information about the incumbent's popularity that can help predict the likelihood of election violence. The observable implications are tested using newly available cross-national evidence on elections, government use of pre- and post-election violence, and post-election protests from 1981 to 2004. [R, abr.]
64.140 HAHN, Kristina; HOLZSCHEITER, Anna —
We explore the ambivalent relationship between international advocacy NGOs and the constituencies on whose behalf they act and speak in institutions of global governance. Our overall argument is that advocacy NGOs whose legitimacy and authority depend on their role as representatives of marginalized and disenfranchised populations are in many cases prone to exploit discourses on vulnerability and victimhood in order to fortify their own identity as “advocates”. Exploring and comparing two case studies on prostitution and child labor, we demonstrate that the ascription of identities by advocacy NGOs to their beneficiaries is an empirically contested phenomenon. When the allegedly weak and “voiceless” persons whom advocacy NGOs claim to represent start to defend their own interests and publicly contradict the positions advocated on their behalf, conflict between these groups arises. [R, abr.]
64.141 HAMEIRI, Shahar; JONES, Lee —
The international security literature largely neglects to explain how the new security issues are actually governed in practice, despite apparent “securitization” leading to divergent outcomes across time and space. We argue that the rise of non-traditional security should be conceptualized not simply as the discursive identification of new threats but as part of a deep-seated historical transformation in the scale of state institutions and activities, notably the rise of regulatory forms of statehood and the relativization of scales of governance. The most salient feature of the politics of non-traditional security lies in key actors’ efforts to rescale the governance of particular issues from the national level to a variety of new spatial and territorial arenas and, in so doing, transform state apparatuses. [R, abr.]
64.142 HAMILTON, Eric J.; RATHBUN, Brian C. —
A divide has opened up between offensive and defensive realism as to the relative scarcity of security in the international system, with powerful implications for the vision each approach offers about the nature of international politics. Yet we still do not understand why the two diverge given their common neorealist foundations. This article reviews implicit, explicit, and other potential explanations of that difference — the relationship between power and security, the offense-defense balance, the prevalence and efficiency of balancing vs. bandwagoning, and the role played by uncertainty in decision-making — and finds them lacking in their ability to provide an adequate account that is systemic and structural in nature, does not violate arguments the scholars have made in practice, and does not confuse cause with effect. [R, abr.]
64.143 HANKLA, Charles R.; KUTHY, Daniel —
This paper explores the effects of authoritarian variation on national trade policies, [arguing] that more institutionalized authoritarian regimes will tend to adopt more open trade policies. This relationship should hold for two distinct reasons. (1) Autocratic regimes with larger “selectorates” should have greater incentives to provide public rather than private goods. As a result, we expect that multiparty, and to a lesser extent single-party, autocracies will tend to prefer more open trade policies than non-party (often personalist) dictatorships, monarchies, and military juntas. (2) More stable autocratic regimes will have longer time-horizons and therefore greater incentives to adopt policies, such as trade openness, that may strengthen long-run economic performance. We find strong support for these arguments using several cross-national time-series models of all autocracies ranging from 1962 to 2007. [R, abr.]
64.144 HARDIE, Iain, et al. —
The varieties of capitalism literature rests on a particular conception of banks and banking that no longer reflects the reality of modern financial systems. [Using] the greater information regarding bank activities revealed by the financial crisis, we consider the reality, across eight of the world's largest developed economies, of the financial power of banks to act as bulwarks against market forces. This article offers a market-based banking framework that transcends the bank-based/capital market–based dichotomy that dominates comparative political economy's consideration of financial systems and argues that future CPE research should focus on the activities of banks. It highlights an underappreciated source of financial market pressure on nonfinancial companies (NFCs) that can have a potential impact across the range of issues that the varieties of capitalism literature has seen as differentiating national systems. [R, abr.]
64.145 HASSENTEUFEL, Patrick; MAILLARD, Jacques de —
The introduction to this thematic issue proposes connections between two approaches to the transnationalization of public policies: research on diffusion and policy transfer, and research dealing with the issue of convergence. It argues for a comparative approach, which we label “transnational comparison”. This does not isolate different levels of government, but focuses on the interactions of various actors in order to understand the tranlation process, understood as a cognitive process recreating a model and resulting from negotiations among policy actors. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title. See also Abstr. 64.60, 603, 605]
64.146 HEALY, Andrew; MALHOTRA, Neil —
Scholars have argued that childhood experiences strongly impact political attitudes, but we actually have little causal evidence since external factors that could influence preferences are correlated with the household environment. We utilize a younger sibling's gender to isolate random variation in the childhood environment and thereby provide unique evidence of political socialization. Having sisters causes young men to be more likely to express conservative viewpoints with regards to gender roles and to identify as Republicans. We demonstrate these results in two panel surveys conducted decades apart: the Political Socialization Panel (PSP) and the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY). We also use data collected during childhood to uncover evidence for a potential underlying mechanism: families with more female children are more likely to reinforce traditional gender roles. [R, abr.]
64.147 HECKELMAN, Jac C.; WILSON, Bonnie —
We investigate whether the impact of institutions depends not just on their current state but also on how they came to be. In particular, we hypothesize that while economic freedom that emerges spontaneously may be growth-promoting, economic freedom that emerges as a result of costly lobbying efforts may be less fruitful. In an extreme case, costly lobbying efforts may even negate the growth-enhancing effect of economic freedom. To the extent that lobbying efforts constitute an opportunity cost of resources diverted away from investment and production, our hypothesis also implies that greater the opportunity cost of lobbying, the more efficient is the institutional environment. [R, abr.]
64.148 HEHIR, J. Bryan —
A global ethic for the 21st c. will be different from that of the 20th c. While themes of normative and political continuity will exist, humankind's main moral challenges have changed. Nuclear weapons will remain high on the agenda of global ethic, but they will not hold as dominant a place as they did in the past century. This essay, focused on the continuing moral challenge of nuclear weapons, recalls the intellectual and moral lessons of the last century and identifies three leading issues in nuclear ethics today: post-Cold War challenges to nonproliferation and deterrence, the new challenges posed by the terrorist threat, and recent proposals for Going to Zero. [R, abr.] [First article of a round table on “Nonproliferation in the 21st century”. See also Abstr. 64.65, 161, 327, 353]
64.149 HEINELT, Hubert —
This article analyzes responses by councilors which can be related either to a representative or to a broader participatory understanding of democracy. This general pattern appears, with slight variations, in all the countries included in the study on councilors in municipal assemblies. The findings on the understanding of democracy are linked to the formal horizontal power relations between councilors, the mayor and the leading bureaucrats of the municipal administration, as determined by different local government systems. This is done to test whether or not the appearance of councilors with a particular understanding of democracy is determined by different institutional conditions which offer councilors options to perform a specific role according to their understanding of democracy. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The role perception and behavior of municipal councilors in the changing context of local democracy”, edited and introduced by the author. See also Abstr. 64.75, 655, 671, 681]
64.150 HELM, Carsten; NEUGART, Michael —
With ideological parties better informed about the state of the world than voters, the true motivation of policy proposals is hard to judge for the electorate. However, if reform proposals have to be agreed upon by government members with heterogeneous policy preferences, it may become possible for the government to signal to the voters its private information about the necessity of reforms. This provides a rationale why coalition governments may find it easier to implement reforms than single-party governments, why oversized coalitions are formed, and why governments sometimes have cabinet members from opposing parties. [R]
64.151 HILL, Lisa —
For some, the “modern” conception of corruption is radically different from the classical, whereby corruption is held to be conceived in exclusively moralistic terms as a loss of virtue in the polity, a generalized condition afflicting political elites and citizens indiscriminately. But, as will be shown, the “modern” conception of corruption (corruption 2) was very well developed in the classical period, particularly in Athens and Rome. This did not mean, however, that this conception always prevailed, therefore this paper is just as concerned to map and comprehend the fractures and contradictions in antique attitudes to “corruption 2” that prevented it from being either monolithic or universally honored. [R, abr.]
64.152 HOGAN, Anthony; LOCKIE, Stewart —
In the context of the changing socio-economic position of agriculture, this paper is concerned with the governmental relations associated with managing the decoupling of society from economy and the ensuing question about how the economic base can be adequately utilized to ensure continued material sustenance for the community. Central to these challenges is the role of social policy in coordinating processes of change against society's capacity for change, taking into account the increasing realization that the both the capacity of the planet and its economies are finite. Localism is increasingly being promoted as a key social strategy which communities can use to address their needs to secure material sustenance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.101]
64.153 HOLLAR, Julie —
Human rights research has begun to shift from questions of why and under what conditions repression happens to analyzing and theorizing the impact of human rights instruments like treaties and trials. Recent works still use aggregated macro-level data and gloss over important struggles over the meaning and deployment of the concept of human rights. By questioning and taking apart both the concept of human rights and the presumed unity of the actors who struggle over them, scholars could begin to provide a more satisfying account of who gains and who loses through manipulation of human rights instruments, through what mechanisms, and how these processes and outcomes differ across time and place. [R]
64.154 HOLMES, Marcus —
Face-to-face diplomacy has long been the lynchpin of international politics, yet it has largely been dismissed as irrelevant in theories of cooperation and conflict — as “cheap talk” because leaders have incentives to dissemble. However, diplomats and leaders have argued for years that there is often no substitute for personally meeting a counterpart to hash out an agreement. This article argues that face-to-face diplomacy provides a signaling mechanism that increases the likelihood of cooperation. Face-to-face meetings allow individuals to transmit information and empathize with each other, thereby reducing uncertainty, even when they have strong incentives to distrust the other. [R, abr.]
64.155 HOOGHE, Liesbet; MARKS, Gary —
This article suggests that the basic distinction between federal and unitary government has limited as well as served our understanding of government. The notion that variation in the structure of government is a difference of kind rather than degree has straight-jacketed attempts to estimate the authority of intermediate government. One result has been the claim that a country's footprint, not its population, is decisive for government. Analyzing data for thirty-nine countries since 1950, and comparing our own findings with those of alternative measurements, we find evidence for the causal effect of population. This can be theorized in terms of a trade-off between responsiveness to soft information and per-capita economies in public good provision. [R]
64.156 HÖSLE, Vittorio —
Having begun by reasoning about the essence of power, the author touches upon one meaningful category of political space after another. Turning to the category of purpose, he [asks]: what makes a purpose social and what state means used for its achievement are morally legitimate? Seeking to comprehend the vast theme — “moral and politics — the author draws elements of different social sciences and has recourse to his own terminological instrumentation. [R] [See Abstr. 64.163]
64.157 HTUN, Mala; POWELL, G. Bingham, eds. —
Editors’ introduction, pp. 808–810. Contributions by Karen E. FERREE, G. Bingham POWELL and Ethan SCHEINER; Mona Lena KROOK and Robert G. MOSER; Matthew S. SHUGART; John CAREY and Simon HIX; Andrew REHFELD and Melissa SCHWARTZBERG; John CAREY, et al.
64.158 HUGHES, David A. —
Since the 1990s, liberal warfare has attracted a good deal of debate and commentary, virtually all of which has been framed in the secular language of rights, sovereignty, power, and legitimacy. This article, in contrast, makes religion its central analytic category. Treating liberalism as a political religion, it argues that, insofar as liberal wars are fought primarily to uphold “universal” Western values, their motivation has something in common with medieval crusades. But, because that universalist ideal is vitiated by the self-interest of states, liberal wars in fact bear closer resemblance to anachronistic attempts to revive the crusading ideal in the late Middle Ages. Thus, they represent a distant, secularized echo of a pale imitation of the Crusades — or “a crusade twice removed”. [R]
64.159 HUGHES, Melanie M. —
To date, we are unaware to what extent gains in women's legislative representation have reached minority women. To facilitate cross-national research on minority women in politics, I present and explore new cross-national data on the election of women and men from 431 ethnic, racial, and religious groups to national legislatures in 81 countries between 2005 and 2007. I create a new measure scoring countries by minority women's representation relative to their share of the population — the Minority Women Legislative Index (MWLI). Descriptive analyses show minority women to be substantially underrepresented in national legislatures overall but their level of exclusion varies geographically. [R]
64.160 HUMPHREYS, Adam R. C. —
The recent recovery of an empirically and ethically richer realist tradition involves an explicit contrast with neorealism's more “scientistic” explanatory aspirations. This contrast is, however, incomplete. Although K. Waltz's theoretical work is shaped by his understanding of the requirements of scientific adequacy, his empirical essays are normatively quite rich: he defends bipolarity, and criticizes US adventurism overseas, because he believes bipolarity to be conducive to effective great power management of the international system, and hence to the avoidance of nuclear war. He is, in this sense, a theorist divided against himself: much of his oeuvre exhibits precisely the kind of pragmatic sensibility that is typically identified as distinguishing realism from neorealism. His legacy for a reoriented realism is therefore more complex than is usually realized. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.320]
64.161 HYMANS, Jacques E. C. —
The US is right to be vigilant against the threat of nuclear proliferation. But such vigilance can all too easily lend itself to exaggeration and overreaction, as the 2003 invasion of Iraq painfully demonstrates. I critique two intellectual assumptions that have contributed mightily to Washington's puffed-up perceptions of the proliferation threat. I then spell out the policy implication of a more appropriate analysis of that threat. [R] [See Abstr. 64.148]
64.162 INGOLD, Karin; VARONE, Frédéric; STOKMAN, Frans —
This article uses a policy-network perspective to assess the independence of regulatory agencies (RAs) in liberalized public utility sectors. We focus on the de facto independence of RAs from elected politicians, regulatees and other co-regulators. Previous studies undertook only a general analysis of the de jure independence of RAs from political authorities. We apply a social network analysis (SNA), which concentrates on the attributes and relational profiles of all actors involved in new regulatory arrangements. The concept of de facto independence is applied to the Swiss telecommunications sector in order to provide initial empirical insights. Results clearly show that SNA indicators are an appropriate tool to identify the de facto independence of RAs and can improve knowledge about the issues arising from the emergence of the “regulatory State”. [R]
64.163 INOZEMCEV, Vladislav L. —
The author outlays a new approach to Western overseas expansion from the 15th c. onwards. He argues that a distinction should be made between settler colonies and occupied territories (which should rather be labeled as dependencies). In view of such distinction, he draws a line between colonies’ struggle for independence and dependencies’ fight for sovereignty. His argumentation goes further, being applied to Russia colonization of Siberia in the 16th and 17th c., as well as to Russia's conquest of central Asia in the 19th c. The different nature of these moves may provide a new basis for inquiry into the current state, as well as into the possible future of reintegration of the post-Soviet space. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Complex topics of modern politics”. See also Abstr. 64.156, 167, 255, 305]
64.164 IRWIN, Rachel; SÄFSTRÖM, Caroline; CLEVESTIG, Peter —
A first difficulty in explaining the linkage between health and security is the absence of a clear definition of either term, as interpretations vary according to individual circumstances. Whereas the WHO definition of health is widely accepted, health aspects in major political decisions are often less prioritized and the concept of security better established. Notwithstanding these issues, the goal must be to secure health for all, both populations and individuals. This requires health impact studies in policy decisions, including how sanctions or trade agreements may affect public health standards. [See Abstr. 64.94]
64.165 IZUMIKAWA, Yasuhiro —
I develop a theory of wedge strategy by utilizing the concept of reward power. I argue that although countries seeking to divide adversary coalitions usually prefer reward-based strategies, they turn to coercive measures when a divider state perceives grave threats as a result of a target state's strong alignment with its primary enemy but does not have sufficient reward power to split the adversaries. I examine this theory through two case studies of us wedge strategies toward the Sino-Soviet alliance during the early Cold War period. [R, abr.]
64.166 JABKO, Nicolas —
M. Blyth's book [Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea, Oxford, 2013] makes a very compelling case that austerity is a “dangerous idea”. Instead of focusing on the book's central argument, this article reflects on why austerity policies keep coming back. It argues that the power of austerity is ideological in a complementary yet somewhat broader sense than envisioned in the book. Austerity is not only a conservative way of thinking, or ‘blueprint’, it is also an excuse for decision makers to avoid thinking, and it typically aims at many goals, not all of them politically conservative. The Eurozone crisis is offered as an illustration. [R] [First article of a symposium on “Mark Blyth's Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea. See also Abstr. 64.266, 324, 331, and M. Blyth's reply, Abstr. 64.34]
64.167 JAKUNIN, Vladimir I. —
The author reviews the latest developments in today's world political process and analyzes fundamental phenomena fraught with catalyzing the world political crisis, which is beginning to show itself. He studies the dynamics of the world quasi-power political and economic structures that are taking shape at the moment, and estimates political threats caused by reinforcing projects aimed at reducing sovereign international economic and social relationships. Importance of the civilizational and religious factor, in particular, is especially emphasized in the development of the contemporary world. It is also marked that Prospective projects of Euro-Asian integration actively enriched by the unique Russian civilizational experience can profoundly change the situation in the overall world atmosphere. [R] [See Abstr. 64.163]
64.168 JENSEN, Nathan M. —
I explore how political institutions, specifically the level of democracy, affect firm-level taxation across the world. I argue that electoral competition leads democratic governments to higher levels of taxation on firms. Using a data-set on firm tax payments on the foreign affiliates of US multinational corporations from the US Bureau of Economic Analysis, I show that there are large variations within countries on the tax burdens faced by firms that are not explained by national tax rates. I find evidence that the mobility of the specific investment project, the types of spillovers these investments provide to a community, and attributes of the parent firm are all important determinants of taxation. [R, abr.]
64.169 JONES, Peter —
This article examines the thesis that rights are always and only conventional rights. It identifies two versions of the conventionalist thesis by distinguishing how each understands a moral right. On one view, a moral right describes a conventional right that ought to exist, irrespective of whether it actually exists; on the other view, a moral right describes an actually existing conventional right that is morally justified. The article criticizes both versions of the conventionalist understanding of moral rights and human rights. It also distinguishes the kind of social recognition that contemporary conventionalists insist is a prerequisite for a right from that proposed by T. H. Green. The article defends the orthodox understanding of moral rights and human rights as rights that are moral in foundation and that can be conceived as rights independently of conventional rights. [R]
64.170 JOSEPHI, Beate —
This article suggests that journalism practice [should be] the main frame of reference, as this allows for an appreciation of journalism beyond western democratic countries. Historical and current examples shows that journalism offering accurate and verified information resting on independent news judgment also happens in places that are deemed semi- or non-democratic. This article argues that it is not the political form of democracy that is essential to journalism but the freedom of expression and relative journalistic autonomy afforded to media workers. Democracies, as compellingly shown in recent years, may offer the legal framework for freedom of speech but they do not offer protection for journalistic services which have to be largely financed privately. The dependency on media-owners is no less in many democratic nations than it is in non-democratic countries. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.362]
64.171 JOSHI, Devin; ROSENFIELD, Erica —
Parliamentary websites (PWs) can potentially enhance the quality of government by providing information and communication links that stimulate political awareness, deliberation and participation. This article focuses on two particular uses of PWs that can facilitate communication between constituents and their MPs: provision of MP contact and background information; and links to social media. Through a seminal empirical examination of all 184 functioning lower house and unicameral PWs around the world, this study found that although PWs in wealthy democracies generally provide more MP information, the majority of PWs are deficient in providing basic MP information to citizens and utilizing linkages to social media. By contrast, some non-democratic states and newly democratized countries, especially those with compulsory voting, display a relatively high level of MP transparency and social media connectivity. [R]
64.172 JOSHI, Shashank; STEIN, Aaron —
Many countries developing drones for military and intelligence use seek to emulate US practice, but they lack some of America's advantages and may face different challenges. [R]
64.173 JOYCE, Kyle A.; GHOSN, Faten; BAYER, Reşat —
The opportunity-and-willingness framework has received much attention in research on interstate conflict-expansion. This framework is extended here by examining when and what side third parties join during ongoing conflicts. It is maintained that without examining both timing and side-selection, understanding of conflict-expansion is limited. The timing and side joined in interstate disputes between 1816 and 2001 are analyzed using a competing risks duration model. The findings contribute novel insights into many key debates in conflict research such as balancing versus bandwagoning, as well as alliance reliability and the democratic peace. The results also indicate that relying on statistical models that do not distinguish between which side a third party can join may produce misleading results. [R]
64.174 JUNIO, Timothy J.; MAHNKEN, Thomas G. —
This article introduces political scientists to scenarios — future counterfactuals — and demonstrates their value in tandem with other methodologies and across a wide range of research questions. The authors describe best practices regarding the scenario method and argue that scenarios contribute to theory building and development, identifying new hypotheses, analyzing data-poor research topics, articulating “world views”, setting new research agendas, avoiding cognitive biases, and teaching. The article also establishes the low rate at which scenarios are used in the international relations subfield and situates scenarios in the broader context of political science methods. The conclusion offers two detailed examples of the effective use of scenarios. [R]
64.175 KADERCAN, Burak —
The assumption that “states’ primary goal is survival” lies at the heart of the neorealist paradigm. A careful examination, however, reveals that neorealists draw upon a number of distinct interpretations of the “survival assumption” that are then treated as if they are the same, pointing towards conceptual problems that surround the treatment of state preferences. This article offers a specification that focuses on two questions that highlight the role and function of the survival assumption in the neorealist logic: (1) what do states have to lose if they fail to adopt self-help strategies?; and (2) how does concern for relevant losses motivate state behavior and affect international outcomes? Answering these questions through the exploration of governing elites’ sensitivity towards regime stability and territorial integrity of the state, in turn, addresses the aforementioned conceptual problems. [R, abr.]
64.176 KAEMPF, Sebastian —
Within the recently emerging digital new media technology, however, the age-old separation between sender and receiver has been eroded. Thus, alongside traditional media platforms, an entirely new form of media technology has arisen. This development has transformed the hitherto multipolar nature of the old media landscape and has led to a heteropolar global media landscape, in which the relationship between media and war has been altered. By exploring how digital new media poles are forming and old media poles are evolving, this article examines how this seismic shift in the global media landscape requires a redefinition of the understanding of the nature of the relationship between media and conflict today. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.257]
64.177 KALFAGIANNI, Agni; PATTBERG, Philipp —
Even though the involvement of private actors in global politics is not a new phenomenon, the creation of cooperative arrangements in the form of organizations that lead to private regulation — thus complementing traditional ways of political influence — is relatively novel. This paper focuses on private rule-setting organizations that have emerged in the global governance of sustainability. It evaluates whether organizations providing a more inclusive and participatory approach in relation to others have different implications for the quality and relevance of rules (outputs). Hence, it [examines] the way private rules and standards are decided and the associated implications, in view of their increasing role and relevance in sustainability governance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.977]
64.178 KANG Hyoung-Goo; HOLYOKE, Thomas T. —
Intense competition can compel lobbyists to exaggerate the benefits the government would see in tax returns and social welfare if agency officials allocate such resources to the lobbyist's members. This incentive to misrepresent grows when information asymmetry exists between lobbyists and government officials. A large body of literature has investigated how interest groups compete and interact, but it disregards the interdependency of interests between competing groups and associated strategic behaviors of other players. Our signaling model of lobbying reveals ways in which agency officials can compel lobbyists for competing interests to lobby truthfully and what the policy implications of this compulsion can be. We also present case-study evidence of how this works in practice. [R]
64.179 KANG Jung In; LEE Ji Yun —
This article speculatively explores comparative political philosophy from an East Asian perspective. First, the article presents the objective conditions that are currently facilitating the shift away from Western-centrism in favor of a more polycentric world, particularly the urgent need to create global common goods through international cooperation and the recent strong economic performance by non-Western regions and nations. Then, methodological ideas are suggested for conducting comparative political theory that traverses and links seemingly contradictory theories. Concepts such as transversality and cross-cultural dialogue are discussed, along with biological concepts such as homology, analogy, and convergent/divergent evolution. Whereas transversality provides the basic foundation for a comparative political theory, cross-cultural dialogue supplies a concrete method to apply the theory. [R, abr.]
64.180 KARAKAYA, Suveyda; YILDIRIM, A. Kadir —
Building on the findings of Communist moderation literature, we introduce a two-stage framework to explain variation in Islamist party moderation over time and across space: tactical vs. ideological moderation. Tactical moderation refers to the kind of moderation where radical parties make a decision on whether to accept electoral democracy as a means to achieve ideological goals without compromising their platforms. Structural factors such as political liberalization, international factors and state repression are causes of tactical moderation. Ideological moderation pertains to shifts in a platform from a radical niche to more moderate lines to respond to societal changes (economic liberalization, economic growth, electoral loss and changing voter preferences) to gain greater popular support. Empirically, we analyze the Italian Communist Party and the Party for Justice and Development in Morocco in a comparative perspective. [R, abr.]
64.181 KARP, David Jason —
This article opens up space to challenge state-centrism about human rights practice. It presents and critically assesses four methods that can be used to determine who and/or what counts as a part of any international practice: the agreement method, which locates a practice by referring to speech acts that define it; the contextual method, which locates a practice by referring to the actions, meanings, and intentions of practitioners; the value method, which locates a practice by identifying a value or principle that the practice reflects or instantiates; and the purpose method, which locates a practice by constructing an account of the sociopolitical reason(s) for a practice's existence. The purpose method is developed, focusing on practitioners’ judgment-based reasons to assign responsibility for human rights to any state or non-state actor. [R, abr.]
64.182 KENNEDY, Brandy A. —
An ongoing weakness in the field of representative bureaucracy is an overreliance on quantitative analysis, partly driven by limited data availability. Studies have consistently relied on settings, such as education, where quantitative data are easily accessible. Although these studies provide great insight, the findings may not translate into other policy settings. The concept of role-perception allows expansion of representative bureaucracy studies into a variety of settings. Using Q-sort analysis, this project explores bureaucratic role-perception, focusing on how bureaucrats see their role as representatives and on the effects of descriptive representation and organizational setting. Four perspectives on representative bureaucracy are identified: leaders, traditional bureaucrats, identity empathizers, and diversity advocates. [R, abr.]
64.183 KERNER, Andrew; LAWRENCE, Jane —
This article argues that the political risk associated with FDI is primarily a function of investment in fixed-capital, and not a homogeneous feature of FDI. As such, empirical tests of a political institution's ability to mitigate political risk should focus directly on investments in fixed capital and not on more highly aggregated measures of multinational corporation (MNC) activity, such as FDI flow and stock data that are affected by the accumulation of liquid assets in foreign affiliates. We apply this to the study of bilateral investment treaties (BITs). We find that BITs with the US correlate positively with investments in fixed capital and have little, if any, correlation with other measures of MNC activity. [R]
64.184 KETTELL, Steven —
State religions form one of the main features of the international political landscape, but scholarly research into their dynamics and effects remains limited. This article addresses this deficiency through a comparative examination of state religions and levels of political and religious freedom. The findings show that countries with a state religion have substantially lower levels of freedom across a range of measurements than countries with no state religion. The absence of any clear correlation to levels of human development, religious diversity and religiosity indicates a key causal role for the institutional mechanics of state religion itself. [R]
64.185 KEVLIHAN, Robert —
In conducting comparative case-study research in Central Asia, researchers should be aware of the strengths and weaknesses of different comparative approaches. This article reviews and critiques one approach to comparative analysis that has become increasingly dominant in social science research, particularly in the US. Comparing events in two Central Asian countries during 2005, a period of heightened risk of color revolution, the article highlights both strengths and weaknesses of this increasingly dominant approach, arguing instead for a more inclusive and pragmatic approach to comparative analysis both in Central Asia and to case-study comparisons more generally as the best way to advance our understanding of important social and political phenomena. [R, abr.]
64.186 KHAZAELI, Susan; STOCKEMER, Daniel —
In examining the relationship between internet use and governance across different regime types, the article emphasizes the internet's potential to improve governance. Through a pooled time-series analysis of more than 170 countries with annual or biannual data from 1996 to 2010, we establish that countries with higher internet penetration rates generally enjoy better, more stable governance, regardless of regime type. Our finding has both practical and theoretical implications. More practically, our results strongly entertain the possibility that the internet improves access to information, accommodates pluralistic sources of information, and produces platforms for political discourse. Our findings also suggest that the internet's concomitant facility for reporting and scrutiny in the public sphere may encourage leaders to improve transparency and accountability. [R, abr.]
64.187 KIM Sung Eun; URPELAINEN, Johannes —
When and how can advocacy groups influence the diffusion of new technologies, such as wind power? We examine the relationship between two different strategies that advocacy groups can adopt: political lobbying and campaigns aimed at potential end-users of the new technology. Our game-theoretic analysis shows that without the opportunity to engage in political lobbying, end-user campaigns by an advocacy group have the counterproductive effect of reducing the government's incentive to subsidize the new technology. Instead of supporting the advocacy group's campaigning, the government free-rides on the social movement's campaigning efforts. While political lobbying cannot prevent free-riding, it increases the government's incentive to subsidize the new technology, and thus increases the advocacy group's payoff. [R, abr.]
64.188 KINNE, Brandon J. —
Existing studies of intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) and militarized conflict focus on dyadic counts of shared IGO membership. However, dyadic approaches are inconsistent with the basic properties of IGOs. Because IGOs are multilateral organizations, shared membership necessarily involves ties to third parties. This article employs network analytics to develop a novel explanation of how third-party IGO ties reduce militarized conflict. It first examines the “structural similarity” of states, defined by the extent to which states share similar patterns of IGO membership with relevant third parties. The analysis then shows that micro-level changes in IGO membership effect changes in structural similarity, leading to the macro-level phenomenon of “network convergence”, wherein states increasingly collaborate with the same third parties over time. [R, abr.]
64.189 KINNE, Brandon J. —
This article develops a network explanation for how states achieve cooperation in the face of persistent coordination and collaboration problems. The analysis focuses on bilateral cooperation agreements, a vast body of treaties spanning multiple issue areas. Bilateral agreements constitute an evolving network of cooperative ties. This network defines the strategic environment in which states bargain over new agreements, endogenously influencing subsequent bilateral endeavors by revealing strategically valuable information about states’ trustworthiness and preferences over institutional design, while also generating externalities that incentivize bilateral partnerships. Inferential network analysis shows that states are more likely to create bilateral agreements if they (1) share agreements with common third parties, (2) accede to more agreements in general, and/or (3) share important exogenous characteristics with current bilateral partners. [R, abr.]
64.190 KITSCHELT, Herbert; KSELMAN, Daniel M. —
This article examines the relationship among a country's democratic experience, its level of economic development, and the prevalence of clientelist and programmatic modes of democratic accountability. In contrast to the commonly accepted wisdom that clientelist politics will decrease monotonically as a country's economy develops and its democracy consolidates, the authors argue theoretically and demonstrate empirically that clientelism tends in fact to increase as a country moves from low to intermediate levels of democracy and development. They also uncover preliminary evidence that a history of regime instability may have independent consequences on the prevalence of one or the other linkage mechanism. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.215]
64.191 KLEINBERG, Katja B.; FORDHAM, Benjamin O. —
Liberal IR theory suggests that mutual gains from trade prevent conflict between states. This paper examines the influence of economic interests arising from international trade on the policy-making process at the domestic level. If the benefits of trade increase the opportunity cost of conflict, then support for a harmonious foreign policy should be strongest among trade's domestic beneficiaries. Those whose income is diminished by trade have no reason to favor a friendly foreign policy and might even prefer a hostile alternative. We test whether the domestic distributional effects of trade affect support for hostile foreign policies toward China among representatives in the US Congress. An analysis of cosponsorship and roll-call voting suggests that the export orientation and import sensitivity of their districts influences members’ positions on measures that criticize Chinese policies or treat the country as a security threat. [R, abr.]
64.192 KLINGEBIEL, Stephan —
Fragile countries or regions represent one of the main challenges for international security policy and development cooperation. Instability and uncertainty, failing governance and weak implementation capabilities are the hallmarks of fragile states. External actors in weak states may have recourse to various political instruments, from long-term attempts for development cooperation to military intervention. Increasingly the two go together. [See Abstr. 64.1071]
64.193 KÖCHLER, Hans —
The advent of the internet has been rightfully hailed as the beginning of an era of virtually unlimited communication revealing ever clearer manifestation of the human potential. However, the impact of the new interactive tools on the perception of social reality requires a close study. The author draws attention to the instrumental nature of Web 2.0, and to the ambiguity of its use. He suggests that such characteristics features of the “digital crowd” as suggestibility, irritability and impulsiveness, may be one of unintended consequences of automated communication. [R]
64.194 KÖNIG, Thomas, et al. —
This article presents a new method for estimating positions of political parties across country- and time-specific contexts by introducing a latentvariable model for manifesto data. We estimate latent positions and exploit bridge observations to make the scales comparable. We also incorporate expert survey data as prior information in the estimation process to avoid ex post facto interpretation of the latent space. To illustrate the empirical contribution of our method, we estimate the left-right positions of 388 parties competing in 238 elections across twenty-five countries and over sixty years. Compared to the puzzling volatility of existing estimates, we find that parties more modestly change their left-right positions over time. We also show that estimates without country- and time-specific bias parameters risk serious, systematic bias in about two-thirds of our data. [R, abr.]
64.195 KONSTANTINIDIS, Nikitas —
Building on a Condorcetian common-values framework, this paper tackles the question of optimal committee-formation within a community of finite size. Solving for the Bayesian information-aggregation game yields some interesting normative results that emphasize the presence of informational externalities as root causes of suboptimally low voluntary participation levels in communal decision-making and the potentially Pareto-enhancing nature of drafting vis-à-vis decentralized mechanisms of self-selection. I first derive the optimal size of a committee based on the assumption of informative voting and, then, I show that it is globally optimal amongst all voting equilibrium strategies. I subsequently compare it to the various symmetric equilibria that may arise in a complete information setting or a Bayesian environment with heterogeneous private costs. [R, abr.]
64.196 KORN, Judy; WEILNRÖCK, Harald —
Crimes committed based on racial or collective hatred are among the most powerful antisocial threats to democratic societies. Any person who turns radical will at the same time distance herself from society and her private sphere. Contrariwise de-radicalization means welcoming the person back into society. This implies trust and the possibility for the erstwhile radical to ask questions that hitherto were only answered by extremists. [See Abstr. 64.251]
64.197 KOSTAGIANNIS, Konstantinos —
This article expands on recent work which dispelled the simplistic notion that realism is to be identified with state-centrism and that the nation-state represents a sort of static “unit” in the international system. I explore the connection between Carr's formulation of power and the way he approached the nation-state and nationalism. From such a discussion, the nation-state emerges as an unfixed and historically conditioned entity whose development follows changes at the domain of power. Carr's particularly flexible conceptualization of power with its military, economic and ideational facet allows for a better understanding of the development of the nation-state and nationalism. This account can contribute to the re-discovery of classical realism and offers a good starting point for efforts to bridge IR and sociological accounts of nationalism. [R] [See Abstr. 64.320]
64.198 KRUIKEMEIER, Sanne, et al. —
Political parties and politicians increasingly use the possibilities of the internet to communicate interactively with citizens and vice versa. The internet also offers opportunities for individual politicians to profile themselves. These developments are often said to bring politics closer to citizens, increasing their political engagement in politics. Empirical evidence for such claims is, however, scarce. In a scenario experiment and a laboratory experiment using real-world websites, the authors examine whether more personalized online communication (a focus on individual politicians) and the use of interactive features increase political involvement among citizens. The results from both studies demonstrate that both highly interactive and personalized online communication do increase citizens’ political involvement. [R, abr.]
64.199 KÜHNE, Alexander —
Representation is a key issue for understanding the structure of modern democracies and is regarded as being essential for any large-scale nation-state. Evaluating the contemporary literature on empirical and theoretical research shows four main findings in this field of study: (1) Since the 1960s, the theoretical and the empirical studies on representation remain largely distinct, with little cross-fertilization or even cross-reference. (2) In the last twenty years, the theoretical research has received a more pragmatic impulse. (3) Looking from an international perspective, the large and systematic body of research on representation in the US dominates the field. (4) Comparative research on political representation continues to be underdeveloped. [R, abr.]
64.200 KUOSMANEN, Jaakko —
The fact that in its generic form a universal right to asylum is against the international community at large does not prove to be detrimental to it. In order to demonstrate that, it is necessary to leave aside the more specific formulations of the right to asylum and consider the distinction between imperfect and perfect duties, as it serves an important function in the criticism of universal welfare rights. Onora O'Neill's argument against welfare rights for instance provides an opportunity to examine practical efforts to institutionalize them. The general characteristics of three specific institutional schemes aiming to perfect imperfect duties as well as some of the challenges that these schemes face can thus be identified.
64.201 LABORDE, Cécile —
Should the liberal state be a state of separation (of state and religion) or of recognition and establishment (of religion by the state)? I show that political liberalism, as a theory of justice, is inconclusive about the public place of religion. Both separation and establishment can theoretically meet the demands of liberal justice. I then turn to the core issue of the separation-establishment debate, which asks whether the liberal state can legitimately attach itself to religious symbols. I suggest that (what I call) “orthodox” political liberalism is indeterminate about the symbolic dimensions of the public place of religion. By contrast, a citizenship-centered, “republican” conception of political liberalism decisively rules out symbolic establishment. The article sets out such a conception, and highlights the role it plays in arguments about the public place of religion. [A, abr.]
64.202 LAÏDI, Zaki —
The major international negotiations, in fields such as trade and the environment, are increasingly at the expense of multilateralism. The norms are no longer imposed by international organizations, but by sovereign states, which decide on their degree of commitment. There is an increasing number of bilateral agreements, due mainly to the weight of the China/USA binomial, with risks for Europe, the promoter of multilateralism. [R, transl.]
64.203 LANDWEHR, Claudia —
This article argues that the most influential account of procedural justice in health-care rationing [N. Daniels and J. E. Sabin, “Limits to health care: fair procedures, democratic deliberation, and the legitimacy problem for insurees”, Philosophy and Public Affairs 26(4), 1997: 303–305], is indeterminate where concrete properties of rationing institutions are concerned. Such properties inscribe substantial norms into institutions. These norms can derive validity only from democratic majority decisions, which must be seen as an instance of pure procedural justice. We therefore have to move the discussion to a meta-level and ask how concrete properties of institutions are chosen. I suggest four criteria for sufficiently democratic institutional design choice and conclude that, as institutional properties are likely to have effects on the resulting distribution of health care, design choices should be empirically informed and taken both democratically and deliberately. [R, abr.]
64.204 LEE, Peter —
Elshtain has used her critique and application of just war as a means of engaging with multiple overlapping aspects of identity. She also uses just war as a site of analysis within which different strands of subjectivity are investigated and articulated as part of her broader political theory. This article explores the proposition that Elshtain enriches just war debate because of the unique and sometimes provocative perspective she brings as a political theorist and IR scholar who adopts, adapts, and deploys familiar but, for some, uncomfortable discursive artifacts from the history of the Christian West: suffused with her own Christian faith and theology. [R, abr.]
64.205 LEPSIUS, Oliver —
In a democracy, the legal science has specific tasks, both in dealing with existing legislation and shaping or criticizing the law. The creation and functioning of democratic law must be more scientifically taken into account, by topic. This is reviewed first through the essentials of democracy (majority principle, compromise, a differentiated order of competence), and then through their constitutional consequences (constitutionality of laws, basic rights and protection of minorities). [R, abr., transl.]
64.206 LERNER, Hanna —
The article addresses the role formal constitutions play in mitigating intense conflicts over the religious character of the state. It demonstrates that the ideal of liberal constitutionalism is not compatible with the political reality and types of conflicts that characterize religiously divided societies. Analyzing four processes of constitution-drafting in which issues of religious law and religious identity were at the heart of the debate — India, Indonesia, Israel, and Turkey — it argues that under deep disagreement over the state's religious character, the drafters adopt either a permissive or a restrictive constitutional approach. While the former implies strategies of constitutional ambiguity, ambivalence, and avoidance in order to allow the political system greater flexibility in future decision-making, the latter approach uses repressive constitutional constraints designed to limit the range of possibilities available to future decision-makers. [R, abr.]
64.207 LEVY, Jack; THOMPSON, William —
The authors question some of the theoretical arguments advanced to explain the historical pattern of declining violence. They argue that cultural and ideational explanations for the decline in interstate war underestimate the extent to which those factors are endogenous to material and institutional variables. Arguments about the pacifying effects of the rise of the state and of commerce fail to recognize that in some historical contexts, those factors have contributed to the escalation of warfare. [R] [See Abstr. 64.125]
64.208 LIEBER, Keir A.; PRESS, Daryl G. —
Many experts consider nuclear terrorism the single greatest threat to US security. The logical basis for this concern is sound: if a state could orchestrate an anonymous nuclear terror attack, it could destroy an enemy yet avoid retaliation. But how likely is it that the perpetrators of nuclear terrorism could remain anonymous? Data culled from a decade of terrorist incidents reveal that attribution is very likely after high-casualty terror attacks. Tracing a terrorist group that used a nuclear weapon to its state sponsor would not be difficult, because few countries sponsor terror; few terror groups have multiple sponsors; and only one country that sponsors terrorism, Pakistan, has nuclear weapons or enough material to manufacture them. [R, abr.]
64.209 LINDROTH, Marjo; SINEVAARA-NISKANEN, Heidi —
Indigenous peoples are often perceived as custodians of nature owing to their close relationship with their environment and their nature-based livelihoods. This paper investigates the kinds of environmental agencies that are constructed for, and by, indigenous peoples within the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (PF) and the Arctic Council. The particular focus is the issue of responsibility. The article brings together empirical materials from the two forums and engages with them using Foucault-inspired approaches. We offer a critical discussion of indigenous peoples’ environmental agency in international politics, addressing the need to problematize representations of indigenous agency that to date have been largely unchallenged in both the practice and study of international politics. [R, abr.]
64.210 LINDSAY, Jon R. —
Stuxnet, the computer worm which disrupted Iranian nuclear enrichment in 2010, is the first instance of a computer network attack known to cause physical damage across international boundaries. Some have described Stuxnet as the harbinger of a new form of warfare that threatens even the strongest military powers. The influential but largely untested Cyber Revolution thesis holds that the internet gives militarily weaker actors asymmetric advantages, that offense is becoming easier while defense is growing harder, and that the attacker's anonymity undermines deterrence. However, the empirical facts of Stuxnet support an opposite interpretation; cyber capabilities can marginally enhance the power of stronger over weaker actors, the complexity of weaponization makes cyber offense less easy and defense more feasible than generally appreciated, and cyber options are most attractive when deterrence is intact. [R, abr.]
64.211 LIST, Christian; SPIEKERMANN, Kai —
Political science is divided between methodological individualists, who explain political phenomena by reference to individuals and their interactions, and holists (or non-reductionists), who consider higher-level social entities or properties — states, institutions, or cultures — ontologically or causally significant. We reconcile these two perspectives, building on related work in philosophy. After laying out a taxonomy of different variants of each view, we observe that (1) although political phenomena result from underlying individual attitudes and behavior, individual-level descriptions do not always capture all explanatorily salient properties, and (2) non-reductionist explanations are mandated when social regularities are robust to changes in their individual-level realization. We characterize the dividing line between phenomena requiring non-reductionist explanation and phenomena permitting individualistic explanation and give examples from the study of ethnic conflicts, social-network theory, and IR theory. [R]
64.212 LITTLE, Adrian; MacDONALD, Kate —
Critics of global democracy have often claimed that the social and political conditions necessary for democracy to function are not met at the global level, and are unlikely to be in the foreseeable future. Such claims are usually developed with reference to national democratic institutions, and the social conditions within national democratic societies that have proved important in sustaining them. Although advocates of global democracy have contested such skeptical conclusions, they have tended to accept the method of reasoning from national to global contexts on which they are based. This article critiques this method of argument, showing that it is both highly idealized in its characterization of national democratic practice, and overly state-centric in its assumptions about possible institutional forms that global democracy might take. [R, abr.]
64.213 LOBO-FERNANDES, Luís —
K. N. Waltz's magnum opus, Theory of International Politics [1979], is the single most widely read contribution to neorealism. Waltz claimed the establishment of a nomothetic theory of international politics that deals in regularities and repetitions, arguing that the structural component of the international system greatly influences state behavior and hence outcomes. The author proposes a macro-theoretical realism that focuses on unit- and individual-level explanations. [R] [See Abstr. 64.119]
64.214 LUKE, Timothy W. —
H. Morgenthau's characterizations of the politics among nations in the 20th c. remain a contested, but still compelling, vision of international relations in the 21st c. Hence, different strains of “critical theory” are needed as the means of crisis-detection, interpretation and legitimation. Without accepting the terms of Morgenthau's analysis uncritically, this article looks at how critical theory insights, as developed in different streams of Frankfurt School-inspired critique, can arguably guide new discourse coalitions and policy experts in coping with the challenges of crises in the post-Cold War world. The contradictions posed by the inequities of social wealth's production and distribution are profound and obdurate. Exerting verdictive power, like Morgenthau, in managing the global crises, national security challenges or financial instability conflicts, can be useful. [R] [See Abstr. 64.320]
64.215 LUPU, Noam; RIEDL, Rachel Beatty —
This article lays out a theoretical framework for understanding the effects of political uncertainty on party development and strategies of mobilization and competition. Defining uncertainty as the imprecision with which political actors are able to predict future interactions, the authors identify three types of political uncertainty: regime uncertainty, economic uncertainty, and institutional uncertainty. They argue that political uncertainty is particularly high among developing democracies, contributing to puzzling empirical patterns of party development and competition in these contexts. Taking into account the role of uncertainty in the strategic decision-making of party elites will help scholars better understand the differences between parties in advanced and developing democracies. But it can also help scholars understand the less dramatic differences between parties even within advanced democracies. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Political parties and uncertainty in developing democracies”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 64.43, 190, 715, 906, 924]
64.216 LYNCH, Michael S.; MADONNA, Anthony J. —
Scholars of political parties frequently note that a party's candidates are aided by the presence of a consistent and favorable party brand name. We argue that partisan success in maintaining a consistent position on important policy issues hinges on how their role in the government motivates their strategies about public policy-formation. Specifically, when parties share control of government institutions, parties need to balance their electoral interest in promoting a consistent brand name with the need to generate public policy that leads to effective governance. When control is held by one party, the costs and benefits of effective governance are born entirely by the majority, absolving both parties of the need to compromise on the substance of policy. [R, abr.]
64.217 MacMANUS, Susan A.; CARUSON, Kiki; McPHEE, Brian D. —
Cybersecurity demands are forcing public officials across the globe to focus on two core values that often conflict: transparency (the public good) and privacy (citizen and private sector confidentiality). An e-survey of Florida county government officials measures how cross-pressured they are, identifies the types of information about individuals and government employees that are the most difficult to protect, examines the interest groups (public, private, and nonprofit) that act as watchdogs, and delineates the actions administrators see as critical to promoting balance. The results show intense cross-pressures and greater difficulty in protecting citizens’ bioinformation, medical records, and financial data than in securing employee information. [R, abr.]
64.218 MacMULLEN, Ian —
In what senses and to what extent should children be educated to comply with the laws of their society? I conceptualize the various ways in which education could promote compliance: shaping moral values, manipulating preferences, inculcating trust (that the laws are good or that there are weighty social coordination reasons to comply), and instilling habitual (non-rational) motives for compliance. And I propose a framework for evaluating educational policies and practices by their effects on the next generation's decisions regarding compliance. In particular, I identify the various ways in which compliance can be suboptimal despite being morally permissible, focusing on acts of compliance that either fail to express the agent's own judgment or express a judgment that reflects inauthentic preferences or false moral beliefs. [A]
64.219 MAGALHÃES, Pedro T. —
This essay presents and discusses, based upon examples of the European overseas expansion, various perspectives of the concept of empire. Inspired by the reflections of Giovanni Sartori on concept formation in the social sciences, and taking into account its use both in the field of politics and in economic and cultural analyses, the text wishes to serve as a guide for the reader who plans to deal with the vast literature on the concept of empire. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1044]
64.220 MAKARYCHEV, Andrey; MOROZOV, Viatcheslav —
An important recent development in IR has been the growing interest in the national schools and “non-core” theorizing. We argue that the tendency to describe all such schools as invariably promising and helpful in overcoming the Eurocentrism of the discipline is misguided. It originates in the false assumption that the infinite diversity of collective experiences throughout the world can be approached only on the basis of epistemological pluralism. We explore the confusion between the ontological and epistemological aspects of the problem by looking at the state of international studies in Russia. The development of Russian IR is defined by a controversy between pro-Western transitological approaches and the dominant relativist position centered around the doctrine of multipolarity. [R, abr.]
64.221 MALINIAK, Daniel; POWERS, Ryan; WALTER, Barbara F. —
This article investigates the extent to which citation and publication patterns differ between men and women in the IR literature. Using data from the Teaching, Research, and International Policy project on peer-reviewed publications between 1980 and 2006, we show that women are systematically cited less than men after controlling for a large number of variables. These results are robust to a variety of modeling choices. We then turn to network-analysis to investigate the extent to which the gender of an article's author affects that article's relative centrality in the network of citations between papers in our sample. Articles authored by women are systematically less central than articles authored by men, all else equal. [R, abr.]
64.222 MALLESON, Tom —
This article contrasts associations where members’ freedom can be safeguarded by the capacity to “exit” with associations where freedom requires democratic “voice”. The article first examines several familiar types of associations in an effort to illuminate the extent to which workers have an inherent right to a democratic voice in their workplaces — or, workplace democracy. Although workplaces are typically contrasted with states, towns, and clubs, a better analogy is with marriages. The article argues that the current system of work is deeply unjust because most workers are compelled to join hierarchical workplaces within which they are structurally unequal. Although there is no inalienable right to workplace democracy, no one should be compelled to be subservient at work, and everyone should have a meaningful choice of democracy at work. [R, abr.]
64.223 MANDELBAUM, Moran M. —
This paper suggests that the notion of nation–state congruency has become a “leitmotif” in IR theory, especially since the end of the Cold War. Congruent states are often constructed as the precursor of liberal democracy, peace, and modernity, while security in particular is discursively intertwined with nation–state congruency. How has this congruency discourse become so embedded in IR theory? What can we learn about the nexus between IR and the states/international system? These questions are of a “how-possible” and critical nature that engage with the power dynamics and thus the effects that emerge from this “congruency bias”. I deploy the “discursive practices approach” and show the various practices/strategies through which congruency is constituted and established, naturalized and legitimated. [R, abr.]
64.224 MANSFIELD, Edward D.; PEVEHOUSE, Jon C. W. —
The growing number of preferential trading arrangements (PTAs) since World War II has generated substantial interest in their economic and political effects. We analyze why some arrangements expand, whereas others do not. We find strong evidence that expansion is most likely when the existing members of a PTA display a high degree of trade openness and when the size distribution of these members is fairly uniform. We also find that PTAs that add new members are likely to do so again in the near future and that PTAs tend to expand in clusters. Finally, we investigate which states join enlarging PTAs. We find that PTAs expand by taking on new members that are economically and politically similar to existing members. [R]
64.225 MANTELLO, Peter —
Although much has been written on the abilities of the first-person shooter to advance neo-orientalist themes and US imperial agendas through its aesthetics and narrative, the author argues that by exploiting the porous institutional boundaries between military planners and the video-game industry, the hyperrealist shooter becomes a formidable and formative middle ground not only in reshaping understanding of and access to the nebulous and furtive world of discreet war, but also in filling its legitimacy gap. [R] [See Abstr. 64.257]
64.226 MANZANO, Dulce —
Recent contributions to the political economy debate about public education have rightly emphasized that the redistributive consequences of state intervention may vary across levels of education. But they focused mainly on the explanatory role of government partisanship in understanding spending at different levels of education. I propose a more comprehensive political economy account by considering the interaction of the ideological preferences and electoral motives of governments to explain variation in the allocation of educational budget. Through a time-series cross-sectional analysis of several developed industrial democracies observed in recent decades, the article demonstrates that the ideological orientation of governments and the position of the median voter do influence decisions regarding the distribution of public educational resources between different schooling levels. [R, abr.]
64.227 MARTIN, Lanny W.; VANBERG, Georg —
A large body of research has claimed that budget-making by multiparty governments constitutes a “common pool resource” (CPR) problem that leads them to engage in higher levels of spending than single-party governments and, further, that this upwards fiscal pressure increases with the number of parties in the coalition. We offer a significant modification of the conventional wisdom. Drawing on recent developments in the literature on coalition governance, as well as research on fiscal institutions, we argue that budgetary rules can mitigate the CPR logic provided that they (1) reduce the influence of individual parties in the budget process and (2) generate endogenous incentives to resist spending demands by coalition partners. Our empirical evaluation, based on spending patterns in 15 European democracies over nearly 40 years, provides clear support for this contention. [R, abr.]
64.228 MARTIN, Steve; GUARNEROS-MEZA, Valeria —
Partnerships have played an increasingly prominent role in local governance and there has been considerable debate about the impact which self-organizing capacity and government intervention have on their effectiveness. This paper examines what kinds of self-steering local public service partnerships require in order to address intractable public policy problems, and whether external steering by government helps or hinders them. It concludes that “soft steering” by government can be instrumental in establishing and mobilizing partnerships. The type of self-steering they deploy depends on the context in which they operate and the kinds of collaborative activities they attempt. [R] [See Abstr. 64.576]
64.229 MARX, Axel —
Certification is becoming an important global governance instrument. Several authors have discussed the legitimacy of these systems. This paper uses eco-labels as a specific case of certification systems and analyzes more than 400 eco-labels on three components related to legitimacy. It aims to expand current research in two ways: conceptually and empirically. Conceptually, the paper proposes a configurational approach to assessing legitimacy on the basis of the institutional design of certification systems. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.977]
64.230 MASQUELIER, Charles —
The advent of an unregulated and financial form of capitalism, combined with a sharp rise in income inequalities and economic insecurity since the 1970s, appears to pose, at first glance, a significant challenge for the relevance of the works of first-generation critical theorists, which are often confined to an historically specific “artistic” critique of the bureaucratic stage of capitalist development. Through an analysis of the various concerns and demands expressed by members of the alter-globalization and Occupy movements, the article nevertheless demonstrates that first-generation critical theory can continue to play a significant role in conceptualizing contemporary forms of resistance by: (1) capturing the social malaise engendered by neoliberal capitalism; and (2) informing the practice of resistance in contemporary capitalist societies. [R]
64.231 MAYNARD, Jonathan Leader —
Over the past two decades, research on ideology has become fragmented, rather than productively integrated. This paper suggests that the fundamental cause of this fragmentation is the lack of a “map of the field” of contemporary ideological analysis — a shared framework for conceptualizing the scope of research on ideology and the range of approaches available. This paper provides such a map, based on an extensive survey of the current literature. I describe the defining features of a number of distinct approaches divided into three broad categories: conceptual approaches, discursive approaches and quantitative approaches. [Then] I discuss the points of convergence and divergence between these approaches, to demonstrate how this map might enable a much needed increase in critical debate and interdisciplinary collaboration. [R, abr.]
64.232 McBRIDE, Cillian —
It is commonly supposed that democracies should encourage greater political participation and civic engagement. This article identifies two distinct perspectives on political participation and civic engagement: a “freedom-centered” model and an “ethical” model. The “freedom-centered” model defended here draws on the republican concept of freedom as non-domination, together with the political liberal notion of fair deliberative proceduralism, while the ethical model draws on Aristotelian, perfectionist, sources. It is argued that the “ethical” model is overly concerned with the “moral renewal” of modern social life, and is insensitive to problems of domination posed by its account of civic reciprocity and trust. By contrast, the “freedom-centered” model developed offers a systematic account of personal and political freedom, which provides qualified support for deliberative modes of participation and engagement. [R]
64.233 McCAUSLAND, Clare; O'SULLIVAN, Siobhan; BRENTON, Scott —
Since at least the 1970s, one of the standard tools in the animal protection movement's arsenal has been illegal entry into factory farms and animal research facilities. This activity has been followed by the publication of images and footage captured inside those otherwise socially invisible places. This activity presents a conundrum: trespass is illegal and it is an apparent violation of private property rights. We argue that trespass onto private property can be justified as an act of civil disobedience. We look at one particular type of justification: the use of information gathered through trespass in public policy formation. We then animate this analysis both with an historical overview of the effects of sharing information about animal agriculture, and with a specific case study of trespass undertaken recently. [R]
64.234 MERSHON, Carol; SHVETSOVA, Olga —
What sustains stability in legislative party systems between elections? This question commands attention given the potential for change highlighted in recent work on legislative party-switching. This article echoes a prominent theme: the importance of the party label. The novelty here is the treatment of the individual legislator's need for manifest loyalty to the status quo party label as the chief constraint that deters incumbents from switching and underpins stability in legislative party systems. Our theory focuses on the value of stable party affiliations to voters and thus to incumbents as well. We extract testable implications and assess hypotheses against an original cross-national dataset of over 4,300 monthly observations of MP behavior in 116 legislative terms. We find that the temporal proximity to elections deters MPs’ moves. [R, abr.]
64.235 MEYER, Thomas M.; WAGNER, Markus —
Parties can choose to concentrate on topics which other parties cover relatively little. In such cases, they have a programmatic niche profile compared with their mainstream rivals. We argue that parties should be more likely to switch between a niche and a mainstream profile in response to unsatisfactory electoral results. However, these vote-seeking incentives to change salience profiles should have greater influence on parties that are small, young, and/or in opposition: [they] will find it easier and more attractive to change their salience profiles. We use a measure of niche profiles based on manifesto-coding and test our hypotheses in 22 countries with a transition model. For niche-to-mainstream transitions in party profiles, the results confirm our expectations, but vote-seeking incentives do not lead mainstream parties to shift to a niche profile. [R, abr.]
64.236 MILDENBERGER, Carl D. —
This paper discusses the particularities of the constitutional political economy of virtual worlds: their institutions, the prevalent beliefs of the players, and their organizations. The main reason why we should care about doing research on virtual worlds is the huge potential for research in virtual worlds. Virtual worlds present a middle ground in the debate between the greater control of laboratory experiments and the higher external validity of the field. Besides being an important cultural phenomenon per se, they emerge as the researchers’ tool to conduct experiments on a truly social level with tens of thousands of subjects. [R, abr.]
64.237 MILLER, Steven V. —
Multiple studies argue that the division of territory between states is a root cause of war in the international system. This is often understood as a function of the unique importance of territory at the level of the individual citizen, because the territory itself directly affects an individual's well-being on multiple dimensions. This article argues that disputes over the allocation of territory between states affect an individual's subjective well-being, but not uniformly. Citizens in states routinely targeted by a territorial threat from a revisionist neighbor are generally unhappy. However, citizens in states that initiate territorial disputes are happier as a result of the aggressive foreign policy of the state leader to secure the coveted territorial good. This is demonstrated using mixed effects modeling. [R, abr.]
64.238 MINKKINEN, Panu —
This essay juxtaposes political constitutionalism with a political constitutional theory that is mainly based on the work of C. Schmitt. It claims that he understood politics as consensual government and correspondingly the constitution as a set of principles and institutions that allows for the management of arising conflicts. Political constitutional theory, on the other hand, acknowledges the ever-present potentiality of conflicts as essential to the political nature of the constitution. The potential conflicts occasionally actualize as exceptional constitutional violations that, at the same time, reaffirm the sovereign constituent power that accounts for the radical democratic foundation of all constituted political and legal institutions. [R, abr.]
64.239 MINOZZI, William; WOON, Jonathan —
Almost all institutions within modern democracies depend on a mix of communication and competition. However, most formal theory and experimental evidence ignores one of these two features. We present a formal theory of communicative competition in which senders vary in their aversion to lying, and test hypotheses from this theory using a strategic communication experiment. To influence lying aversion, we compare a Context Condition, in which pre-play instructions are cast in political language, with a Baseline Condition, in which all language is abstract. We find that in early rounds of play, subjects in the Context Condition exaggerated more as a function of their biases than those in the Baseline Condition when we control for the past history of play. However, by the last round of play, subjects in both conditions converged on persistent exaggeration. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Information and political institutions”, edited by the author. See also Abstr. 64.54, 115, 248, 680]
64.240 MISHALI-RAM, Meirav —
This study examines the effects of international intervention on the resolution of crises in a multi-actor international arena. While there is evidence of a sharp decline in “pure” interstate crises in the post-Cold War era, there are also indications of transformation in the nature of such disputes from predominantly interstate to compound struggles, involving states and non-state actors (NSAs). Using the International Crisis Behavior (ICB) dataset, the analysis explores the most effective forms of major power (MP) and international organization (IO) intervention resulting in accommodative outcomes, in different crisis types. [R]
64.241 MØGEDAL, Sigrun —
Global health has become a challenge for foreign policy and involves actors well beyond the traditional health forums. This is a new phenomenon but the contents of the concept global health and whether its objectives act to unite, with a common understanding among actors and regions. The test amounts to translating intentions into practice using political decisions, priorities and financing. So far, global health defined as health security has little traction among the UN member countries where national considerations diverge, despite the Millennium Development Goals that include human security. [See Abstr. 64.94]
64.242 MØLLER, Jørgen; SKAANING, Svend-Erik —
Is democracy threatened by a “reverse wave”? Examining regional patterns and distinguishing between different types of democracy gives us a new basis for assessing this question. [R]
64.243 MOLLOY, Seán —
This article explores the important parallels between the critiques of the balance of power offered by D. Hume and H. J. Morgenthau. The article presents the authors as both proponents and critics of the balance of power, depending on circumstance. For Hume, the balance of power is useful as a means of preventing universal monarchy, but is also liable to be used inappropriately as a justification for vindictive politics. Morgenthau, more influenced by Hume than is commonly recognized in IR theory, also subjects the balance of power to a thorough-going critique. [R] [See Abstr. 64.320]
64.244 MONTEIRO, Nuno P. —
K. Waltz resisted describing the post-Cold War world as unipolar. This reluctance results from two characteristics of his structural realism: its naturalistic view of systemic balances of power and its focus on relations among great powers. yet, waltz's thinking on the nuclear revolution allows us to correct these limitations of his structural theory and highlight two central aspects of American unipolarity: its potential durability in a nuclear world and its potential for preventive counter-proliferation wars. In sum, Waltz'q structural realism, when combined with his thinking about a nuclear world, produces a powerful analytic apparatus to further our understanding of our post-Cold War unipolar world. [R] [See Abstr. 64.119]
64.245 MOORE, Ryan T.; MOORE, Sally A. —
In typical political experiments, researchers randomize a set of households, precincts, or individuals to treatments all at once, and characteristics of all units are known at the time of randomization. However, in many other experiments, subjects “trickle in” to be randomized to treatment conditions, usually via complete randomization. To take advantage of the rich background data that researchers often have (but underutilize) in these experiments, we develop methods that use continuous covariates to assign treatments sequentially. We build on biased coin and minimization procedures for discrete covariates and demonstrate that our methods outperform complete randomization, producing better covariate balance in simulated data. We then describe how we selected and deployed a sequential blocking method in a clinical trial and demonstrate the advantages of our having done so. [R, abr.]
64.246 MOORE, Thomas —
This article advances an account of “the international” in which “juridical life” is taken as the dominant ethic and ultimately the force of “the international” within IR. It evaluates the foundational myths of international politics in terms of its capacity to exercise juridical power, in the service of the state as a geopolitical entity. It examines the ethics of doing “the international” and how rationalities of the international are contained within legalist rationalities of international politics. Drawing upon the ideas of G. Agamben, it proposes an alternative conceptualization of international life in which the juridical is dispossessed of its political rationality. Such an outlook allows for the reframing of international politics at a critical distance from geopolitical orthodoxies within international theory and opens up new possibilities for ethics in international politics. [R]
64.247 MOORE, Thomas —
This article demands a reconsideration of the concept of humanitarianism by examining the spatial ordering of international society and the geopolitics of international law that condition our understanding of humanitarian agency and conduct within IR. The focus on critical geopolitics identifies the normative structure of humanitarianism and how humanitarian claims — seemingly universal — are constituted through specific geopolitical discourses that structure agency and conduct within international life. Considering how humanitarianism is discursively structured as a geopolitical concept involves taking humanitarianism beyond its methodological privileging of impartiality, neutrality, and universality in making sense of humanitarianism. Critical humanitarianism locates humanitarian agency and conduct within a spatialized understanding of the international system. [R, abr.]
64.248 MORELLI, Massimo; VAN WEELDEN, Richard —
We consider how the incentives for politicians to pander to public opinion depend on preference heterogeneity and information. Politicians are more likely to pander on issues where politicians’ preferences are divided than on issues where there is a clear majority view. As pandering involves ignoring socially valuable information that goes against the ex ante preferred action of the majority, an increase in the ex ante probability that a politician may hold a minority view can then lead to policy outcomes more biased towards the action ex ante preferred by the majority. In addition, because the updating about the politician's type is dampened when the voters are uncertain about the state of the world, politicians are more likely to pander when voters are more informed about which action is in their interest. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.239]
64.249 MULLER, Jerry Z. —
If capitalism should continue to be seen as legitimate and useful by people, government still needs a security net to reduce uncertainty, market failure and promote equal opportunity. Parties on the right need to accept that such arrangements are upheld. Contrariwise, the left must realize that aggressive measures to reduce inequality are costly and indeed sometimes counterproductive, restricting the very welfare programs that depend on economic growth dynamics.
64.250 MURDIE, Amanda —
Much scholarship concerning human rights international nongovernmental organizations (HR-INGOs) focuses on the central role they play within transnational advocacy networks. Despite this theoretical focus on networks, there has been scant empirical attention on the characteristics of the HR-INGO network or on whether the network characteristics of a HR-INGO matter for its advocacy output. Introducing a new relational dataset on 681 HR-INGOs, this article finds that the HR-INGO network is somewhat like a public good and that the organizations who utilize it benefit in terms of their international advocacy output. Other findings focus on how the structural characteristics of organizations can influence their propensity to connect to each other and how “free-riding”’ can limit the benefits organizations receive from the network. [R]
64.251 NEUMANN, Peter —
Radicalization, extremism and de-radicalization: these terms frequently appear in the media without explanation or definition. Significant debates and controversies in research on terrorism and extremism reveal different understandings of these concepts. Thus the fight against extremism is manifold, resting on various political and social contexts, reflecting the need for clarity and distinction of the relevant concepts. [First article of a thematic issue on “Deradicalization”. See also Abstr. 64.82, 92, 196, 1393, 1397]
64.252 NEWMAN, Janet —
This paper addresses the problem of how to engage with the politics of public policy in the current period of cuts, austerity and retrenchment. It explores current strategies of divestment, design and decentralization, assessing the scope within each for creative enactments and alternative pathways. It then explores “public-making” as a means of countering the affective consequences of austerity, and shows how practitioners mediate and manage the tensions that result through multiple forms of “border work”. Finally the paper explores the troubled relationship between progressive policy enactments and neoliberal appropriations. [R] [See Abstr. 64.576]
64.253 NIELSEN, Lasse —
Political science is typically considered an empirical science: it builds its conclusions upon data analysis. However, some studies within the field of political science concern normative questions and cannot use empirical data in the same way as the empirical sciences but must instead rely on evaluative reasoning. This article proposes a systematic way of thinking about the method of normative political science. It elaborates upon the central elements of this method and argues that, contrary to what one might think, the method of normative political science is similar to that of mainstream political science in many respects. [R]
64.254 NINE, Cara —
I focus on resource rights as a theoretical meeting point between political authority and rights over goods. Because self-government rights are rights of collectives, I provide a theory of collective resource rights, [which] provides an account of the how, what and why of collective rights over resources. This theory also provides theoretical tools for addressing competing collective and individual claims over resources. I examine two leading conceptions of collective resource rights in the political theory literature: (1) the democratic account; and (2) the liberal nationalist account. I argue that both of these conceptions are wanting. I then argue on behalf of my own theory, political legitimacy over resources, that it provides a coherent normative foundation for resource rights. [R, abr.]
64.255 NISNEVIČ, Julij A. —
Under consideration is the way the problem of political responsibility is treated. In due course, find their definition individual subject and collective subject of the political responsibility during the stage of the political responsibility as it is proper to politicians, to elected and appointed political functionaries within political power, and to voters, as well as to parties, to political institutions of public power, and to citizens’ associations. Measures and mechanisms of compulsion to political responsibility are evaluated — e.g., as appointment by election and removability — according to results of elections — of political functionaries of public power and civil control of the latter's activities. [R] [See Abstr. 64.26 [See Abstr. 64.163]
64.256 NORRIS, Pippa; FRANK, Richard W.; MARTÍNEZ I COMA, Ferrán —
Determining whether an election has met international standards is a pressing issue for both practitioners and scholars. An important new study aims to systematize the assessment of electoral integrity. [R]
64.257 O'HAGAN, Jacinta —
While the historical relationship between old media and political violence has been researched and debated, how this relationship is affected by the emergence of digital new media technology warrants further consideration. This development raises several important issues and questions for students of IR, in particular with respect to how the reconfiguration of the role of media in conflict impacts more broadly on configurations of world politics. This article identifies four critical dimensions of world politics through which to explore this impact: the constitution of power, the configuration of agency, the nature and politics of representation, and the constitution of legitimacy. It argues that the concepts of power, agency, representation and legitimacy provide critical interfaces between media, conflict and world politics. It elucidates the conceptual framework that animates this special issue. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The digital media revolution and its impact in contemporary conflicts”. See also Abstr. 64.20, 53, 76, 176, 225, 317]
64.258 O'LEAR, Shannon; TUTEN, Adalric —
The changing geopolitical nature of conflict becomes particularly evident and even more complicated when considering the ways in which natural resources, eco-system services, and other environmental features are integrated with conflict — armed or otherwise — at multiple spatial scales beyond local actions and impacts. Definitions of conflict can range from civil society engagement with resource development to a military strategy involving the intentional infliction of environmental damage. There are three significant aspects of environmental features that are currently attracting attention as a conflict within the related literature: environmental security, climate change, and commodity resources. Focusing on key themes of each of these topics would allow for a more nuanced and spatially sensitive understanding of environmental features to emerge. [See Abstr. 64.133]
64.259 OBERMAN, Kieran —
In National Responsibility and Global Justice [Oxford, 2007], D. Miller presents an account of human rights grounded on the idea of basic human needs. He argues that his account can overcome the need to provide a “non-sectarian” justification for human rights, one that does not rely on reasons that people from non-liberal societies should find objectionable. The list of human rights that Miller's account generates is, however, minimal when compared to those found in human rights documents. This article argues that contrary to what Miller claims, his account is “sectarian”, since it relies on reasons that some non-liberals should find objectionable given their divergent values. It concludes that Miller provides us with no reason to abandon commitment to a more extensive list of human rights. [R, abr.]
64.260 OTTO, Sabine —
Event datasets on political violence, comprised of coded collected news reports, have enjoyed a renaissance within the academic community. The inclusion of civilian fatalities within these datasets is a promising and welcomed advancement regarding the availability of data on one-sided violence. However, these datasets are often criticized due to their heavy reliance on media records, which may be tainted by biases. So far, little attention has been paid to the specific problems that arise in the coding procedure with respect to one-sided violence. This article discusses particular challenges presented by media biases and provides empirical evidence from coding one-sided violence. Furthermore, solutions and strategies are offered to the issues that could affect the coding process, including increased transparency, definition-adaptation, and the use of appropriate statistical models. [R]
64.261 PAIPAIS, Vassilios —
This article revisits the early realist understanding of tragedy in international relations in order to highlight its debt to continental philosophical thought and tragic theology. Early realists engaged with the existential conditions that make up the paradoxical structure of experience: human beings’ constant albeit frustrated striving to make the world intelligible and ascribe meaning to their actions. They entertained a view of tragedy as a necessary fiction, that is, a fabricated but real condition that is inextricably linked with the constitution of subjectivity and human agency. This paradoxical view of tragedy as an “enabling obstacle” that contests the idea of tragic destiny as inescapable determinism finds its roots in the continental philosophical and theological background of their thought but is more consistently exhibited in R. Niebuhr's theological anthropology. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.320]
64.262 PALLER, Jeffrey W. —
Why do residents in new democracies become disillusioned with democracy, despite significant improvements in the development of liberal-democratic institutions, the extension of political rights and freedoms, and peaceful turnovers of power? This article advances a theory of democratic disillusionment, based on the concept of political sting: feelings of betrayal, insult, and disrespect among ordinary citizens stemming from a government's failure to protect and provide for its population. In new democracies, political sting motivates and propels collective action and provides a basis for future claims for social justice. Building from the redistribution-versus-recognition debate between N. Fraser, A. Honneth, and their critics, this article extends that analysis to include conditions in the political realm — in particular, problems of political accountability. The article illustrates its theoretical claims through references to South Africa's recent history of democratization. [R]
64.263 PANIZZA, Francisco; MIORELLI, Romina —
The article analyzes the possibilities for cross-fertilization between discursive institutionalism and post-structuralist discourse theory. It argues that V. Schmidt's concept of discourse results in a model of explanation of institutional change that overlooks questions about the relations between power, politics and discourse. Post-structural discourse theory has so far failed fully to take on board the institutional dimension of politics. Integrating Schmidt's insights on discursive institutionalism with post-structuralist discourse theory allows a more rounded analysis of the political dimension of institutions and of the institutional dimension of politics, as well as a better understanding of institutional change. We analyze the relations between discourse and institutions in the 2002 presidential electoral campaign in Brazil and in Argentina's poverty reduction policies in the 1990s. [R, abr.]
64.264 PANSARDI, Pamela —
A common feature of the most influential analyses of the concept [of] domination is their reliance on a normative criterion: the detrimental effect of domination on those subject to it. This article offers a non-evaluative, non-consequence-based definition of domination, in line with the perspective on power developed by the theory of the social exchange. Domination should be seen as a structural property of a power relation, and consists in an extreme inequality in the social distribution of power. It is contended, accordingly, that the postulation of a society in which domination is avoided (or minimized) should rely on the ideal of the minimization of inequality, and, more specifically, that it should be based on a distributional pattern of maximally equal social resources. [R]
64.265 PATTEN, Alan —
W.J. Booth [Abstr. 64.38] elaborates three main challenges to my social lineage account [ibid. 105(4), Nov. 2011: 735–749; Abstr. 62.1535]. Conceptually, he finds the proposal to be question-beginning. Normatively, he thinks that it has objectionable implications. And, substantively, he claims that the proposal is unhelpful, in that it fails to explain a case of theoretical importance for multiculturalism. In this reply, I argue that each of these challenges misses the target. The social lineage account continues to offer a promising, nonessentialist basis for normative multiculturalism. [R]
64.266 PECK, Jamie —
On conversation with M. Blyth's [Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea, Oxford, 2013], the commentary explores the distinctive dynamics of austerity politics in the US. The object of a tacit bipartisan consensus, “austerity” has not been named in the same way as Europe, although its material effects (mostly devolved to the state and local levels) have nevertheless been far-reaching. More generically, austerity can be seen as a particular moment in the historical advance of neo-liberalization: it perpetuates the leeching of the social state and redoubles the attack on labor unions, systemic goals for the neoliberal project, but it does so in the context of historically and geographically specific conjunctures. The politics of this process may be brutal, but they are still open. [R] [See Abstr. 64.166]
64.267 PEDERSEN, Rasmus Tue —
Several observational and experimental studies have confirmed the “spiral of cynicism” hypothesis: the tendency of the news media to cover politics through a game frame, which focuses on political strategy instead of political issues, leads to cynicism about election campaigns and politicians among the electorate. However, such cynicism may in itself be somewhat inconsequential, and so this article suggests that we move beyond cynicism regarding specific electoral campaigns or politicians, and that we turn our attention towards political efficacy. This is done in an empirical study, based on a survey among the electorate and a content-analysis of political coverage in newspapers. The study shows that exposure to the game frame is indeed associated with lower levels of internal efficacy, even when controlling for potentially confounding variables. [R]
64.268 PELLEGATA, Alessandro —
This article addresses the relationship between democracy and political corruption, introducing important refinements that respond to theoretical and methodological concerns. The theoretical framework proposed is developed based on an electoral conception of democracy, which makes it possible to avoid the potential endogeneity problems associated with substantial definitions of democracy. I argue that despite the influence of other important aspects of democracy, elections and inter-party competition per se help to constrain political corruption. The article examines two analytical dimensions of democracy, the current level of democracy and its degree of consolidation over time. Unlike previous studies, a cross-national empirical analysis of a sample of more than 100 countries reveals that when tested together, the level of democracy and its degree of longitudinal variation are both significantly related to the control of corruption. [R, abr.]
64.269 PEREZ, Nahshon —
This article describes a forward-looking approach to the problem of property rights in transitional justice contexts. Undemocratic regimes violate property rights in various ways, from simple theft to violations of opportunities to appropriate. Therefore, post-transition situations entail an obligation to correct such injustices. However, returning to the status quo ante is complex, costly and requires information that is often not available. An alternative is the suggested FCR: (forward looking, commensurable and redistributive). Such an approach emphasizes the creation of a baseline of ownership and welfare rather than an attempt to return to the status quo ante. [R]
64.270 PERSSON, Mikael; ESAIASSON, Peter; GILLJAM, Mikael —
In democratic theory, two frequently occurring ideas are that deliberation and direct voting in referendums can increase perceived legitimacy of democratic procedures. To evaluate this claim, we conducted a controlled field experiment in which 215 high-school students participated by being subject to a decision on a collective issue. The decision was made either by direct voting or as a non-voting procedure (decision made by the teacher). Additionally, we manipulated the opportunities for deliberation prior to the decision. Our primary finding is that both voting and deliberation significantly increase perceived legitimacy compared with a procedure in which these components are absent. However, applying both voting and deliberation does not yield significantly higher perceived legitimacy than applying voting without deliberation. [R, abr.]
64.271 PETERS, B. Guy —
Coordination has been a continuing challenge to governments. This paper examines the nature of those challenges, and considers the possibilities for a theory of coordination. In particular, it considers means of overcoming the collective action problems involved in coordination through means other than hierarchy. Several alternative mechanisms for producing greater coordination in policy are examined, and then situated in their broader political and organizational contexts. [R] [See Abstr. 64.576]
64.272 PHILLIMORE, John —
This article discusses several features of intergovernmental relations (IGR), paying particular attention to IGR in federations. A number of recent trends and challenges are identified, and implications are drawn for the analysis of IGR. The article shows how IGR has traditionally been dominated by informal processes and power relationships, but that formalization and institutionalization have increased and can provide greater certainty and protection for sub-national governments in dealing with central government. [R] [See Abstr. 64.481]
64.273 PIETRYKA, Matthew T.; MACINTOSH, Randall C. —
Valid comparisons of group scores on additive measures such as political knowledge scales require that the conditional response probabilities for individuals on the observed items be invariant across groups after controlling for their overall level of the latent trait of interest. Using a multi-group confirmatory factor analysis of knowledge items drawn from American National Election Studies, we find that the scales used in recent research are not sufficiently invariant for valid comparisons across a host of theoretically important grouping variables. We demonstrate that it is possible to construct valid invariant scales using a subset of items and show the impact of invariance by comparing results from the valid and invalid scales. [R, abr.]
64.274 PIN-FAT, Véronique —
The academic discipline of IR has yet to systematically begin tracing the impact of post-humanism on ethics in global politics. In a context where a humanist picture of the subject is in “a state of crisis that is more acute than ever”, and the “end of humanity” is being declared by some, the question arises as to whether a moral commitment to liberal cosmopolitanism can be maintained. It arises because the moral commitments of cosmopolitanism traditionally rest on a humanist foundation, and post-humanism, at first glance, seems an obvious threat to it. I read humanism as the threat. I propose that, tricky though it may be, a cosmopolitanism that embraces the end of humanity can be formulated and defended as a moral commitment to humanity: a cosmopolitanism without foundations. [R, abr.]
64.275 PINKER, Steven —
The author observes that a decline in war does not require a romantic theory of human nature. In fact, it is compatible with a hardheaded view of human violent inclinations, firmly rooted in evolutionary biology. Homo sapiens evolved with violent tendencies, but they are triggered by particular circumstances rather than a hydraulic urge that must periodically be discharged. And, although our species evolved with motives that can erupt in violence, it also evolved motives that can inhibit violence, including self-control, empathy, a sense of fairness, and open-ended cognitive mechanisms that can devise technologies for reducing violence. [R] [See Abstr. 64.125]
64.276 PINTORE, Eduardo José —
Article 51 of the UN Charter recognizes the right to self-defense without describing its requirements in detail. Consequently, various conditions of this legal [institution] such as, for example, the imminence of the attack or the necessity and proportionality of the defense, were developed by resorting to jurisprudence and legal doctrine. The defense will, however, is not discussed within the international sphere, although it is a recognized requirement of self-defense in national law. A careful examination of the state practice with regard to the exercise of the right of self-defense under international law, points out that the defense will is recognized as a constitutive element of this legal instrument. [R]
64.277 PLATTNER, Marc F. —
“Governance”, once merely a synonym for government, has taken on new meanings that tend to downplay the importance of the political. But can “good governance” be achieved today without the protections of liberal democracy? [R]
64.278 POLKE, Christian —
Explaining the value concepts, an examination of the philosophical neutrality of the state in relation to legal values and norms, concludes that values should not be used in the interpretation of the constitution. But the limits of Hans Kelsen's approach are set by value relativism and giving the greatest potential to democracy. Citizens must be ensured a space of liberty through basic rights; but these are more defensive and not primarily seen as values of an objective order. [R, transl.]
64.279 PORCARO, Mimmo —
Altermondialism has had some success in guiding initiatives in Europe over the last decade. In proposing partial and insufficient economic alternatives, however, this theory fails to understand the meaning and seriousness of the present crisis and of the significance and direction of the new popular revolts that the crisis has already produced. The current crisis has now made outdated this kind “evolutionary vision” of the overcoming of capitalism, of the construction of a “possible world” which held sway, in variant versions, up to the beginning of the 21st c. The crisis thus rings in, once again, the hour of Lenin. And the real dividing line is in fact the crisis: if its eruption brings us back to Marx, its momentary “solution” brings us to Lenin. [See Abstr. 64.7]
64.280 POTRAFKE, Niklas —
Principal-agent problems can arise when preferences of voters are not aligned with preferences of political representatives. Often the consequence of the political principal-agent problem is political catering to special interests. I provide examples of principal-agent problems regarding public spending. The examples concern construction or extension of concert halls in two German cities. Resistance to public funding for the concert halls was particularly strong in electoral districts with large constituencies on the left. The evidence indicates that political representatives were more bourgeois than their constituencies. In the cases studied, asymmetric information did not prevail and voters were able to discipline their representatives through referenda that countered the results of voting by political representatives. [R]
64.281 PREDA, Adina —
One challenge in contemporary political philosophy is to reconcile groups’ claims for rights and collective self-determination with a liberal commitment to the priority of individuals’ rights and well-being. A solution to this puzzle may rest on a justification of group rights based on shared individual interests. This presupposes the collective conception of group rights, which does not entail that a group has to be conceived of as a distinct entity, with an independent moral standing. Such a strategy would thus not lead to conflicts between the rights of a group and those of its individual members. This article argues that this strategy does not succeed in justifying genuine group rights. Shared interests cannot ground rights held by a group qua group, especially the kind of rights that national or cultural groups demand. [R, abr.]
64.282 PRONTERA, Andrea —
The article analyzes from a theoretical point of view the relationship between technology and public policies. It first clarifies the different elements of technology important for the study of the policy process and the policy making. Then, it examines the impact of those elements — namely hardware and software — on policy development, highlighting their potential contribution to policy-change or stability during the time. [Then] the article explores the process of mutual influence and co-evolution between technological transitions and policy dynamics. It revisits the sociological approach to technological substitution in the light of the recent theories of the policy process focused on policy subsystems and institutional venues. Finally, the article presents an original typology, with four different patterns of transition politics. [R, abr.]
64.283 PUUMALA, Eeva —
This article explores political agency in the interstices of the bodily politics of asylum. It shows how its practices make bodily surfaces and how alternative forms of political authority emanate from bodies. Relying on J.-L. Nancy's ontology of the body, it examines forms of political agency that are enacted by people often considered as abjective subjectivities in the spaces of the international. Deriving from interviews conducted with failed asylum-seekers, the article sheds light on agencies and resistances embedded in and extant despite the governmental efforts to solve the problem of the moving body. Ethnographic data and interviews with the failed asylum-seekers show how they take control over their lives, not as separate, sovereign subjects, but in relation to their political surroundings and others. [R, abr.]
64.284 RAGAN, Robi —
How well do the institutions of representative democracy translate the preferences of the electorate into policy? Is there any systematic bias in a representative democracy system? After formulating a series of computational models, it appears that the degree to which legislative districts are “gerrymandered” with respect to preferences about the policy is a source of policy bias. To illustrate the phenomenon, household income is used as a proxy for voters’ preferences with respect to redistribution. Even when the majority of voters are in favor of redistribution, if districts are constructed with a sufficient level of conservative gerrymandering, the policy outcome under representative democracy will favor far less redistribution than the policy outcome under direct democracy. [R, abr.]
64.285 REGILME, Salvador Santino F., Jr. —
The recent surge of neoliberal globalization provided tremendous opportunities for people in the developing world to seek job opportunities abroad. Yet, these developing countries that export labor to capital-rich countries face severe challenges in strengthening their governance systems and the provision of public goods. In this regard, a critical question, thus, concerns whether global labor migration from developing countries to the West creates a boon or a bane in adequately consolidating democratic rule in the Global South. Using the Philippine case, the argument made is that the massive exodus of Filipino workers for jobs abroad constitutes deep contradictions in the global political economy of development, and the continuous reliance on labor diaspora undermines the life expectancy of the struggling democratic regime in the country. [A]
64.286 REINICKE, Wolfgang; BENNER, Thorsten —
This paper is a first effort to focus on the meta-level and outline a broader framework for thinking about innovation in global governance. Is it sufficient to merely think about adaptation and reform as we have over and over again? Or have we reached a critical macro-structural juncture where transformation can and should no longer be excluded? The paper first details why the present system needs innovation of a deeper kind; [then] it explores how we can think about innovation and improving the conditions for innovation in global governance to occur. [R] [See Abstr. 64.1376]
64.287 RHODES, R. A. W. —
What lessons about public sector reform can be learned from using political anthropology to study governance reform? What are the strengths and weaknesses of such an approach? I contrast the everyday working experience reported [earlier] with the core themes of civil service reform: namely, evidence-based policy-making, managerialism, and choice. I use five axioms for clarity of exposition: coping and the appearance of rule, not strategic planning; institutional memory, not internal structures; storytelling, not evidence-based policy; contending traditions and stories, not just managerialism; the politics of implementation, not top-down innovation and control. [R] [See Abstr. 64.576]
64.288 RICHMOND, Oliver P. —
This article outlines the often countervailing forces and norms of stateformation, state-building and peace-building according to their associated theoretical approaches. It introduces a new concept of “peace formation”, which counterbalances a reliance on internal violent or externalized institutions’ agency, reform and conditionality. Without incorporating a better understanding of the multiple and often critical agencies involved in peace-formation, the states emerging from statebuilding will remain failed by design, because they are founded on externalized systems, legitimacy and norms rather than a contextual, critical and emancipatory epistemology of peace. Engaging with the processes of peace-formation may aid international actors in gaining a better understanding of the roots of a conflict, how local actors may be assisted, how violence and power-seeking may be ended or managed and how local legitimacy may emerge. [R]
64.289 RIDER, Toby J. —
Arms races are costly and inefficient; therefore, standard causal explanations, based on threat perception, are inadequate, as states should prefer to resolve disagreements prior to the onset of these inefficient competitions. Building on recent research, arms races are alternatively conceptualized as a product of uncertainty, used to reveal information. Expectations are derived regarding when arms races should be most likely, allowing for one of the first systematic, quantitative tests of the causes of arms races. Empirical tests support theoretical expectations that arms races are most likely in contexts where there are salient competitive stakes and high levels of uncertainty, such as territorial rivalries or the early tenure of new leaders. [R, abr.]
64.290 RIVERA CELESTINO, Mauricio; GLEDITSCH, Kristian Skrede —
Existing research on transitions has largely neglected the role of protest and direct action in destabilizing autocracies and promoting democracy. We argue that protest and direct action can promote transitions in autocracies, and that the mode of direct action, that is, whether violent or nonviolent, has a major impact on the prospects for autocratic survival and democracy. We present empirical results supporting our claim that nonviolent protests substantially increase the likelihood of transitions to democracy, especially under favorable international environments, while violent direct action is less effective in undermining autocracies overall, and makes transitions to new autocracies relatively more likely. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.55]
64.291 ROBERTS, Andrew; SEAWRIGHT, Jason; CYR, Jennifer —
Numerous studies have found that proportional electoral rules significantly increase women's representation in national parliaments relative to majoritarian and mixed rules. These studies, however, suffer from serious methodological problems, including the endogeneity of electoral laws, poor measures of cultural variables, and neglect of time trends. This article produces more accurate estimates of the effect of electoral rules on women's representation by using within-country comparisons of electoral rule changes and bicameral systems as well as matching methods. It finds that the effect of electoral laws is not as strong as in previous studies and varies across cases. The policy implication is that changes in electoral laws may not provide a quick and consistent fix to the problem of low women's representation. [R]
64.292 RODRÍGUEZ GUERRA, Jorge —
From a liberal perspective, widely hegemonic in our world, democracy is only possible in a society with a “market economy”, in which private property and individual economic freedom are guaranteed. Only one model of democracy is considered acceptable: liberal democracy. Nevertheless, the compatibility between democracy and capitalism is tense and often problematic, and only possible if the interests and fundamental systemic requirements of capital are safeguarded. Liberal democracy is therefore, in its essence, a restricted democracy. This central fact has become worse in the last three decades because of neoliberal policies: the power of capital has increased at the same time that citizen power decreased. [R, abr.]
64.293 ROHDE, David W. —
This article focuses on the theory of Conditional Party Government (CPG). It recapitulates the development of the argument for CPG, pulling together various strands articulated during work on the theory over the last four decades in order to explain why the theory took the form it did. The discussion focuses on some of the most important evidence that relates to the predictions of CPG, in order to account for the evolution of the theory over time in interaction with that evidence. It also offers some reflections at various points on the implications of this theoretical and empirical effort for the study of [the US] Congress. [R]
64.294 ROSAMOND, Ben; WARLEIGH-LACK, Alex —
K. E. Jørgensen and M. Valbjørn [“Four dialogues and the funeral of a beautiful relationship: European studies and the New Regionalism”, ibid. 47(1), March 2012: 3–27; Abstr. 62.2966] develop a typology of intellectual dialogue across fields that yields rather negative conclusions about the prospects for sustainable dialogue between “European studies” and the “New Regionalism”. This response disputes this pessimistic conclusion. Their derivation of models of dialogue is incomplete. Using their premises, the article derives a “market” mode of dialogue that challenges their assumption that dialogue will tend towards hierarchy. [While] there are important “sociology-of-knowledge” impediments to effective dialogue within political science and IR, they fail to work through the question of “dialogue between whom?”. [Although] methodological division is the most significant impediment to dialogue, within-methodology dialogue is more than viable in the case under scrutiny. The article [offers] more particular criticisms of their assumptions about extant calls for dialogue between scholars in these two fields. [R, abr.]
64.295 RÖSCH, Felix —
The contextualization of H. Morgenthau's thought has been significantly advanced in recent years. Uncovering the intellectual relationships Morgenthau had with Max Weber, F. Nietzsche, members of the Frankfurt School, or even C. Schmitt, has not only revealed the development of political discourses in the Weimar Republic, but it has helped to rectify interpretational shortcomings of realism and encouraged scholarship to apply realist principles to 21st-c. world politics. Despite this comprehensive contextualization, the “thinking partnership” between Morgenthau and H. Arendt has attracted so far only rhapsodic elaborations. This neglect is surprising because, at a time when the financial crisis in Western democracies is gradually turning into a crisis of democracy itself, a close reading of them offers a kind of social criticism whose implications are worthy of consideration. [R] [See Abstr. 64.320]
64.296 SAGAR, Arun —
This article undertakes a comparative study of the concept of federal supremacy as it appears in the constitutional texts and judicial doctrine of the US, Australia, India, Canada, and Germany. It discusses the complex judicial techniques and principles developed in each of these federations, and argues that the approaches based on “conflict” and “field”, respectively, should be distinguished as opposing paradigms of interpretation. The field approach is criticized as being incompatible with a coherent vision of supremacy, and as being itself replete with conceptual problems that are unnecessary to the resolution of cases. It is further suggested that the conflict approach is in itself sufficiently flexible to be adapted to all situations. [R]
64.297 SANDAL, Nukhet; LOIZIDES, Neophytos —
This article examines why center-right parties that have partly built their image around ethnic or religious identities reverse their positions to support peace arrangements. Political settlements in divided societies frequently run counter to the values of these parties and are also potentially damaging to their internal party cohesion. We argue that political learning through sustained interaction with external pro-peace allies transforms the positions of center-right parties by socializing them when it comes to their international agenda, yet the same effect is not observed in party actions within the sphere of domestic intra-communal politics. Drawing from the Cypriot and Northern Irish peace processes, we show that once these parties embrace peace agreements, they compensate domestic constituencies on symbolic issues of less importance for the peace process yet of major significance to conservative constituencies. [R, abr.]
64.298 SAPIR, Eliyahu V.; SULLIVAN, Jonathan; VEEN, Tim —
Political scientists have tried to explain why some campaign ads contain more negative messages than others and to identify the determinants of this form of campaign behavior. In recent years, a number of studies have acknowledged the differences between alternative measures of negativity, but, in most cases, it is assumed that since these measures are highly correlated, they are unidimensional and essentially interchangeable. We argue that much of the debate in the literature over negative campaigning is a result of inadequate operationalizations of negativity. Although debates over negativity have often been framed in conceptual terms, there is a methodological explanation for why they persist. We construct reliable scales of negativity, and model them with salient predictors reported in the literature as significantly associated with campaign attacks. [R, abr.]
64.299 SCHEUERMAN, William E. —
Realist political philosophy has enjoyed a remarkable revival in recent years, with prominent intellectual figures (e.g., R. Geuss, B. Williams) promoting an identifiably “realist” alternative to neo-Kantianism. Yet contemporary Realists either ignore or caricature mid-century (or classical) international realists (for example, E.H. Carr, H. Morgenthau, R. Niebuhr), whose theoretical contributions have also recently generated a substantial revival of interest among international political theorists. However, they have done so at a high cost: recent philosophical-minded realists unwittingly reproduce conceptual ambiguities plaguing mid-century international realist contributions to political ethics. Unlike its mid-century predecessor, realist political philosophy also fails to analyze political “realities” in any but the most abstract fashion. Realist political philosophy still primarily constitutes an anti-Kantian gesture, but by no means a cogent theoretical alternative. [R] [See Abstr. 64.320]
64.300 SCHNEIDER, Christina J.; SLANTCHEV, Branislav L. —
We analyze institutional solutions to international cooperation when actors have heterogeneous preferences over the desirability of the action and split into supporters and opponents, all of whom can spend resources toward their preferred outcome. We study how actors can communicate their preferences through voting when they are not bound either by their own vote or the outcome of the collective vote. We identify two organizational types with endogenous coercive enforcement and find that neither is unambiguously preferable. Like the solutions to the traditional Prisoners’ Dilemma, these forms require long shadows of the future to sustain. We then show that cooperation can be sustained through a noncoercive organization where actors delegate execution to an agent. [R, abr.]
64.301 SCHOCK, Kurt —
This article reviews the practice and study of civil resistance. First, historical roots of modern civil resistance are discussed, including the emergence in the 19th c. of mass-based campaigns of non-cooperation to promote nationalist and labor interests, as well as the significance of Mohandas Gandhi and the widespread use of nonviolent resistance in the 20th c. Second, perspectives of scholars of social movements and revolution are compared with those of scholars who focus more specifically on nonviolent resistance. Despite studying much of the same phenomena, separate literatures are ripe for cross-fertilization and synthesis. In the third section, a literature review is organized around three key concepts for understanding civil resistance: mobilization, resilience, and leverage. Fourth, consequences of nonviolent resistance relative to violent resistance are discussed. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.55]
64.302 SCHULTZE, Rainer-Olaf —
The neo-democratic reform agenda emphasizes both participative governing and effective governing. While the first is said to be achieved by strongly engaging members of the civil society, the second supposedly results due to governance networks and rational negotiations. However, even though the governance structures have strongly changed governing in representative democracies, the hopes associated with theses changes could not be fulfilled. Parliaments are still losing power and influence; the abilities concerning organization and conflict of interests are still asymmetric and all attempts concerning neo-democratic transparency, accountability and participation by the civil society are vastly part of symbolic politics. If those hopes are ever to become reality, minorities as well as interests that are not or only partially disputable have to be empowered. [R, abr.]
64.303 SEGBERS, Klaus —
It is of concern that politics is increasingly viewed as a “fire brigade”, reacting to emergencies but no longer capable of strategic action. Can politics still be organized in the traditional sense and what part can be played by advisors and informed debate? The challenges of national politics are increasingly complex, as media and elections determine the agenda. But whereas post-modern societies are subject to rapid transformation, politics remains largely untouched and skewed towards survival instead of problem-solving.
64.304 SELBY, Jan —
This article contends that for all the merits of much of the work on “liberal peace-building”, the overall terms of the debate are rooted in a series of questionable assumptions. Proponents and critics alike hold that peace-building is an essentially liberal project, over which there is a global (or Western) consensus, and which is pursued by a decentralized plurality of institutions irrespective of the particularly of war-endings. This article shows that this is misleading. Focusing on the relations between peace agreements and peace-building, it shows that peace agreements are contextually specific political arrangements, driven above all by strategic considerations of power and legitimacy, in relation to which liberal peace-building doctrines and practices are unevenly applied, instrumentalized or plain ignored — including by international actors. [R, abr.]
64.305 SERGEEV, Kirill V. —
Considered in the article is the political situation in conflict, when demands of the masses are not reflected in the consciousness to the extent that they could not be expressed — because of vetoes put within the framework of the political culture. The problem of social risks is analyzed — of social risks due to similar situations. [R] [See Abstr. 64.163]
64.306 SHARMA, Vivek S. —
Two cheers for corruption. While Westerners are accustomed to viewing corruption as a pathology or plague, it has been the long-standing practice of many societies throughout human history and often produces beneficial outcomes. [R]
64.307 SHELLMAN, Stephen M.; LEVEY, Brian P.; YOUNG, Joseph K. —
Why does a dissident group go through phases of violence and nonviolence? Many studies of states and dissidents examine related issues by focusing on structural or rarely changing factors. In contrast, some more recent work focuses on dynamic interaction of participants. We suggest forecasting state–dissident interaction using insights from this dynamic approach while also incorporating structural factors. We explore this question by offering new data on the behavior of groups and governments collected using automated natural language processing techniques. These data provide information on who is doing what to whom at a directed-dyadic level. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.55]
64.308 SHORTEN, Richard —
The influence that ideas have (or do not have) in political life is widely regarded as a problematic issue — across many fields of study. Reservations about the possibilities for assessing ideas’ influence can be shown to differ, however, in quite revealing ways. Apprehension rests neither on a single, shared reservation, nor even on a core set of reservations. Moreover, many of the reservations lack cogency. A more useful way of addressing the “influence-problem” is by employing a typology. This typology would seek to capture the full range of modes in which influence might be exercised. The article therefore proposes one, as a heuristic framework for investigation and analysis, with the intention that it might be applied to the study of “real-world” cases. [R]
64.309 SIEGEL, David A. —
How do global sources of information such as mass media outlets, state propaganda, NGOs, and national party leadership affect aggregate behavior? Prior work on this question has insufficiently considered the complex interaction between social network and mass media influences on individual behavior. By explicitly modeling this interaction, I show that social network structure conditions media's impact. Further, social network interactions can amplify media bias, leading to large swings in aggregate behavior made more severe when individuals can select into media matching their preferences. Theoretical results such as these generate numerous testable hypotheses; I provide guidelines for deriving and testing hypotheses from the model and discuss several such hypotheses. [R, abr.]
64.310 SIMONSEN, Kristina Bakkaer; THOMSEN, Jens Peter Frølund —
Previous research has emphasized that social trust makes modern societies more cohesive. Social trust is commonly defined as a faith in the unknown other. A number of previous studies have shown that trusters are also tolerant toward ethnic minority members. This article contributes to social trust research by examining the extent to which the relationship between social trust and tolerance toward ethnic minority members is conditioned by the preference for national cultural homogeneity. The empirical analysis shows that the relationship between social trust and ethnic tolerance is very weak among those who strongly prefer national cultural homogeneity. This finding suggests that parts of the international literature have overestimated the ability of social trust to create inclusive and coherent societies. [R, abr.]
64.311 SLATER, Dan —
This review essay ventures the claim that political scientists need to transcend their rightful concerns with how and why young democracies collapse or consolidate, and devote more attention to theorizing how and why they careen. It defines democratic careening as political instability sparked by intense conflict between partisan actors deploying competing visions of democratic accountability. Careening occurs when actors who argue that democracy requires substantial inclusivity of the entire populace (vertical accountability) clash with rivals who defend democracy for its constraints against excessive concentrations of unaccountable power, particularly in the political executive (horizontal accountability). These arguments are elaborated through reviews of leading theoretical works on democratic break-down as well as detailed case studies of Thailand and Taiwan. [R, abr.]
64.312 SLATER, Dan; ZIBLATT, Daniel —
Do controlled comparisons still have a place in comparative politics? Long criticized by quantitatively oriented methodologists, this canonical approach has increasingly been critiqued by qualitative methodologists who recommend greater focus on within-case analysis and the confinement of causal explanations to particular cases. Such advice accords with a welcome shift from a combative “tale of two cultures” toward mutual respect for research combining qualitative and quantitative methods in the simultaneous pursuit of internal and external validity. This article argues that controlled comparisons remain indispensable amid this “multimethod turn”, explicating how they too can generate both internal and external validity when their practitioners (1) craft arguments with general variables or mechanisms, (2) seek out representative variation, and (3) select cases that maximize control over alternative explanations. [R, abr.]
64.313 SOBEK, David; WELLS, Jeremy —
Power transition theory has been both theoretically and empirically developed in the context of a hierarchy (both global and regional). Yet the logic of the theory describes the interactions of a hegemon in relation to a rising challenger, which is essentially a dyadic interaction. As a result, we argue that power transition theory is a dyadic theory that can be examined across all dyads. We test power transition in a data set of all non-directed dyads from 1816 to 2001. Our results find robust evidence that dyadic power transitions increase the risk of militarized disputes. In addition, this result is not actually contingent on the dyad containing either powerful states or those with dissimilar preferences. [R]
64.314 SÖDERSTRÖM, Johanna —
This article demonstrates how democracy and peace-building can interlink at the micro-level, as demobilization, disarmament and reintegration (DDR) programs feed into democratization via their rarely studied political impact among individual ex-combatants. Using the reintegration experiences of ex-combatants in Liberia and the literature on policy feedback, this article demonstrates the varying impacts of current peace-building on the politics of ex-combatants, and develops a framework to analyze this relationship further in other cases. This theoretical framework offers a tool to grapple with and make sense of the political consequences of DDR, thereby clarifying how reintegration programs structure and condition the ex-combatants’ continued political voice. [R, abr.]
64.315 SOLLER, Diana —
This article aims to uncover part of K. Waltz forgotten legacy. By asking why he disregarded “democracy” as an important variable to understand relations among states it recovers a 1967 book(Foreign Policy and Democratic Politics: the American and British Experiences, Boston, 1967) where Waltz argues that there are more similarities than differences between liberal and autocratic states. Re-reading this book also allows bridging the gap between Waltz's most famous works (Man, the State and War and Theory of International Politics) contributing to the understanding of the academic path of one of the most brilliant scholars of the 20th c. [R] [See Abstr. 64.119]
64.316 SPICER, Zachary; NATER, John L. —
This article provides a new perspective in which future research could examine the election of Speakers. A collective action perspective is put forward, which sees three groups of actors execute separate strategies to reach their own ends: the backbench, the executive and the opposition. These factors are tested on the Speaker selection exercises in the Ontario [Canada] legislature. It was found that the executive rarely gets their choice of Speaker, and three factors identified in the legislative dissent literature are utilized to examine these private acts of dissent: party popularity, cabinet size and the percentage of new legislators entering the party at each legislative term. It was found that the Speaker selection process involves three groups, each with their own preference order in decision-making. [R, abr.]
64.317 STAHL, Roger —
The dramatic growth of drone warfare in the last decade has meant the arrival of a new kind of war imagery in civilian life: the view through the drone camera. As such, the drone is not simply a weapon, but also an emerging medium for representing conflict. This article explores the ways this imagery has been selected, interpreted, framed and put to use in public and popular culture. In addition to exploring how these practices of looking fit within the larger history of war imagery, two prominent features of “drone vision” are identified: the promotion of consumer interactivity in the drone war and the militarizing of domestic space. [R] [See Abstr. 64.257]
64.318 STANTON, Jessica A. —
This article examines variation in terrorism across civil wars, asking why some rebel groups use terrorism, while others do not. Rebel groups make strategic calculations, assessing how their government opponents and their own civilian constituencies will react to terrorism. Rebel groups challenging democratic governments are more likely to use terrorism, believing that their opponents will be sensitive to civilian losses and, therefore, likely to make concessions in response to violence. Rebel groups also consider the costs of violence, which depend on characteristics of the rebel group's civilian constituency. Rebel groups with broad civilian constituencies select lower-casualty civilian targets to minimize public backlash. Evidence from a new data-set on rebel-group terrorism in civil wars from 1989 to 2010 provides support for these arguments. [R, abr.]
64.319 STARR, Harvey —
I elaborate on the spatial context of international relations, to contrast it to the temporal context, and indicate broadly the continuing importance of the geopolitical spatial context to the study of international relations. I briefly demonstrate how this relationship is based not on an earlier approach based on geographic determinism, but rather possibilism — the possibilities presented by the spatial, geographic, and geopolitical context. In elaborating on space and place, I return to the dynamism and importance of the spatial context for understanding international relations, along with the need to take both time and space into account, the need to appreciate both a locational view and the perceptual/symbolic/constructed view of space and place, and to do so within an increasingly globalized, interdependent, and transnational world system. [R, abr.]
64.320 STEELE, Brent J. —
This article considers the utility of perspectives such as “classical realism” for the resources they provide us in thinking and re-thinking about politics today. Rather than assuming that there is only one true way to interpret and re-cast such perspectives, we might instead consider the ways in which different generations of scholars re-embody these perspectives for practical purposes. While we should be cautious regarding interpretive travel, I argue that we should not shy away from challenging past interpretations with a more critical eye on the ways in which realism has been treated in the past. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Realism reconsidered: new contexts and critiques”, edited and introduced by Hartmut BEHR and Seán MOLLOY. Preface by Richard Ned LEBOW. See also Abstr. 64.28, 160, 197, 214, 243, 261, 295, 299, 333]
64.321 STEFFEK, Jens —
The ever-closer collaboration between intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) and NGOs is empirically well described but poorly theorized. I develop a general theoretical framework for analyzing emergent patterns of cooperation between IGOs and NGOs, which may be used to generate hypotheses or guide comparatives studies. The starting point is a conception of organizational actors as purposeful but resource-dependent. The article then combines a “resource-exchange perspective” from organizational sociology with the model of a policy cycle from comparative politics. The result is a theoretical framework that allows to identify incentives for, as well as obstacles to, IGO-NGO cooperation along all phases of the policy cycle. In a concluding section the limits of this model and the underlying assumptions are discussed. [R]
64.322 STEURER, Reinhard —
By focusing mainly on actor constellations, the article disentangles governance into seven basic types of regulation, four of them representing public policies with varying degrees of government involvement and three depending solely on civil society (civil regulation), on businesses (industry or business self-regulation) or on both (civil co-regulation). Although each of the seven types is well known and extensively researched, they are rarely joined in a synoptic view, making it difficult to grasp the totality of contemporary governance. After introducing the seven basic types of regulation and co-regulation, the article addresses the interactions between them and adds the widely used concepts of hybrid regulation and meta-governance in distinct ways. This synoptic view helps to comprehend how governmental deregulation has been accompanied by soft governmental regulation as well as “societal reregulation”. [R, abr.]
64.323 STREB, Jorge M.; TORRENS, Gustavo —
Political budget cycles (PBCs) can result from the credibility problems office-motivated incumbents face under asymmetric information, due to the temptation to manipulate fiscal policy to increase their electoral chances. We analyze the role of rules that limit public debt, because borrowing is a necessary condition for aggregate PBCs. Since the legislature must typically authorize new debt, divided government can make these fiscal rules credible. Commitment is undermined by either unified government or imperfect compliance with the budget law, which can help explain why PBCs are stronger in developing countries and in new democracies. When divided government affects efficiency, voters must trade off electoral distortions and government competence. [R]
64.324 STREECK, Wolfgang —
Blyth shows convincingly that “austerity does not work”. But he seems to imply that financial repression, higher taxes and monetary expansion would. Are they really compatible, however? Financial repression requires growth, real or nominal. Real growth is widely believed to require lower, not higher taxes. Nominal growth, that is inflation, is difficult to contain as well as to bring about, given trade union weakness and widespread dependence on fixed transfer incomes. Monetary expansion, finally, may simply add to general indebtedness, as it has since the late 1970s when real growth embarked on a long-term decline. [R] [See Abstr. 64.166]
64.325 SUSSMANN, Naomi —
The rapidly expanding literature on terrorism responds to the growing incidence of violent political conflict. Most of the relevant discussion is conducted within the framework of just war theory, in which armed conflicts are considered legitimate only when they are explicitly announced and justified; when they take place between states and their armies; and when they are strictly exclusive of non-combatants. This article argues that framing the discussion in these terms tends to expose the inadequacy of just war theory itself under conditions of modern violence. This article establishes that the framework of just war theory is inadequate to the delegitimization of terrorism. It argues, on these grounds, for the replacement of the theory of just war with a theory of justified political violence. [R, abr.]
64.326 SWAINE, Lucas —
This article analyzes the moral and political implications of strong moral character for political action. The treatment provides reason to hold that strong moral character should play a role in a robust normative account of political leadership. The case is supported by empirical findings on character dispositions and the political viability of the account's normative prescriptions. [R]
64.327 TANNENWALD, Nina —
This essay focuses on two key questions: (1) how do the issues of justice and fairness affect the stability, durability, and effectiveness of the nuclear nonproliferation regime? (2) what is the relationship of equity issues to conceptions of national security and “interests”? This essay lays out how justice and fairness play a role in arms-control agreements. I briefly summarize key elements of the nuclear nonproliferation regime and the often competing norms at the core of the regime. I then analyze the grievances about justice and fairness in the NPT and show how they shape conceptions of state interests. In conclusion, I summarize why issues of justice and fairness in the NPT need to be taken seriously for a long-term sustainability of the nonproliferation regime. [R] [See Abstr. 64.148]
64.328 TANSEY, Oisín —
Traditional approaches have conceptualized political regimes with reference to domestic-level political factors. However, many current and historical political regimes have entailed a major role for international actors, and in some cases the external influence has been so great that regimes have become internationalized. This article explores the concept of “internationalized regimes” and argues that they should be seen as a distinct form of hybrid regime type that demonstrates a distinct dimension of hybridity. Until now, regime hybridity has been conceived along a single dimension of domestic politics: the level of competitiveness. Yet, some regimes are characterized by a different type of hybridity, in which domestic and international authority are found together within a single political system. The article explores the dynamics of internationalized regimes within settings of international occupation, international administration and informal empire. [R]
64.329 THAYER, Bradley —
The author argues that the decline-of-war thesis is flawed because the positive forces identified by these authors do not rule outside of the West or even fully inside of it. Their analysis also neglects the systemic causes of conflict and its insights for increasingly intense security competition between China and the US. [R] [See Abstr. 64.125]
64.330 THIRIOT, Céline —
The comparison between the process of transition in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 1990s and of the Arab Spring movements since 2011 enables us to draw up a critical but balanced assessment of “transitology”. What was learned from the African transitions has made us reassess the tools of “transitology” and, more precisely, the sequential division and place and role given to elections. We shed a different light on the usual interpretation of the “Arab Spring”. [R] [See Abstr. 64.692]
64.331 THOMPSON, Helen —
M. Blyth's Austerity: The History of a Dangerous Idea [Oxford, 2013] shows with great lucidity just how a European banking crisis was turned into a Eurozone sovereign debt crisis, and engages with a superb comparative breadth on the implications of this for understanding the political choices made by governments in the developed world over the past few years. Blyth's account of the intellectual genealogy of present austerity policies is in places less persuasive. As Blyth argues, there has been much narrative fiction about the sovereign debt crisis, but there is also more to that crisis than ideological construction. If the generalizations about the “need” for austerity are untenable as Blyth shows, so are some of his claims about the origins and political responses to the financial crisis. [R] [See Abstr. 64.166]
64.332 TIR, Jaroslav; SINGH, Shane P. —
The public support literature maintains that leader popularity is driven by the state of the economy. Yet, according to the diversionary theory of war, foreign crisis participation may help an unpopular leader bolster his or her political fortunes through a rally-around-the-flag effect. Utilizing CSES Module II surveys covering twenty-six countries, 2001–2006, comparative investigation that links countries’ foreign crises participation with individual-level data on subsequent support for their leaders is useful. Multi-level analyses reveal that foreign crisis participation draws attention to foreign policy issues, increases support for the leader, and comes close to offsetting the negative impact of unemployment. While employed and unemployed individuals respond to crises nearly equally, the crises help the leader less among citizens concerned about foreign policy. [R]
64.333 TJALVE, Vibeke Schou —
This article explores the links between classical realists such as H. J. Morgenthau, R. Niebuhr or A. Schlesinger, Jr., and early pragmatists such as J. Dewey or S. Hook. Arguing that the question of how to save the creative potential of democracy from the stifling homogeneity of modernity was at the heart of both schools of thought, it treats Early Pragmatism as a window through which perhaps the most crucial question of Classical Realism may come to life: How to make publicity a vehicle of foreign-policy restraint in an age of mass politics? [R] [See Abstr. 64.320]
64.334 TOMLIN, Patrick —
What epistemic standard should we apply to decisions about what conduct to criminalize? How sure do we need to be that conduct can justly be criminalized before criminalizing it? If what drives our support for the presumption of innocence is that we wish to protect people from inappropriate punishment, then the risk of punishing them for non punishment-worthy conduct should elicit the same level of concern as the risk of punishing them for things they have not done. Both mistakes (unjust criminalization and wrongful conviction) are ultimately mistakes of the same type: giving people punishment they should not receive. Therefore, the same epistemic standard should apply. Should then the presumption of innocence be abandoned? Or do our political-legal institutions and culture require radical revision?
64.335 TOOHEY, David E. —
International diffusion of environmentalism increased since the 1970s. Simultaneously, neo-liberalism prioritized corporate dominance over regional and national opposition. This makes it difficult for ideas — including environmental governance — to leave worthwhile legacies to future generations, hence the issue of materialism. Three prominent transboundary environmental crises — (1) Amazonian deforestation, (2) the Deepwater Horizon oil spill, and (3) the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear disaste — are analyzed to explore how governments and corporations use ideologies and discursive strategies to create false environmental discourse that crowds out and silences environmentalism and then return general discourse to corporate anti-environmentalism. This strategy thrives in inconsistent national environmental governance. [R, abr.]
64.336 TRALAU, Johan —
A near-universal human institution — the prohibition of incest — is incompatible with an important version of contemporary liberal thought. In order to explore the implications of liberal neutrality for the question of incest between consenting adults, it is necessary to assess the normative principle in light of the findings of evolutionary psychology, genetics, and human ethology regarding incest. A closer look at three arguments for the prohibition of incest will show that one has to choose between maintaining the prohibition of incest on the one hand and liberal neutrality on the other hand, and that this makes liberal neutrality even more controversial than is generally assumed.
64.337 TSAI, Kellee S. —
China's contemporary political economy is among the most exciting and demanding frontiers of research in comparative politics. The country's sheer size and internal diversity offer a natural laboratory for examining topics at multiple levels and units of analysis, and in varied regional environments. China's salience in the international media and business community also presents scholars with the added opportunity (and even responsibility) for clarifying popular misconceptions through original empirical research. An abundance of research possibilities is accompanied by a ready audience of nonacademic consumers. [R]
64.338 UMANA DAJUD, C. —
The impact of politics on international trade has often been excluded by economists both from theoretical and empirical analysis. In this study, we examine empirically the impact of politics on trade flows. Results indicate that political differences have an impact on bilateral trade that is robust to a wide range of econometric specifications. However, the impact of political differences on trade flows vanishes when the costs of reducing the latter become fairly important. [R]
64.339 VAN LANGENHOVE, Luk —
This article presents the outline of a statehood theory of regions, to [improve] understanding of regions, how they function and how they emerge. I argue that “region” is a discursive tool used to refer to governance units that are not states but have some statehood properties. Second, a comparative framework is developed that allows to present theories of regions in a systematic way, [which] is used to outline a general theory of regions at the supra-national, sub-national or cross-border level. This “statehood theory of regions” underlines the statehood properties of regions as well as the complex relationships between states and regions. The paper brings in perspectives from psychology and personality theory to transpose the Hobbesian metaphor of states acting as persons to the understanding of regions. [R, abr.]
64.340 VanLANDINGHAM, Rachel —
No longer wholly an aspirational doctrine, the Responsibility to Protect concept, as international law, obligates nation-states to protect people against mass grievous human rights violations, and also obligates the international community to respond to mass atrocities when a state has failed to fulfill its original sovereign protective responsibility. How and why has Responsibility to Protect evolved into customary international law? Why the distinction between policy/politics and law matters? The transformation from a political and moral commitment to protect human rights to a legal rule is not purely theoretical; it matters because the Responsibility to Protect as law forecasts how national leaders will react to mass human right abuses, and informs their future decision-making. [See Abstr. 64.1199]
64.341 VEENENDAAL, Wouter —
Recent research on political representation in new democracies indicates that the quality of representation in Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe is substandard when compared to the older, Western democracies. There are, however, theoretical reasons to presume that microstates form an exception to this rule, especially in light of the natural closeness between citizens and politicians in these states. On the basis of an in-depth, qualitative analysis of the characteristics and quality of political representation in the microstates of St. Kitts and Nevis, Seychelles, and Palau, this expectation is rejected. Instead, it is found that the small-scale political dimensions of microstates engender a political environment that is marked by personalist politics and the pervasiveness of various forms of particularism. [R]
64.342 VILMER, Jean-Baptiste Jeangène, ed. —
Articles by Peter W. SINGER; Jean-Christophe NOËL; Jean-Baptiste Jeangène VILMER.
64.343 WALDRON, Jeremy —
David Hume believed that political science would be impossible if everything depended on individual character. Can we so design our institutions in a modern democracy that a democratic constitution can survive the corruption of the people, their obsession with material wealth, and their revealed unwillingness to sacrifice anything for their country? What matters — structures or character, institutions or virtue? We have to expand Hume's dichotomy and consider the aims and ideals that direct our politics: justice, equality, human rights, toleration, liberty, community, prosperity, wealth-maximization, and the common good. For some time now, the focus of political theory — both in our teaching and in our writing, particularly in the UK — has been precisely on the ends and ideals that a good society should seek to promote.
64.344 WALTON, Andrew —
I consider whether a number of arguments commonly advanced in defense of Fair Trade can defend the conclusion that individuals ought to purchase Fair Trade goods in particular, or whether they are sufficient to show only that purchasing Fair Trade goods is one of a number of acceptable ways to meet more general moral duties. Although various points are made in the article, its main theme is that it is difficult to show that purchasing Fair Trade goods is, even in one way, preferable to donating to charity, at least without advancing certain highly contentious moral claims. I argue that unless defenders of Fair Trade can address these issues, it will be difficult to defend the view that individuals should purchase Fair Trade goods in particular. [R]
64.345 WANG Ching-Hsing —
This study examines the effects of rationality and emotion on voter turnout. By applying the empirical implications of a theoretical models framework, I outline the relationship between rationality, emotion, and turnout and propose two hypotheses about the effects of party differential and emotion differential on turnout. The empirical test using data from American National Election Studies 1996, 2000, 2004, and 2008 shows that both party differential and emotion differential exert significantly positive effects on turnout, which confirms that individual turnout decision is a function of both rationality and emotion. However, this study suggests that rationality plays a more important and consistent role in individual turnout decision than emotion, because the effect of emotion on turnout might be built on the appearance of charismatic candidates. [R]
64.346 WEBB, David; MORGAN, Diane, eds. —
Editors’ introductions, by David WEBB, “Projecting ideas on a perpetual peace”, pp. 1–8, and Diane MORGAN, “Why ‘perpetual peace’ is almost a pleonasm”, pp. 9–16. Articles by Carolyn HAYMAN, “Local first in peacebuilding”, pp. 17–23; Colin ARCHER, “Military spending and the UN's development agenda”, pp. 24–32; Mark LEVENE, “Transformative space amidst the reality of biospheric emergency”, pp. 33–41; Diana FRANCIS, “Making peace global”, pp. 42–50; Crispin HEMSON, “Violence at the end of the rainbow”, pp. 51–57; Peter VAN DEN DUNGEN, “Projecting peace through history and museums”, pp. 58–65; Mike LOVE, “Leeds, a workshop for peace”, pp. 66–73; Hugh LACEY, “Technology for social inclusion”, pp. 74–82; Tamela KNIGHT, “Climate change and violent conflicts”, pp. 83–88.
64.347 WEHNER, Joachim —
This article examines electoral cycles in legislative budget decisions. Where local structures play an important role in candidate selection and election, legislators’ incentives to amend the executive spending proposal can depend on the proximity of elections, leading to more spendthrift behavior in the run-up to popular votes. However, stringent budget institutions can counteract this tendency. Using a unique dataset of executive spending proposals and approved budgets in Sweden, I find strong empirical support for these predictions. Future studies of electoral cycles should pay greater attention to separating the contributions of the legislative and executive stages of the budgetary process and the conditions that foster electoral cyclicality in legislatures. [R]
64.348 WEIDMANN, Nils B. —
Because of the various difficulties associated with media reports, it is useful to compare conflict events based on them with those obtained from other observers. A paper published in 2010 by O'Loughlin and colleagues makes a first attempt to do this by using (1) a media-based event dataset and (2) military records on Afghanistan. While the authors conclude that the level of agreement between the two datasets is high, my results show that this goes away once we aggregate to finer analytical resolutions — those typically used in micro-level conflict analyses. Thus, my results point to the importance of robustness tests in quantitative conflict research, but also to the need to study the discrepancies in different reporting mechanisms to find out what they can and what they cannot tell us. [R, abr.]
64.349 WEIMER, Steven —
Voluntarist accounts of secession are those that attempt to ground a moral right to secede in autonomy. This paper argues that no such account is likely to succeed. After describing the serious problems that plague the most straightforward Voluntarist approach, I examine two recent accounts that employ novel approaches designed to avoid those difficulties. I argue that both accounts fail, shedding considerable doubt on the possibility of a plausible autonomy-based account of the moral right to secede. I discuss what this pessimistic conclusion implies for the theory and practice of secession. [R]
64.350 WEINSCHENK, Aaron C. —
Despite the theoretical and empirical importance of civic duty, little research has investigated its antecedents. This article turns to individual personality traits as a potential explanation for why some people feel a stronger sense of civic duty than others. The analysis shows that a number of the Big Five traits shape an individual's sense of civic duty, with Agreeableness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, and Openness having statistically significant effects. The effects of personality traits rival and, in some cases, exceed the influence of variables that have typically been used to explain the sense of duty, including income. In the end, this study provides new evidence that personality traits influence broad orientations toward political life. [R, abr.]
64.351 WILKINSON, T. M. —
Behavioral economics and social psychology have shown that humans have all sorts of psychological quirks. Policy-makers have become enthusiastic about taking advantage of these quirks through what R.H. Thaler and C.R. Sunstein [Nudge: Improving Decisions about Health, Wealth, and Happiness (New Haven, 2008)] call “nudges”. This article asks: when would nudging be manipulative? [R, abr.]
64.352 WILLIAMS, Laron K. —
Scholars have not effectively addressed the differences in electoral cycles between systems with fixed versus flexible election timing. As parliamentary regimes give the Prime Minister the power to dissolve parliament, they give the parliament the power to remove the government with a vote of no-confidence. Together, these institutional attributes make the precise timing of the elections largely uncertain. I develop a theory that expectations of an upcoming election constrain the foreign policy decision making of executives, and induce pacific behavior. I estimate the probability of an election in a sample of 17 advanced parliamentary democracies from the 1950s to 2001. I find convincing support for my theory, as the probability of hostile dispute initiation is a function of those characteristics that influence the timing of elections, including majority support and the electoral cycle. [R, abr.]
64.353 WILSON, Ward —
Nuclear weapons require no special morality; ordinary morality, it turns out, is good enough. This is because the powers of nuclear weapons have been grossly exaggerated. It is true that nuclear weapons are the most destructive weapons and most dangerous weapons in the history of humankind. But despite their power, they also have limitations that make them quite ordinary. Indeed, nuclear weapons are not awe-inspiring, epochal, or war-winning, nor are they certain instruments of doom. They are clumsy, muscle-bound, expensive, unhandy weapons with little use except as totems of status. As a result, what we already know about nuclear weapons is sufficient. We simply have to ask ourselves if it is right to kill innocents unnecessarily. The answer to this question will provide all the guidance we need. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 64.148]
64.354 WONG, Sam —
The good governance agenda in the water, forestry, fishery and biodiversity sectors has generated limited success in achieving pro-poor outcomes. In many cases, local elites are to blame for capturing the benefits from the process of democratizing decision-making processes. This paper examines two approaches in the literature which both address elite domination: elite exclusion and elite inclusion. The former is a deliberate act to reduce the influence of elites by excluding them from the decision-making process in natural resource management. The latter is a conscious strategy to integrate elites into the use of natural resources in an attempt to redistribute the benefits to poor people via the ‘trickle down’ effect. This paper argues that the dichotomy of elite inclusion and exclusion is inadequate in understanding the complex local power dynamics in natural resource management. [R, abr.]
64.355 WUEEST, Bruno —
Well-known approaches in comparative institutional analysis like the “Varieties of Capitalism” typology often do not explicitly consider how institutions are shaping public debates. In doing so, they fall short of grasping the full extent of divergence among advanced economies. By exploring the policy preferences of a broad range of relevant actors including public administrations, parties, interest groups, corporations, experts and transnational governmental actors, this analysis can show how the institutional constellations of the UK, France and Germany explain a considerable part of the variation in their debates on economic liberalization reforms. The analysis is based on extensive content-analysis data from quality newspapers and confirms that national peculiarities in public debates are a function on the particular institutional context. [R, abr.]
64.356 YARHI-MILO, Keren —
How do policy-makers infer the long-term political intentions of their states’ adversaries? A new approach to answering this question, the “selective attention thesis”, posits that individual perceptual biases and organizational interests and practices influence which types of indicators a state's political leaders and its intelligence community regard as credible signals of an adversary's intentions. An examination of three cases shows strong support for the selective attention thesis and mixed support for two other approaches in IR theory: the behavior thesis and the capabilities thesis. The three cases are assessments by President J. Carter and officials in his administration of Soviet intentions during the collapse of détente; assessments by President R. Reagan and administration officials of Soviet intentions during the end of the Cold War; and British assessments of Nazi Germany before World War II. [R, abr.]
64.357 YARHI-MILO, Keren —
Private diplomacy and secret agreements among adversaries are major features of international relations. Sometimes secret reassurance has resulted in cooperation and even peace between longtime adversaries. Yet rationalist theories consider private diplomatic communication as cheap talk. How do we explain this gap between theoretical expectations and the empirical record? I offer a theory that explains how, why, and when a leader may convince an enemy that his private reassurances are credible even when they are not costly to undertake. I also account for the conditions under which recipients of such reassurance infer the leader's benign intentions from these secret interactions. I claim that leaders engage in secret reassurance with the enemy when they face significant domestic opposition. [R, abr.]
64.358 YI Dae Jin —
Does politics still matter for reducing income inequality in new democracies? The standard explanation is that political institutions, in particular the left government and proportional representation, are negatively associated with income inequality among advanced industrial countries, but there have been so few studies attempting to explain the variation of distributional outcomes across new democracies. This article tests the hypotheses about the effects of political institutions on income inequality with unbalanced pooled time-series cross-sectional data that cover 26 fledgling democracies for 1975–2006. The evidence suggests that, other things being equal, a parliamentary system and PR are substantially more likely to be associated with lower levels of income inequality, but a left government and more years of democracy do not appear to be related to lower income inequality. [R]
64.359 ZALEWSKI, Marysia; RUNYAN, Anne Sisson —
We explore questions about feminism and violence to constructively complicate understandings about this relationship. Feminism is conventionally positioned as oppositional to direct and structural violences, importantly so, as this has been seen key to feminism's viability as a constructive knowledge project. Yet there are increasingly persistent concerns about epistemic, juridical and other violences circulating around feminism, which render feminism's role in the production of oppositional knowledge and politics suspect. This is especially the case where western feminist ideas have been problematically taken up in neoliberal global policy making and for militarized human rights interventions. As feminist IR scholars troubled by such associations, we investigate — via an exploration of three provocative feminist texts — how feminism is perceived to be both violated and violating by its contemporary imbrication in the violences of neoliberalism and global governance. [R, abr.]
64.360 ZECHMEISTER, Elizabeth J.; ZIZUMBO-COLUNGA, Daniel —
In contrast to conventional scholarship positing a direct, negative relationship between corruption and political support, we build on a small but suggestive body of research to argue that this relationship is conditional on economic context. We test this claim with national survey data collected in 19 presidential systems as part of the AmericasBarometer 2010 study. Using both fixed effects ordinary least squares and hierarchical linear regression analyses, we show that individuals facing bad (good) collective economic conditions apply a higher (lower) penalty to presidential approval for perceived political corruption. This result holds across both an individual-level indicator of national economic assessment and a regional economic measure; we further test, and find less substantial results for, the moderating influence of personal economic conditions on the political toll of corruption perceptions. [R, abr.]
64.361 ZEHAVI, Amos —
This article explores whether recent social and political developments have transformed religious organizations’ involvement in welfare activities. Most developed countries have undergone a process of secularization in which the religious attachments of major segments of society, and also certain state institutions, have weakened. In recent years, welfare state expansion has stalled and most welfare states have entered an “age of austerity”. Changes in the welfare state terrain — primarily restructuring — have transformed the opportunity structure faced by faith-based organizations. A survey of faith-based organization involvement in welfare across four countries — England, Israel, Germany and the Netherlands — reveals a complex picture. While in some countries welfare state restructuring creates opportunities for faith-based organizations to expand their role, in others the combination of secularization and restructuring create unfavorable conditions for these organizations. [R]
64.362 ZELIZER, Barbie —
Scholarship on journalism has long privileged a journalistic world that is narrower than that which resides on the ground. Perhaps nowhere is this as much the case as with the placement of democracy in discussions of the news and the role it has played in driving and shaping journalism scholarship. This article argues that democracy has long occupied a more central role than it deserves when considering the news, and that its centrality primarily in western scholarship has negatively impacted existing understandings of journalism in their broadest possible parameters. Maintaining that democracy in journalism scholarship has overextended its shelf life, the article calls for a retirement of the concept as a key term for understanding journalism. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “De-coupling journalism and democracy”, edited and introduced by Beate JOSEPHI. See also Abstr. 64.120, 170, 949]
64.363
Articles by John B. TAYLOR, “Monetary policy during the past 30 years with lessons for the next 30 years”, pp. 333–346; Charles I. PLOSSER, “Fed policy: good intention, risky consequences”, pp. 347–358; Kevin M. WARSH, “The conduct of monetary policy”, pp. 359–364; David MALPASS, “The Fed needs to change course”, pp. 365–378; Robert L. HETZEL, “Avoiding the nex crisis; can central banks learn?”, pp. 379–390; Jeffrey A. MIRON, “Should policy attempt to avoid financial crises”, pp. 391–400; Allan H. MELTZER, “What's wrong with the Fed? What would restore independence”, pp. 401–416; Thomas F. CARGILL and Gerald P. O'DRISCOLL Jr., “Federal Reserve independence; reality or myth?”, pp. 417–436; Steven GJERSTAD and Vernon L. SMITH, “Balance sheet crises: causes, consequences, and responses”, pp. 437–470; Lawrence H. WHITE, “Antifragile banking and monetary system”, pp. 471–484; Thomas M. HOENIG, “The case for simple rules and limiting the safety net”, pp. 485–490; Harris DELLAS and George S. TAVLAS, “The gold standard, the euro, and the origins of the Greek debt crisis”, pp. 491–520; Pedro SCHWARTZ, “Why the euro failed and how it will survive”, pp. 521–534; Wolfgang MÜNCHAU, “The euro at a crossroads”, pp. 535–540; Jürgen STARK, “Lessons from the European crisis”, pp. 541–562; Eswar PRASAD and YE Lei, “The Renminbi's prospects as a global reserve currency”, pp. 563–570; HUANG Yukon and Clare LYNCH, “Does internationalizing the RMB make sense for China”, pp. 571–586; CHEN Zhiwu, “Capital freedom in China as viewved from the evolution of the stock market”, pp. 587–602.
64.364
Articles by Erhard BUSEK; Andreas KAPPELER; Lászlo VÉGEL (Serbia); Deyan KIURANOV (Bulgaria); Christopher de BELLAIGUE (Kurds); Constantin IORDACHI (Romania); Ernst-Peter BREZOVSZKY; Stefan BROCZA; Anton BEBLER; Leslie GELB and Dimitri K. SIMES (Russia-China); Ulrich SCHLIE (Germany); Jeffrey GOLDBERG (Israel).