Abstract
(a) International law, organization and administration/Droit international, organisation et administration internationales
65.2295 AMARO DIAS, Vanda —
Post-Cold War security challenges led the EU to develop a foreign policy dimension, which aims at assuring its security and stability. In order to attain that goal the EU exports the neoliberal model that regulates its internal organization. This reflects the belief that economically interdependent democracies do not fight amongst each other. This modus operandi has been criticized for reproducing imperialist practices that preserve a status quo favorable to the EU and for perpetuating asymmetrical relations. Depending on a binary logic that opposes insiders and outsiders, these practices project the EU as a superior power, whose survival depends on civilizing its periphery. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2504]
65.2296 ANDERSON, Noel —
In response to Somalia's decades-long political and humanitarian crises, the African Union has deployed a peace support operation known as the African Union Mission in Somalia. Tasked to help eliminate an ongoing insurgency, the mission has seen heavy combat as it fights to reclaim territory held by the al-Shabaab militant organization. This article applies the techniques of open source campaign analysis to assess the mission's prospects for long-term success. The prognosis is not good. Analysis reveals a range of vulnerabilities that threaten the deployment's core security objectives, suggesting that the optimism many have expressed for the mission is misplaced. [R]
65.2297 ARANA, Arantza Gomez —
This article discusses the association agreement between the EU and Central America signed in 2010. The importance of this agreement is crucial in international relations since it is the first successful association agreement between two regional groups that include trade, political dialogue and development aid. This article argues that the agreement was possible thanks to the efforts of the Spanish diplomatic team. However, this was not sufficient and the efforts of Central American countries were absolutely essential. The main events that influenced the agreement are analyzed in order to find the reasons behind the agreement: the Spanish presidency; the bananas conflict between the EU, the US and Central American countries; and the political conflict in Honduras. [R]
65.2298 AXELROD, Mark —
This article examines how institutional complexity affects state behavior. Specifically, it analyzes how governments respond to regime inconsistency, and whether they continue adhering to their commitments in the absence of material or sociological non-compliance costs. The study tracks how state preferences and behavior changed over time when exposed to inconsistent international legal commitments regarding trade and regulatory rights in the South Pacific swordfish fishery. In this case, both WTO and UN Convention on the Law of the Sea rules were at stake, and both dispute-settlement forums accepted jurisdiction over the case. Nonetheless, Chile and the European Community resorted to negotiation outside of — but still bounded by — these established rules. Thus, when multiple regimes regulate a particular situation, bargaining continues to take place within the boundaries established by those rules. [R, abr.]
65.2299 BARNES, Tiffany D.; RANGEL, Gabriela —
In 2012, Chile passed a major election law reform to adopt automatic registration and voluntary voting, becoming one of only a few countries to move from compulsory to voluntary voting. Since the new law came into effect, two elections have taken place. This research note reviews registration and turnout patterns in comparative historical terms, discusses the pros and cons of the election law reform, and evaluates the 2012 and 2013 election outcomes with respect to voter turnout and election results. We describe the background of voter registration and turnout under the old system; discuss the debate surrounding the election law reform; and review the impact of the reform on turnout patterns. [R]
65.2300 BARTL, Marija
I argue that the success of subsidiarity depends on its capacity to unravel the EU's “substantive” democratic deficit. Linked to the Union's functionalist institutional design, this dimension of the democratic deficit has developed due to two limitations of EU-level politics: (1) the EU functionalist design has narrowed the range of topics open to democratic debate (horizontal substantive democratic deficit); (2) the proportion of the debate which we could genuinely describe as political is declining as a result of the de-politicization of EU goals, underpinned by a massive accumulation of allegedly apolitical expert knowledge. I contend that by involving actors relatively alien to the EU functionalist thinking, subsidiarity could offer an opportune ground for the re-politicization of democratic “blind spots” in EU policy-making. [R, abr.]
65.2301 BATTAMS, Samantha; VAN SCHAIK, Louise; VAN DE PAS, Remco —
This article explores the EU's role and position on global health, including its role in the WHO, and the impact of the Lisbon Treaty. Struggles over the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty potentially undermine the EU's ability to speak with one voice and its effectiveness. EU influence is determined by the remit of the EU, as well as the specific rules and procedures of international institutions. Based on empirical research, we considered the role of the EU in global health, via policy and policy coherence across the EU when it came to health matters (including the WHO reform) and through EU representation within multilateral fora. We conclude that the EU is a significant player in global health. [R, abr.]
65.2302 BELLAMY, Richard; WEALE, Albert —
The crisis of the euro area has severely tested the political authority of the EU. The crisis raises questions of normative legitimacy both because the EU is a normative order and because the construction of EMU rested upon a theory that stressed the normative value of the depoliticization of money. However, this theory neglected the normative logic of the two-level game implicit in EMU. It also neglected the need for an impartial and publically acceptable constitutional order to acknowledge reasonable disagreements. By contrast, we contend that any reconstruction of the EU's economic constitution has to pay attention to reconciling a European monetary order with the legitimacy of member state governance. The EU requires a two-level contract to meet this standard. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2366]
65.2303 BENHAMOU, Bernard —
The Snowden affair could bring about major changes in the structure of the internet and its governance. Technologies should now a priori integrate standards which give citizens the capacity to keep a check on what data are available. States will be likely to have to voluntarily limit their surveillance strategies conducted via the internet. Only under these conditions will confidence be maintained, which is an essential element for the functioning of the net. [R] [First of a series of articles on “The Internet: incomplete governance”, edited and introduced by Julien NOCETTI. See also Abstr. 65.1626, 2379, 2386, 2390]
65.2304 BERKOFSKY, Axel —
While the EU will continue to be a “hard security” actor in Asian security within limits, it is advised to concentrate its security cooperation with like-minded partners such as Japan and the US as opposed to hoping that talking to Beijing on regional or global security issues produces tangible results. As will be shown below, it clearly does not as Beijing continues to conduct very assertive and at times aggressive regional foreign and security policies insisting on the “principle of non-interference” in Chinese domestic and foreign policies. Consequently, EU influence on Chinese foreign and security policies in general and its increasingly aggressive policies related to territorial claims in the East China and South China Seas will continue to exist on paper and paper only. [R, abr.]
65.2305 BEYERS, Jan; DONAS, Tom —
What triggers the information exchange among the regional offices in Brussels? To answer this question, we develop a framework based on network theory and present the first large-N quantitative study on EU-level inter-regional networks. Our results show that information exchanges take place predominantly among regions from the same member state. Furthermore, the likelihood of regular information exchanges between two regional offices depends on the resources invested in regional representation, the joint involvement in inter-regional associations, and geographical proximity. In contrast to our expectations, our findings refute the hypotheses that more regional autonomy and more experience in Brussels increase the propensity toward cross-border inter-regional networking, a practice that might potentially contribute to the fragmentation of member state representation. [R]
65.2306 BHATTACHARYA, Debapriya; KHAN, Towfiqul Islam; SALMA, Umme —
This paper assesses the final outcome document of the Open Working Group (OWG) on Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Following a brief history of the process, it evaluates how proposed OWG goals and targets reflect the three pillars of sustainable development, examines to what extent the document serves the overarching transformative development agenda, and assesses the content of the candidate goals and targets with a view to further consolidate the post-2015 framework. This paper identifies areas where there exists further scope to fine-tune the goals and targets, including categorization, numerical figures, accountability, and a conclusive consensus on transformation. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2381]
65.2307 BICCHI, Federica —
This contribution assesses the practices of EU aid to Arab countries in the Mediterranean in the post-Arab spring context, and in particular the role of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). It looks at the institutional practices relevant to EU foreign policy vis-à-vis Arab countries, the main ENP policy tenets (often summarized in the “more for more” motto) and the financial practices of committing and disbursing funds on the ENP Instrument. It shows that while there has been a proliferation of institutional actors and a nominal increase in the amount of funds available, the policy tenets did not change and the rate of funds disbursed actually worsened — a situation better described as “less of the same”. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2540]
65.2308 BONACKER, Thorsten, et al. —
As a form of external state-building, international administrations attempt to gain interpretative authority in postwar societies. We explore how interpretative authority is established and to what extent this shifts the relationship between international and local political actors. For that we study two cases in particular, the UN Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) and the UN Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) showing that opportunity structures are crucial for generating the interpretative authority of international administrations. However, local actors also could use those structures to articulate alternative concepts of the postwar political order and thereby contest the administration's authority. Effectively in the course of both state-building missions this is the case. [R]
65.2309 BÖRZEL, Tanja A.; DANDASHLY, Assem; RISSE, Thomas
This article introduces the themes of this special issue, devoted to the reactions by external actors including the EU to the events unfolding in the Arab world beginning in December 2010. In particular, we look at the balancing act by external actors between their desire for stability, on the one hand, and their normative principles toward human rights and democracy, on the other. We compare the action (and inaction) of the EU with other international and regional players, including the US, Russia, Turkey and Israel. The contributions assess the response of these actors to the Arabellions events and analyze changes in their approaches to the Arab region. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title. See Abstr. 65.2310, 2324, 2392, 2452, 2481, 2544, 2576]
65.2310 BÖRZEL, Tanja A.; RISSE, Thomas; DANDASHLY, Assem —
This article summarizes the findings from the special issue. The EU, the US, and to some extent Turkey are the only actors considered who not only explicitly try to promote human rights and democracy, but also employ specific instruments and resources for this purpose. But all external actors prioritized stability and security over democracy as the events unfolded. We did not find any difference between the EU, on the one hand, and the US, Russia, Turkey, and Israel, on the other. In fact, the US arguably pursued the most incoherent and inconsistent foreign policy toward the MENA region in response to the Arabellions. Among the three explanations considered in the introduction to this special issue, realism scores worst. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2309]
65.2311 BOTTERILL, Linda Courtenay; DAUGBJERG, Carsten —
An important outcome of the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations was the Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS Agreement). The Agreement privileges free trade and scientific evidence, thus excluding many ethical considerations from the regulations that national governments can enact in relation to production methods in the agri-food chain. Autonomously from the SPS Agreement, a number of global private standard schemes have been developed that have incorporated values rejected by the SPS Agreement. This paper examines the relationship between the Agreement and the private standards and argues that this case highlights a gap in the institutional literature with respect to parallel institutions emerging autonomously from the primary institution to embody values excluded by the latter. We adopt the term commensalism for these previously undescribed relationships. [R, abr.]
65.2312 BRAENDLE, Thomas —
We study the harmonization of the base pay for the MEPs. Prior to this reform, implemented in 2009, base pay was aligned with that of national MPs, causing large differences in pay between the MEPs representing 27 member states. Based on detailed information on individual MEPs between 2004 and 2011, we find that the reform, which introduced an exceptional base-pay increase of 200% per national delegation on average, has a positive incentive effect on in-office effort proxied by the number of speeches, written declarations and reports drafted. However, more generous remuneration is associated with higher rates of absenteeism. With respect to political selection, we find that higher pay also raises re-election rates. [R, abr.]
65.2313 BRAGHIROLI, Stefano —
This study looks at how the voting dynamics and the government/opposition-like alignments in the EP are affected by the ongoing crisis. It highlights the balance of partisan and nationally driven factors behind legislators’ choices related to the management of the crisis. To capture the impact of the crisis-related debate on the actors’ cohesiveness and alignments, two sets of vote-based analyses are conducted. This analysis proves that the main determinant of legislators’ alignments in crisis-related debates is membership of the Eurozone, while the explanatory potential of factors such as ideology and partisanship appears residual. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.1924]
65.2314 BRESLIN, Shaun; WLSON, Jeffrey D. —
In the early years of the 21st c., Asian regionalism is at a crossroads. Drawing on insights from the work of D. Mitrany on international cooperation, this article contends that the key problem facing Asian regionalism is a predilection for “top-down” rather than “bottom-up” regionalism strategies. These top-down strategies have involved efforts to find a single institutional design for regional cooperation (similar to the experience of Europe), which has been hindered by geopolitical rivalries and a lack of shared consensus around what constitutes the “Asian region”. By considering the contours of interstate competition in Asia, the track record of its existing regionalism efforts and insights from comparative regional studies, it is instead argued that Asia's future is one of regions rather than a single region. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.1870]
65.2315 BRUNAZZO, Marco; SETTEMBRI, Pierpaolo —
Simulations can be extremely successful in acquainting participants with a negotiation's logic and process, especially in those political systems in which negotiations are prominent, such as the EU. After a brief introduction on the simulations in teaching the European integration, we present, step-by-step, a simulation game on the adoption of a real piece of European legislation: the regulation that implemented the European Citizens’ Initiative, one of the main innovations of the Lisbon Treaty. Special attention is devoted to the different phases of a simulation design, from the choice of the topic, the choice and allocation of roles, the preparation of all the necessary documentation, to the debriefing and assessment phases. [R, abr.]
65.2316 BRUNKHORST, Hauke —
Despite the impressive development from the European Economic Community to the political EU, the hegemony of the economic constitution prevails. It is equally fundamental for the constitutionalization of a specific theory of economic politics and the technocratic political mode. However, the global and European crises of 2008 and 2010 have reluctantly led to an irreversible politicization of European politics and the emergence of a European public sphere. The simple question is: is this enough to break the hegemony of the economic constitution and to limit the blackmailing power of capitalist economy? [R]
65.2317 CABALLERO SANTOS, Sergio —
Two trends have historically competed in the Latin American region: a strong nationalist vision that originates in the 19th c. with the construction of the nation-state, and the idea of a unifying project in the face of an “external enemy”. This article first provides an overview of these two notions by addressing the performance of the Southern Common Market in the past decade and highlighting the emergence of Mercosur's collective identity. Then, the role of ideas and identity is examined to analyze how it configures and constrains the decision-making process and how this role conditions the regional identity. Finally, a reflection on the collective identity as it relates to Mercosur is offered. [R]
65.2318 CARTER, David B.; STONE, Randall W. —
Democracies are more supportive of US positions on important votes in the UN General Assembly than of non-democracies. Is this because democracies share common perspectives, or does this pattern reflect coercion? Since 1985, US law has stipulated that the US State Department identify important votes and that aid-disbursements reflect voting decisions. We introduce a strategic statistical model that allows us to estimate voting preferences, vulnerability to influence, and credibility of linkage, which are theoretical quantities of interest that are not directly observable. The results reject the hypothesis of shared democratic values: poor democracies have voting preferences that are more oppositional to US positions than autocracies. Democracies support US positions, however, because US aid linkages are more credible when directed toward democratic countries. [R, abr.]
65.2319 CHALMERS, Adam William —
What effect do online public consultations have on legislative duration in the EU? While scholars are divided on whether consultations speed things up or slow things down, they agree that consultations affect how decision-makers think about legislative proposals. I argue that this is only part of the story: the impact of consultations on legislation duration is also a function of the administrative capacity of decision-makers and their staff to process consultation submissions. I test this argument using a unique data-set of over 750 legislative proposals in the period 2009–2013. I find that consultations tend to have a negative impact on the time it takes to pass legislation. However, this negative effect is less pronounced when decision-makers have sufficient administrative capacity to process submissions. [R]
65.2320 CHAPPELL, Louise —
What difference do new actors and new institutions make to gender justice outcomes? This article examines the objectives and influence of “new” international actors on the design and implementation of the “new” victims’ rights and gender justice provisions contained in the 1998 Rome Statute of the ICC. Highlighting the role of gender and formal and informal institutions, this article argues that during its first decade in operation, the ICC has produced mixed outcomes in terms of the treatment of victims, especially of conflict-related sexual violence. There are signs that “old” informal gender rules and the historical context in which the ICC is “nested” has contributed to undermining and distorting news rules aimed at addressing gender injustices. The article suggests that “newness” matters, but so, too, does “oldness” and “nestedness”. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.1975]
65.2321 CITIRIKKAYA, Cagdas —
The activism of the League of Arab States on the humanitarian crisis in the 2011 Libya-conflict and the 2011–2014 Syria-conflict led to an intense debate over the importance of “regional ownership” for international response to crimes against humanity. Regional ownership in the form of the League's bold recommendation seemed decisive for the UN Security Council's decision to authorize a humanitarian intervention in Libya in March 2011; meanwhile, similar regional recommendations did not bring about a humanitarian intervention in the case of Syria. The two cases reveal a pattern: the significance of regional ownership is conditioned by the global great power dynamics. When great powers have starkly diverging interests, regional ownership is not sufficient to induce a humanitarian intervention, but it nevertheless still influences the positions and actions of great powers. [R, abr.] [See Absr. 65.1722]
65.2322 DADWAL, Shebonti Ray —
As global warming and melting of the ice is making the Arctic increasingly accessible, the region's hydrocarbon riches are attracting international interest. Thus far, despite the presence of vast untapped energy and mineral resources, the Arctic is not considered a geopolitical hotspot. In fact, many of the Arctic states have dismissed the possibility of conflict over the region's spoils due to the collaborative governance model that has been established. But as the demand for resources grows interminably, and factors in the international energy market begin impinging on the region, how long will the Arctic manage to retain its peaceful environment? [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “Artic: commerce, governance and policy”, edited and introduced by Uttam Kumar SINHA and Jo Inge BEKKEVOLD. See also Abstr. 65.2546, 2610]
65.2323 DAI Xinyuan
A growing sense among academics and policy-makers alike is that the dominant issues of the 21st c. will be decided in Asia-Pacific. But, who defines the rules of the game in the region and how? To address these questions, this paper studies the regulatory competition that is unfolding in the region. In particular, it examines the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), with its potential to redraw the political-economic geography in Asia. Why is such a significantly path-breaking institution possible? This paper builds on the scholarship of international political economy and especially the literature on international institutions. It argues that this potential of the TPP crucially depends on the institutional environment in East Asia. A state of institutional anarchy enables the TPP to take hold in Asia. [R, abr.]
65.2324 DANDASHLY, Assem —
This paper [asks]: How did the EU react to the Arab Spring events in North Africa? Is there evidence of any change in the goals and instruments pursued by the EU after the Arab Spring? And, do these goals and instruments change coherently across countries? The paper argues, first, that EU goals remain security and stability driven. While the EU viewed the Arab Spring as a window of opportunity for democracy, as events developed the EU prioritized security concerns as a response to the threat of instability in the MENA. And second, the utilization of instruments varied across time and cases due to the domestic politics of the targeted countries. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2309]
65.2325 DAVIES, Gareth —
This article argues that the way EU competences are defined plays an important role in the EU's social legitimacy problems. The fact that its powers are purposive compels the EU to privilege narrow functional goals and act in a highly focused way. As a consequence, politics cannot be meaningful within the EU, since essential choices of direction are preempted. It also has the consequence that EU law is over-instrumental and lacks expressive qualities, alienating the public. Now that EU law is so broad, the same defects are being imposed increasingly on Member States. Without another form of conferred power, the legitimacy of the EU, and of law and government in Europe, will be increasingly undermined. The constitutional DNA, which has been a functional success for Europe, may also be its political nemesis. [R]
65.2326 DAVIES, Mathew —
This article applies the notion of an “incompletely theorized agreement” to the study of the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration 2012, arguing that member states understand the Declaration in very different ways and agreed to it for similarly diverse reasons. Further, I argue that the Declaration neither articulates a shared regional identity relating to respect for human rights, nor can it be understood as marking an early point towards the creation of this identity. Instead, the current diversity of regional opinions on human rights and democracy is perceived as legitimate and will endure. The article considers whether this denudes the Declaration of value, arguing that its importance will vary: The more progressive the member state, the more important the Declaration will be in the future. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2757]
65.2327 DAVIS, Laura —
This article assesses whether the EU contributes to long-term positive change in societies emerging from violent conflict, helping them “mend” or whether it simply encourages societies to “make do” with the status quo. To do so, it focuses on two of the principles found in the Treaty, peace and justice for human rights violations. It examines how the EU translates the principles of peace and justice into policy and puts them into practice by analyzing EU engagement in peace mediation, transitional justice, and security sector reform in general and through in-depth examination of EU engagement in the Democratic Republic of Congo. It questions the prevailing discourse that greater inter-institutional coherence would improve EU security provision and considers whether and how the EU prioritizes between peace and justice. [R, abr.]
65.2328 DECKER, Frank —
Since the European elections of May 2014, the right of appointment of the President of the European Commission has shifted from the European Council to the EP [European Parliament]. This is a small step towards democratization in the EU, but there is still a very long way to go before this process is completed. The increasing competences of the EP has neither established a clear parliamentary system in Europe nor has it solved the legitimacy crisis of the supranational institutions of the EU. The European electoral system has several flaws and the federal aspect of the Union has not been fortified. [First article of a thematic issue on “Parliamentarism”. See also Abstr. 65.1460, 1848, 1968, 2158, 2248]
65.2329 DEE, Megan
In 2003, the EU launched its Strategy against the Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction in which it sought the strengthening of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) as its cornerstone. This paper considers the EU's navigation of the NPT negotiation environment and the structural conditions at play between the Nuclear and Non-Nuclear Weapon States and the Grand Bargain enshrined between them. It shows that the EU's “multilateralist combat” within the NPT has met with limited success due to the EU's lack of bargaining power — the EU has neither the will nor the capacity to make the bargaining concessions necessary to achieve its goals in this forum. The EU is more a mirror of the imbalance of the Grand Bargain than a solution in how to resolve it. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “The EU and the nuclear non-proliferation regime: internal and external challenges”, edited by Johanne Grøndahl GLAVIND and Benjamin KIENZLE. See also Abstr. 65.2345, 2560, 2596]
65.2330 DIETERICH, Sandra; HUMMEL, Hartwig; MARSCHALL, Stefan —
Parliaments are usually key institutions with regard to ensuring responsiveness of democratic leaders both by authorizing political decisions and by monitoring executive policy-making and implementation. However, in several democracies, military security policy-making is understood as part of an “executive prerogative”. This article examines the role of parliaments in providing for democratic responsiveness of security policy-making. We test the hypothesis that, depending on the extent of their “war powers”, parliaments do effectively limit the scope of executive security policy if and when public opinion strongly opposes military action. The decision-making of 25 European democracies on military participation in the 2003 Iraq War serves as a test. [R, abr.]
65.2331 DIJKSTRA, Hylke —
he literature on international organizations tells us that diverging member states’ preferences and concerns about the loss of control are major obstacles to institutional reform. But what if changes in the international environment necessitate institutional reform? This article examines such dilemma in the case of the NATO. NATO has faced functional pressures to adjust its machinery to the post-Cold War era, but has at the same time seen its membership and the preference heterogeneity of the membership increase. The article finds that institutional change is indeed difficult with multiple principals and uncertainty about the consequences of reform. Yet modest reform has still taken place. The empirical focus is on the development of the understudied International Staff post-1989. [R, abr.]
65.2332 DÜR, Andreas
Large variation exists in the extent to which national interest groups focus on EU legislation and carry out their political activities in Brussels and Strasbourg. What explains this variation? We propose a series of hypotheses that suggest that business groups, and groups active in policy areas with high EU competence, are more Europeanized than other groups. The effect of group type, moreover, is conditional on the material resources a group possesses: we expect the difference between business and non-business groups to be largest for actors that are well endowed with material resources. Using novel data on 880 national associations, gained from a survey of interest groups in five European countries, we find support for these hypotheses. The article has implications for the literatures on lobbying, Europeanization, and theories of European integration. [R]
65.2333 EDSTRÖM, Håkan; GYLLENSPORRE, Dennis —
This article revisits the twenty-three CSDP missions launched before the economic crisis hit the EU and its Member States to generate conclusions that could assist in the strategy process in Brussels. Six questions anchored in the field of Strategic Studies are operationalized in an analytical framework. Extant EU policies are utilized to identify plausible answers. The analysis suggests that the EU must close the gap between words and deeds to become a more credible actor. It would help the EU to operationalize its ambitions by exploiting its broad portfolio of policy options and to vanguard the post-modern society in crisis-management. [R]
65.2334 EDWARDS, Martin S.; ROMERO, Sthelyn —
The proposed Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) now contain an innovative new goal focusing on promoting peaceful societies and building effective and accountable institutions. While these goals are being negotiated, it is worth asking whether this goal can help shape debates about development or whether we will look back on this in fifteen years as empty rhetoric. We argue that this governance goal has transformative potential on a number of fronts, including shaping the UN system, fragile states, and developed countries; but generating significant results will require the development of concrete and measurable indicators for peace and governance. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2381]
65.2335 ERKKILÄ, Tero; PIIRONEN, Ossi —
Since the early 1990s, there has been a surge in international efforts to calculate the comparative performance of states in terms of various characteristics of governance. We show how numerical objectification of social phenomena can function to depoliticize potentially political issues. As a case of example we examine the evolving field of measuring good governance through analyzing the documentation of the World Bank Institutes established Worldwide Governance Indicators and its recent contender, the OECD project “Government at a Glance”, which argues to provide an alternative to the existing rankings. Although we observe certain methodological discontinuities in measurement practices of the OECD, these have hardly been serious enough to activate its potential in repoliticizing the issue of “good governance”. [R, abr.] [Part of a thematic issue on “Re-assessing expertise”. See also Abstr. 65.1444]
65.2336 ERTOSUN, Erkan —
European countries which were aware of their common interests in the Middle East in general and in Iraq in particular aimed at having influence on the region and on Iraq by following a common policy in the post-war Iraq. Accordingly, the EU tried to contribute to the reconstruction of Iraq by focusing on areas such as the principle of rule of law, human rights, democratization, basic public services, and humanitarian aid. In this article, the contribution of the EU to the reconstruction of Iraq is analyzed by examining the EU assistance programs between 2003 and 2013 and by focusing on EU JUST LEX as a case, and accordingly specific emphasis is put on the EU's contribution to the implementation of the principle of rule of law in Iraq. [R, abr.]
65.2337 FÄGERSTEN, Björn —
This article investigates the foreign policy consequences of the euro crisis. Two distinctive foreign policy areas are investigated: crisis-management in North Africa and the negotiation of free trade agreements with the US and India. The article employs an analytical framework that focuses on three key aspects shaping EU policy: capabilities, cohesion and context. The results suggest considerable changes in each, but not only in one direction: there are mechanisms driving policy in different directions which suggest a nuanced conclusion is required. The article finds that the foreign policy machinery of the EU has been rather resilient to the financial crisis but that great variation exists both between different foreign policy areas and between the different components that make up the EU as an international actor. [R]
65.2338 FELBER, Christian; FALKE, Andreas —
Transparency of negotiations; economic and geopolitical advantages for the US and the member states of the EU; the protection of investors; the effects in employment and the harmonization of regulatory standards are the main points of the debates about the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TIPP). In Germany, there is a mistaken, widespread belief that the TIPP favors American interests to the detriment of those of Europe. Despite representing a benefit to both sides, it must be borne in mind that this free trade agreement focuses exclusively on economic interests and that the conclusion of a democratic agreement based on human rights has been neglected. [See Abstr. 65.2635]
65.2339 FORTIN-RITTBERGER, Jessica; RITTBERGER, Berthold —
The EP has one of the highest proportions of women in its ranks, with over a third in 2009. Although previous research has pointed to the use of proportional representation (PR) in European elections as “friendlier” to women, few have looked at differences in the types of PR rules in use in each country. We argue that the conventional wisdom according to which institutional design — the choice of electoral rules — should shape the composition of the EP does not hold, and suggest that the well-documented empirical connection between electoral rules and descriptive representation might in fact be an endogenous rather than a causal relationship. [R]
65.2340 GALLAGHER, Adrian —
Paragraph 139 of the World Summit Outcome Document (WSOD) stipulates that the international community is prepared to respond on a “case-by-case basis” in a “timely and decisive manner” when “national authorities are manifestly failing to protect their populations” from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. But what constitutes a “manifest failing”? It is evident that there is [much] ambiguity and inconsistency in how this term is interpreted and applied. This article highlights the confusion and complexity within the discourse prior to putting forward five policy prescriptions. It argues that a more informed understanding of the concept will, primarily, rectify the problems of ambiguity and inconsistency and, secondarily, may help address fears of Great Power manipulation and assist in delegitimizing misuse of the R2P. [R]
65.2341 GAMAN-GOLUTVINA, Oksana V.; PONOMAREVA, Elena G.; ŠIŠELINA, Lyubov N
The events in Ukraine in 2013–2014 [led] to a major geopolitical crisis in Eurasia, which resulted in the collapse of Ukraine's economy and government system and determined territorial disintegration of the country. This tragedy triggered a revision of the entire system of international relations, making any dialogue between Russia, the EU and the US on the same terms no longer possible. The crisis was ignited by the EU's Eastern Partnership (EaP) initiative aimed at six former USSR republics: Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. The conflict-prone content of the EU program has intensified systemic tensions of post-Soviet Ukraine which degenerated into a large-scale confrontation between Russia, on one side, and the EU and the US, on the other. [R, abr.]
65.2342 GARCÍA-SALMONES ROVIRA, Mónica —
The article examines the substance and form of 20th c. positivist international law, in particular the way in which each determines the other. It describes the turn to interests in international law, which evolved slowly in scope and depth. By examining L. Oppenheim's focus on “common interests” that united states and H. Kelsen's focus on the “struggle of interests” that constituted politics, the article studies two phenomena produced by the foundational role taken by interests during the 20th c. First, this role contributed to putting an end to the moral discussion about the treatment of native populations. Second, it curbed debate about a common political project for a global order, thus creating conformity characterized by abuse of power — all in the name of the neutrality of positivist law. [R, abr.] [See also the reply of Jörg KAMMERHOFER, pp. 795–802, and the author's reply, pp. 803–806]
65.2343 GEBHARD, Carmen; SMITH, Simon J. —
Maritime engagement in the Gulf of Aden is a puzzling case for anyone interested in the political and institutional problems underlying EU-NATO cooperation. Although the EU's operation NAVFOR “Atalanta” and NATO's “Ocean Shield” operate in the same theater and with similar mandates, there is no formal link between them. [However], cooperation and coordination between EU and NATO forces at the operational and tactical levels have nevertheless worked surprisingly well. Two faces of EU-NATO cooperation become apparent: the political level is dominated by a permanent deadlock, while on the ground and at sea staff [can] deliver fairly successfully in complementing yet detached operations. This article illustrates how the operational and tactical levels have developed ways of coordinating efforts informally despite the lack of a formal framework. [R, abr.]
65.2344 GIUSTI, Serena; FASSI, Enrico —
The European Endowment for Democracy (EED) is a recently established instrument of democracy-promotion intended to complement existing EU tools. Fashioned after the US National Endowment for Democracy, the EED's privileged area of action is the European neighborhood. Meant as a small rapid-response, actor-oriented “niche” initiative, its main task is to select those actors, from both civil and political society able to produce a change in their country. The EED represents a step forward in the EU's capacity to foster democracy, but does not necessarily go in the direction of more rationality and effectiveness. Not all EU member states support the EED with the same enthusiasm and it is still not clear how it fits into the EU's overall democracy promotion architecture. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2580]
65.2345 GLAVIND, Johanne Grøndahl —
This article examines the performance of the EU in the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Following Barnett and Finnemore, it argues that the EU as an intergovernmental organization (IO) possesses bureaucratic power based on high technical knowledge and rational-legal authority that it can use to gain influence in the Agency. The EU uses its technical knowledge to be a first-mover in political and technical discussions, and uses its financial support to influence the Agency's technical standards and practices for nuclear safeguards, security, and safety. Nevertheless, the analysis shows that its rational-legal authority as an international organization is limited. Being a regional IO, it does not automatically possess the impartiality and hence legitimacy that ordinarily characterize an international organization. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2329]
65.2346 GÓMEZ-MERA, Laura
In recent years, the Americas have witnessed an unprecedented surge in the number and scope of regional integration agreements, resulting in a complex “spaghetti bowl” of trade and economic relations. What are the consequences of this proliferation of overlapping and parallel institutional commitments among countries in the region? How has this increasing regime complexity affected the dynamics of cooperation among Latin American countries? And what does the case of overlapping regional agreements in the Americas tell us about the effects of regime complexity on regional governance? Drawing on the literature on international regime complexity, I identify mechanisms through which the proliferation of regional agreements have undermined the effectiveness of cooperation in the Americas. [R, abr.]
65.2347 GRABBE, Heather; GROOT, Nadja —
The 2014 elections brought a record number of xenophobic populist parties into the EP. They have a strong incentive to be more united and active than in previous terms, and they could use the Parliament to shape voter attitudes, pressure mainstream parties to adopt more xenophobic rhetoric, fragment the mainstream right, and obstruct parliamentary proceedings. The rise of xenophobic populism could affect the open society through the EU's policies and budget if it alters EP debates on issues that split left and right, particularly Roma exclusion, migration and asylum, and EU external policies and development aid. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2359]
65.2349 GRIMM, Dieter —
Europe is in a critical situation. The monetary union has once again revealed that the discussion of the key issues is always done too late, and hence with many accentuated political constraints. The situation created by the Maastricht Treaty (which established certain requisites for the creation of an Economic and Monetary Union that were never strictly observed) recurs repeatedly and increasingly. Europe is reaching a point of no return: a situation that was never debated and that was never pictured or authorized by the EU citizens. This is not the way to legitimacy.
65.2350 GRIMMEL, Andreas —
At its core, the EU's legal community constitutes an independent context that decisively influences the course of European integration through a specific form of problem-processing and rationalization. In order to model this dimension of the law, and to understand “integration through law” adequately, a contextualist approach is introduced and applied to the current CJEU's fundamental rights jurisdiction. The paper argues that a contextualist perspective permits the view on a phenomenon that can be described as “transclusive” entanglement, which can be identified as the driving force behind three processes relevant to European integration through law: (1) a completion tendency of the European legal order, (2) a shift of political questions to the legal sphere, and (3) a path dependency of the application and development of European law. [R]
65.2351 GUEVARA, iñigo —
ASEAN is a heterogeneous alliance which must deal with important challenges, such as social inequality and the cohabitation of different religious groups within its territory. Despite the diversity and complexity of its members, ASEAN has turned into one of the main centers of the global supply chain. Southeast Asia has enormous growth and investment opportunities, ASEAN's mains assets being its impulse to middle classes, its increasing degree of external openness and its development of human capital and new technologies. In the current globalized context, ASEAN aims to become a more dynamic actor and is becoming a very attractive region for Spanish investments and exports.
65.2352 GUZANSKY, Yoel —
Ongoing rivalries between members of the Gulf Cooperation Council make it an ineffective player in the region's security. [R]
65.2353 HABERMAS, Jürgen —
The EU is at the crossroads between intelligent expansion of future horizons and frightened shrinking to a perspective of local areas. Fear of descent of the citizens on one side and a politics of crisis, that goes along with harsh injustice have made upset the national societies against each other, missing courage on the side of politicians, to bring European issues to the fore, endanger the European project. There is only one way to overcome this situation by establishing a democratic union, which conserves not only the social and civilian achievements of the national state, as well as the assets of a greater democratic political unity, that offers an unity of European citizens and European state demos. [R]
65.2354 HAMILTON-HART, Natasha —
The palm-oil industry exemplifies the “regionalization without regionalism” pattern seen in other industries in Asia: extensive, regionally concentrated transnational economic integration accompanied by a low level of formal regional institution-building. The ownership structure of palm-oil production reflects the dominance of transnational Malaysian and Singaporean firms. A patchwork of both enabling and regulatory governance institutions supports the industry. These are formal and informal, public and private, and are situated at multiple levels: within, below and across the nation-state. This article argues that the governance failures associated with the industry stem from different stakeholders’ competing interests in contexts of highly unequal wealth and power distribution. Misgovernance is not an unintended consequence of institutions failing to keep up with markets, but is embedded in the multilevel governance regime that supports, and partially regulates, the industry. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.1870]
65.2355 HANSEN, Vibeke Wøien —
According to the logic of standard veto-bargaining models with complete information, bargaining in the EU should never reach the second reading of the ordinary legislative procedure (co-decision). Even so, nonagreement at the first reading occurs frequently in EU decision-making. How can this be explained? Drawing upon game theory on bargaining with incomplete information, two specific predictions with regard to the occurrence of first-reading non-agreements can be generated. First-reading agreements are less likely to occur (1) the greater the distance between the ideal point of the Council and the ideal point of the EP and (2) the greater the salience attached to the proposal. This article combines positional and proposal-specific data and finds robust support for both hypotheses in two different empirical tests. [R]
65.2356 HE Kai —
Institutions do not always matter. They can make it easier for states to deal with non-traditional security threats and alleviate arms races, but they are less likely to matter in dealing with territorial disputes and negotiating multilateral trade agreements. We should neither overestimate nor underestimate the utility of ASEAN-centered regionalism in the Asia Pacific. [R]
65.2357 HEIN, Christoph —
The West seems to ignore that Asia has not been affected by the crisis and ASEAN is emerging as a unified actor. Southeast Asia has enormous growth opportunities. Its position, population and natural resources make it a very attractive region. However, ASEAN still has to make an effort to come closer to the citizens and improve education, health, the situation of women and infrastructure. It must also deal with other important challenges, such as opposing positions within its members regarding relations with China, social inequality, and matching commitments of democratic governments with those of authoritarian regimes.
65.2358 HEINS, Elke; LA PORTE, Caroline de —
This Special Issue examines the EU's monetary, fiscal, and social responses to the sovereign debt crisis and analyzes how the EU has affected welfare state reforms in the Member States most severely hit by the crisis. This introduction presents the severe crisis context in which the EU altered existing tools and developed new ones in the governance of the EMU and of social policy. The findings show that the nature of EU intervention into domestic welfare states has changed, with an enhanced focus on fiscal consolidation, increased surveillance and enforcement of EU measures. Overall, this represents a radical alteration of EU integration, whereby the EU is involved in domestic affairs to an unprecedented degree, particularly with regard to national budgets, of which welfare state spending is an important component. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 65.1830, 1873, 1897, 1965, 2403, 2412]
65.2359 HELWIG, Niklas; RÜGER, Carolin —
When C. Ashton took up office as High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy (HR), she met with high expectations — and much disappointment. As the first incumbent of the remodeled position, she had the chance to leave a legacy for her successor, but faced an unclear job description. What was the HR's role in EU foreign policy? It is argued that the HR acted as a diplomat and manager of EU external action, while her role-performance in co-leadership and brokering were less successful. Role expectations and performance entered a fragile equilibrium at the end of Ashton's tenure. However, the future role of the HR might shift more towards a co-leader of EU foreign policy. [R] [First of a series of articles on “The EU's institutional turnover”. See also Abstr. 65.2347, 2407]
65.2360 HENÖKL, Thomas; WEBERSIK, Christian —
The EU's post-Lisbon institutional setting not only opens the possibility for a more coherent and comprehensive response to crises, but also poses the problem of coordination and cooperation among a number of independent actors at the EU and at the EU Member-State levels as well as from the international donor community. The “Joint Humanitarian-Development Framework approach” addresses this challenge: EU staff as well as Member States, international organizations, development and humanitarian agencies, and national counterparts need to understand each other's perceptions, objectives and motivations in order to agree on a common framework for action. Drawing on inside evidence from the European Commission as well as the European External Action Service, the study analyzes the institutional interplay between the different actors involved in designing and implementing the EU's comprehensive approach to foreign and development policies. [R, abr.]
65.2361 HIDALGO, Darío —
Human development and the impacts on the natural environment primarily occur or are originated in cities. The post-2015 development agenda recognizes this and includes an explicit goal in its proposed Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs): “Make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable”. It also includes ten targets, ranging from access to affordable housing and basic services to supporting the least developed countries for sustainable and resilient buildings. Having an explicit urban goal is an important advance from the eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) of 2000–2015, which embedded human settlements only implicitly. Two aspects will need particular attention before the post-2015 development agenda is agreed in the UN General Assembly next year: fine-tuning the targets and defining appropriate indicators to follow up on progress. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2381]
65.2362 HILLEBRECHT, Courtney —
When international human rights tribunals like the ECHR find states responsible for human rights abuses, they ask governments to pay reparation to the victims, engage in symbolic measures, and enact the policy changes necessary to ensure that the violations do not recur. This article considers the conditions under which states comply with these rulings, especially when the tribunals are unable and often unwilling to provide strict enforcement. It extends current theories about the domestic politics of compliance with international human rights law to the case of the ECHR. This article analyzes a new, hand-coded data-set on states’ compliance with over 1000 discrete obligations handed down by the ECHR that ask states to change their human rights policies. [R, abr.]
65.2363 HOBOLT, Sara B.; WRATIL, Christopher —
Further integration in the EU increasingly depends on public legitimacy. The global financial crisis and the subsequent euro area crisis have amplified both the salience and the redistributive consequences of decisions taken in Brussels, raising the question of how this has influenced public support for European integration. We examine how public opinion has responded to the crisis, focusing on support for monetary integration. Interestingly, our results show that support for the euro has remained high within the euro area; however, attitudes are increasingly driven by utilitarian considerations, whereas identity concerns have become less important. Our findings suggest that [the crisis] has also encouraged citizens in the euro area to form opinions on the euro on the basis of a cost-benefit analysis of European economic governance, rather than relying primarily on national attachments. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2366]
65.2364 HOUSSIN, Didier
Since 1976, there have been twenty-five recorded epidemics of the Ebola virus. The 2014 outbreak is the most serious. Despite rapidly reaching an international level, Western states underestimated its effects. They were very slow to react and left non-governmental organizations to deal with the crisis alone for far too long. It was not until September that they finally recognized the need to mobilize significant means to tackle this exceptional epidemic. [R]
65.2365 HULTMAN, Lisa; KATHMAN, Jacob; SHANNON, Megan —
While UN peacekeeping missions were created to keep peace and perform post-conflict activities, since the end of the Cold War peacekeepers are more often deployed to active conflicts. Yet, we know little about their ability to manage ongoing violence. This article provides the first broad empirical examination of UN peacekeeping effectiveness in reducing battlefield violence in civil wars. We analyze how the number of UN peacekeeping personnel deployed influences the amount of battlefield deaths in all civil wars in Africa from 1992 to 2011. The analyses show that increasing numbers of armed military troops are associated with reduced battlefield deaths, while police and observers are not. Considering that the UN is often criticized for ineffectiveness, these results have important implications: if appropriately composed, UN peacekeeping missions reduce violent conflict. [R]
65.2366 IOANNOU, Demosthenes; LEBLOND, Patrick; NIEMANN, Arne —
This is the introduction to a special collection of contributions that analyze the financial and economic crisis through various theoretical lenses. Accordingly, it first describes the EU's institutional response to the crisis in order to provide a reference point for the contributions. Second, it summarizes the contributions. Third, it compares them in order to develop a theoretical dialogue. Finally, it answers the fundamental question at the heart of the crisis and this special collection: why did EMU become deeper and more integrated when many feared for its survival? [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “European integration in times of crisis: theoretical perspectives”. See Abstr. 65.2302, 2363, 2389, 2411, 2415, 2429]
65.2367 KASATKIN, P. I.; AVATKOV, V.A. —
The article studies the range of problems that have emerged due to the growing immigration from Muslim countries into the EU. While describing the functions of immigrants’ communities, the authors focus on their political role in the receiving states. The study of the historical development of government-diaspora relations in three cases (the UK, France, and Germany) shows that Muslim communities’ political influence does not reflect their economic and cultural role, which in the future might threaten the EU security, unless these countries develop a new approach to an “acculturation” policy. [R]
65.2368 KELLER, Patrick —
In general, the Wales Summit, held in Newport in September 2014, has been a success, [because] it maintained a clear and unitary strategic orientation in particularly difficult times for NATO. However, there are still several key issues to resolve and therefore, the carrying out of the Newport summit's conclusions remains a challenge. The North Atlantic Alliance wishes to be better armed in case of a Russian aggression and to strengthen its international crisis management capacities at the same time. To that end, the member states should implement an unpopular, albeit necessary defense budget increase. [See Abstr. 65.2635]
65.2369 KHARAS, Homi; ZHANG, Christine —
The post-2015 development agenda began with a pivotal decision, taken at the Rio+20 conference, to integrate environmental, social, and economic issues into a set of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Since their inception, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) have become a unifying mechanism for a previously disjointed development community, but their narrow focus excluded coalitions advocating that greater attention be paid to environmental issues and transformative economic growth. The SDGs are being developed as objectives that are both universal (applying to all countries) and comprehensive (cutting across most sectors). This article contrasts the creation process of the MDGs with the current process to reach an agreement on the SDGs, reviewing the ensuing tensions and debates. It describes key lessons from the MDG experience and outlines the shifts necessary for a successful post-2015 framework. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2381]
65.2370 KREUTZ, Joakim —
Is foreign policy influenced by humanitarian concerns, or are concepts such as human security merely rhetoric for traditional power politics? Using a multilevel modeling technique and a unique data-set of military and economic EU intervention 1989–2008, I find that military and economic interventions by the EU are conducted in response to humanitarian atrocities but that geostrategic concerns also influence EU action. While the EU consistently is more likely to act against countries with greater civilian victimization, the size of the effect is influenced by spatial considerations. The EU is most attentive to human rights violations in non-EU European states, followed by countries in sub-Saharan Africa, while it has been least active in Asia and the Americas. [R]
65.2371 KVIST, Jon —
From 2013 the European Union has promoted social investments as a national reform strategy to increase individuals’ capacities and national economic growth. However, to take full advantage of social investments, the strategy needs a more coherent framework that takes into account the dynamic and multidimensional nature of social issues and social investments. Theoretically, this article establishes such a framework consisting of generational, life course and gender perspectives on social investments. The generational perspective brings out that social investments involve horizontal redistribution, underpin the productive and reproductive social contract between generations, and the increased diversity within generations. The life course perspective demonstrates how social issues and social investments in one life stage depend on the situation in prior life stages and affect the situation in later life stages and, possibly, in multiple dimensions. The gender perspective shows how social investments can improve economic and social returns when gender and ageing over the life course are taken into consideration. [R, abr.]
65.2372 KWON Hee-Seog —
The Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) regime once again faces a serious challenge in the run-up to the NPT Review Conference scheduled for April-May 2015. This can be attributed to the perceived delay in implementation of commitments made by the states parties at the 2010 NPT Review Conference. Although the 2015 Review Conference is still half a year away, shaky US-Russia relations, the armed conflict directly involving the Israelis and Palestinians, and the outcome of the US mid-term elections will not be conducive to the review process. Both the nuclear-weapon states and the non-nuclear-weapon states should redouble their efforts to narrow their differences on key issues. [R]
65.2373 KYRIS, George —
This article investigates the role of the EU in conflict-resolution, taking Cyprus as a case of an “internalized” conflict, whereby a side of the dispute (Greek Cypriots) has joined the EU, while the rest of actors (Turkey, Turkish Cypriots) remain outside but are still developing relations to Brussels. In exploring the impact of the EU on Greek Cypriot, Turkish Cypriot and Turkish policies towards the dispute, this work engages with the Europeanization debate. The argument advanced is that internalization of the conflict limits the ability of the EU to act in the dispute and triggers inflexible policies, which are counterproductive to resolution. This work contributes to the Europeanization discussion and the impact of the EU on domestic policies, especially in conflict situations. [R, abr.]
65.2374 LEFKOFRIDI, Zoe; SCHMITTER, Philippe C. —
The EU is at a make-or-break moment. The current crisis could be beneficial or detrimental for its future. We revisit Ph. Schmitter's model of crisis-induced decision-making cycles (1970) and critically discuss why the current crisis might not be as benign as originally thought. [R]
65.2375 LIM, Paul Joseph —
This paper is about a European perspective of the relationship of China with its neighbors, with ASEAN and East Asian regionalism. Is there one? Examined are instances where Asia and ASEAN figure in EU-China dialogues against the background of the EU's relations with Asia and ASEAN. [R]
65.2376 LIVINGSTON, Alastair —
This article discusses why coordinated attempts by European institutions have failed to significantly influence the Israel-Palestine conflict. Having been effectively shut out of other realms of diplomacy, the Europeans were forced to use the economic sphere as a means for promoting peace, [but] proved ineffective in these efforts. These failures take on one of two characteristics: failures to properly implement policies the EU believes in or the omission entirely of policy in areas where the EU could have made a difference. To reinforce why these mistakes were so severe, a series of plausible, alternative policies that the EU could have pursued is presented. Given the potential that existed to make a difference, the EU policy has to be consigned as a failure. [R, abr.]
65.2377 MacFARLANE, S. Neil —
This article discusses the role of the UN in the development of the concept of human security since the 1998 Lysøen Declaration. The UN's role in the evolution of understandings of human security in international society is examined, emphasizing conceptual development, the incubation of ideas, consensus building, legitimation and codification, and practice. It also considers the limitations on the organization in promoting human security, given its state-centric character and substantial contestation of the idea of sovereignty in international society. The analysis suggests that the organization has played a significant role in the effort to define, promote, legitimize and implement elements of human security, but faces serious constraints given its state-centric nature. [R]
65.2378 MAKINDA, Samuel —
Australia's engagement with Africa during the K. Rudd and J. Gillard governments was primarily driven by the national interest, which revolved around three issues: humanitarianism, support for mining corporations, and the UN Security Council seat. This article argues that there is a need for the Abbott government to retain the same depth and breadth of relationships with Africa. It is in the interest of both Australia and African states for the Australian government to remain committed to humanitarian objectives and to help African countries meet some of their Millennium Development Goal targets. Moreover, the continued support of Australian mining corporations operating in Africa, especially through the training of African policy-makers in mining governance, is good for both Africa and Australia. [R, abr.]
65.2379 MASSIT-FOLLÉA, Françoise —
The internet governance debate opposes multilateral thinking, favoring the role of state and interstate bodies, with a “multistakeholder” model, which aims to unite all concerned actors: states, business, experts, academics and internet groups, among others. It is a debate on the nature of power, extending across multiple meetings and international summits. Civil society remains highly divided, however, and leads one to consider the notion of global governance of global internet. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2303]
65.2380 MAYER, Sebastian —
This article examines the issue of CFSP alignment — a procedure by which governments from the EU's neighborhood may support previously adopted CFSP documents. It provides a comparative theory test of CFSP alignment in Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan. It elucidates why they engage in alignment as well as how cross-country and cross-issue variance can be theorized. After reviewing the explanatory potential of power-based and sociological institutionalist theory, domestic variables are assessed. The essay shows that, contrary to frequently expressed assumptions, convergence is even possible in less institutionalized high politics fields. But it is largely conditioned by domestic institutional configurations, the preferences of individual or collective actors and overall state gains. [R]
65.2381 McARTHUR, John W. —
This article describes the establishment of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by identifying seven associated myths and offering explanations for each. From his perspective helping to lead the UN Millennium Project — then-UN Secretary-General K. Annan's independent advisory body mandated to recommend an action plan for achieving the MDGs — the author provides an insider's perspective to the agreements, proposals, and real-time global political debates that shaped the process behind the Goals. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Sustaining the millennium: global development from the MDGs to post-2015”. See also Abstr. 65.1955, 2306, 2334, 2361, 2369, 2387, 2388, 2396, 2408, 2414, 2427, 2432, 2434]
65.2382 McCANN, Lisa —
This article examines three levels — policies, programs, and philosophies — and two types — cognitive and normative — of ideas in the policy discourse around the formation of the UN Peacebuilding Commission (PBC), using discursive institutionalism. Underlying the policy ideas for the PBC and several antecedents, failed peace-building proposals were programmatic ideas about what peace-building was, whether it was relief, development, or security, and whether it should include prevention. A major questioning of ideas at the philosophical level, sparked by the 9/11 [2001] attacks and the 2002–2003 Iraq crisis, created the conditions under which the PBC policy idea could be brought forward. Tracing normative as well as cognitive ideas also helped explain policy change, by identifying policy actors’ motivations behind the policy proposals. [R, abr.]
65.2383 MOUHIB, Leila
This paper offers an analysis of democracy-promotion through the EIDHR in Morocco and Tunisia, before and after the Arab uprisings. It questions the effect of the Arab insurrections on the EIDHR and European Union democracy promotion. These policies are found to be shaped first and foremost by institutional determinants intrinsic to the EU but secondarily sensitive to the human rights realities in Morocco and Tunisia. Therefore, the Arab uprisings represent a contextual event that can trigger minor adjustments but certainly not truly challenge the essence of EU democracy promotion in the region. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2540]
65.2384 MÜLLER-BRANDECK-BOCQUET, Gisela; GIEG, Philipp —
In its external policies, the EU mainly focuses on its neighborhood in order to realize freedom, liberty, security and wealth. Therefore, the Union has been especially challenged by the ongoing crisis in Ukraine. After 1991, the EU established deep relations with Kiev which did not fully satisfy Ukrainian expectations. This is why the EU is accused of bearing responsibility for the breakout of the present crisis. Does this argument hold true? The article reconstructs the EU's role during the crisis and asks if and how the EU was able to conduct successful crisis-management and contribute to conflict-resolution. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2602]
65.2385 MUSA, Anamarija
Agencification in the EU has mainly proceeded without firm legal framework and horizontal measures, leading to the creation of numerous more or less independent specialized administrative organizations with diverse structure and functions. The EU institutional setting and the nature of EU regulation have presented the powerful engines of agencification. The existence of agencies had not been envisaged in the primary legislation before the Lisbon Treaty, while the more extensive data on agencies emerged only recently. The paper analyzes the elements of the EU agency governance and highlights the direction of the recent reforms of EU agencies. It outlines the rationale and legal basis for agencies, presents a short overview of the development of agencification, and gives insight into recent agency reforms. [R, abr.]
65.2386 MUSIANI, Francesca —
While internet traffic is exploding and there is new costly infrastructure to be implemented, the “net neutrality” debate is raging. The neutrality principles presupposes that all data circulating on the internet are treated in a fair way. However, it is technically possible to select certain parts to deal with in order of priority. This practice is liable to raise problems both of an economic and political level. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2303]
65.2387 MYERS, Susan —
Every Woman Every Child is a multi-stakeholder movement launched in September 2010 by the UN Secretary-General with the goal of mobilizing action by governments, multilateral the private sector, and civil society to accelerate progress on women's and children's health. Key factors that have contributed to the success of Every Woman Every Child include: a firm policy basis, the application of a cross-cutting approach rooted in country ownership, robust and independent accountability mechanisms for resources and results, and the evolution of a genuine multi-stakeholder partnership. Through examining the workings and progress of Every Woman Every Child, we offer a potential model for the implementation of the post-2015 development agenda and beyond. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2381]
65.2388 NAGPAL, Tanvi; RADIN, Mark —
Although the percentage of people with access to improved water has doubled from 40 percent in 1980 to 89 percent by 2012, sanitation access continues to lag severely. Complex budgetary challenges, insufficient government capacity, rapid urbanization, and growing income inequality are threatening the gains that have been made. Holding national governments and donors accountable to their commitments, maintaining infrastructure and the quality of service delivery, focusing specifically on the poor, and investing in affordable technologies will be vital to successful water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) programs in the post-2015 world. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2381]
65.2389 NIEMANN, Arne; IOANNOU, Demosthenes —
This contribution analyzes the relevance of neofunctionalist theory and the various spillover mechanisms for explaining the management of the crisis and the drive towards a more complete EMU. The management of the crisis resulted in integrative outcomes owing to significant functional dissonances that arose from the incomplete EMU architecture created at Maastricht. These functional rationales were reinforced by integrative pressures exercised by supranational institutions, transnational organized interests and markets. The contribution concludes that, despite shortcomings, neofunctionalism provides important insights for understanding the integrative steps taken during the crisis. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2366]
65.2390 NOCETTI, Julien
Washington plays a leading role in internet governance, which is hardly surprising given the origins of the internet and America's technological ascendancy. However, the majority of internet users are in non-Western countries. Certain countries such as China and India are catching up in the technology sector and are contesting the way in which the net is managed. Since the Snowden affair, this movement is gaining momentum, even if emerging countries are not progressing in a united fashion. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2303]
65.2391 NOORUDDIN, Irfan; WOO Byungwon —
Given similar economic distress indicators, why do some states enter into IMF programs while others do not? Building on extant studies of IMF program participation that highlight the importance of various economic and political determinants, this article proposes an argument focusing on the political incentives of the IMF and a borrowing country when they engage in IMF program negotiations. Specifically, the study develops a domestic politics argument to highlight the interactions among sovereignty costs, competence costs, economic conditions and domestic regime types, and tests the argument using a cross-national time-series dataset of all IMF agreements between 1970 and 2006. [R, abr.]
65.2392 NOUTCHEVA, Gergana —
This paper analyzes the goals and instruments of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) before and after the Arab Spring, and enquires why there has been little substantive change in the EU's approach to the neighborhood, notwithstanding the acknowledged opportunity for democratic change and the EU's stated willingness to contribute to it. It argues that the institutional governance of the ENP has largely conditioned the EU's response to the historic changes in the neighborhood. The EU's actorness has been tamed by the underlying differences among EU member states and this has particularly played out in policy areas where the EU institutions have less freedom to act on behalf of the Union. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2309]
65.2393 OBERTAN, Paméla —
Inside and international institution such as the WTO, where strong asymmetrical relations prevail, the weakest countries are generally disadvantaged. However, they can reverse the trend by developing coalitions as suggested by the theoretical literature. This is the route chosen by many developing countries in the WTO. Over time, their coalitions have become much more effective in countering the claims of the most powerful countries which want to strengthen patent law. The coalition of developing countries has shown some success, which can be explained by the choice of a form combining strength and flexibility. [R]
65.2394 OLUDOUN, Temitope —
This article analyzes the concept of peace and security within the UN context. It also examines the use of veto-power and the present “paralysis” of the Security Council. It focuses on inclusiveness and the expansion of the permanent seat of the Security Council to ensure progress, effectiveness and efficiency in combatting threats to world peace and security. The author argues that the present structure and decision-making mechanism of the Security Council is discordant with its mandate as envisaged by the founders of the UN. Consequent upon the foregoing, there is need to expand the seats of the permanent members of the Council and replace the veto-power with some form of unanimity or majority voting system which is more “democratic and peace-embracing”. [R, abr.]
65.2395 OOSTERVELD, Valerie —
The 1998 negotiations surrounding the inclusion of the term “gender” in the ICC's Rome Statute were polarized, resolved only by resorting to constructive ambiguity: indefinite language used to resolve disparate points of view. Resorting to constructive ambiguity in defining the term permitted its retention in the Statute — widely viewed as a positive outcome — but it also led to continuing dissention about the actual meaning of that definition. This article begins with an overview of the Rome Statute discussions on “gender”. It then analyzes responses to this definition since 1998. [R, abr.]
65.2396 ORDÓÑEZ, Andrea —
One of the most recurring critiques of the original Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) is that they were prepared without wide consultation. As a result, the MDGs are sometimes considered donor-driven, pushed by developed countries onto developing ones. As we approach the 2015 mark, the process to define a new development agenda has so far been different. Southern thinkers have contributed to the debate both by critically reviewing the original MDGs and by bringing their own perspective to the future goals and targets. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2381]
65.2397 ORGAN, James —
European Citizens’ Initiative — Direct democracy: power to the people? — Legal framework of the Citizen's Initiative — Review and critical analysis of Commission Registration decisions for European Citizens’ Initiative proposals — Admissibility criteria — Inconsistency in registration decisions — Increased legal burden on European citizens’ initiative organizers — Institutional mediation or direct democracy? [R]
65.2398 PANCHUK, Dmytro; BOSSUYT, Fabienne —
This review article takes stock of the scholarly literature on EU democracy-promotion in the EU's eastern and southern neighborhood. By deploying the criteria of foreign policy analysis (FPA), the article evaluates the policy context, actor identity, and the policy instruments of EU democracy promotion in the neighborhood. It argues that the literature still lacks a proper understanding of the role of other actors in the EU's democracy promotion policy, pays insufficient attention to democracy promotion programs by individual member states, and has the potential for expansion towards good governance promotion studies. [R]
65.2399 PANKE, Diana —
Most IOs have been created on the premise that all sovereign states are formally equal. The UN General Assembly relies on the one-state, one-vote rule when it comes to decision-making. However, the equalizing effect of UNGA institutions is limited, as not all states use their formal rights equally. Why does a state not exercise its sovereign equality through the act of participating in IO voting? Why are some states more often absent than others? This demonstrates that shortages in political, staff and ideational capacities, as well as budgetary limitations can prevent states from expressing their sovereignty through participating in IO voting, even if they would be willing to do so. In addition, absenteeism can also be strategic in nature, as smaller states tend to prioritize and focus on fewer UNGA resolutions. [R]
65.2400 PAPROCKA, Ada —
For European states parties to the European Convention on Human Rights [ECHR], the ultimate standard-setter for human rights protection is the European Court of Human Rights. This article addresses the ways in which ECHR accommodates this paradox. It briefly analyzes the concept of margin of appreciation as a tool used by the ECHR to allows states certain latitude in applying the Convention in the particular social, cultural and legal circumstances versus the concept of the Convention as a living instrument used to develop standards of protection under the Convention and limit the states’ freedom of action. It shows the method according to which the ECHR develops its jurisprudence on the example of cases concerning the legal status of transsexuals, gender equality and the rights of homosexual couples. [R, abr.]
65.2401 PAUWELYN, Joost; WESSEL, Ramses A.; WOUTERS, Jan —
Formal international law is increasingly superseded by “informal international lawmaking”, involving new actors, new processes, and new outputs, in fields ranging from finance and health to internet regulation and the environment. On many occasions, the traditional structures of formal lawmaking have become shackles. Drawing on a two-year research project involving over 40 scholars and 30 case studies, this article offers evidence in support of the stagnation hypothesis, evaluates the likely reasons for it in relation to a “turn to informality”, and weighs possible options in response. But informal structures can also become shackles and limit freedom. From practice, we deduce procedural meta-norms against which informal cooperation is increasingly checked (“thick stakeholder consensus”). Intriguingly, this benchmark may be normatively superior (rather than inferior) to the validation requirements of traditional international law (“thin state consent”). [R, abr.]
65.2402 PAVLOV, Nikolay —
This article hypothesizes that the conceptual deficit in EU crisis-management is first and foremost an ideological issue. It has no adequate ideological basis and, subsequently, no adequate conceptual and strategic framework. The theoretical approach to define EU crisis-management within the liberal school of IR is examined and critically assessed. I conclude that strengthening the ideological basis is a must for more effective conceptual, strategic and institutional development of EU crisis-management. Finally, a Methodology for the validation of novel crisis-management concepts is proposed. By testing alternative conceptual and governance models, the innovative Methodology for strategiclevel Concept Development and Experimentation (CD&E) could provide scientific support for the establishment of the EU's crisis-management system. [R, abr.]
65.2403 PAVOLINI, Emmanuele, et al. —
This article makes a comparative analysis of the trajectories of welfare change in Italy and Spain since the outbreak of the financial crisis. We look at the differences in the types of institutional design to study of welfare reform in these two countries and assess how recent changes have affected welfare state institutions. The article also assesses the level of EU involvement not only through formal instruments around the European Semester, but also by means of agreements with the Troika and the European Central Bank. For this part of the analysis three sets of documents have been used: Commission Recommendations and Council Decisions in relation to Excessive Deficit Procedures; Commission country-specific recommendations based on Stability or Convergence Programmes; and Policy Measures to boost growth and jobs (National Reform Programmes). These documents allow an analysis of the contents of formal adjustment pressures. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2358]
65.2404 PIIPARINEN, Touko —
In 2013, the UN applied two new peacekeeping instruments, the Intervention Brigade and unmanned aerial vehicles, in the Democratic Republic of Congo. This article argues that the significance and novelty of the Brigade and UAVs for UN peacekeeping are attributable not only to their technologically advanced and robust capacities. These instruments also function as the harbingers of a new paradigm for peacekeeping — sovereignty-building. The current technological turn of UN peacekeeping [suggests] a more profound paradigm shift in UN peacekeeping toward sovereignty-building. Sovereignty-building can be defined as an emerging set of peacekeeping practices that aims to create or reinforce four constitutive elements of sovereignty: the political will of the host government, the area of supreme state authority, the sovereignty network of subregional and regional peers), and the protection of the population. [R, abr.]
65.2405 POULOU, Anastasia —
The emergence of social and economic rights as an accession criterion, in addition to civil and political rights, is a recent development in the EU's enlargement policy. This new category of social rights accession conditionality has been mainly applied to the Western Balkans, due to the countries’ historical and political background. But what has been the impact of social rights accession conditionality in the region? Using the example of Bosnia and Herzegovina, this paper argues that social rights accession conditionality has had a limited effect on the domestic perception of social and economic rights. The legacies of war and of socialism, as well as problems of limited statehood, drastically attenuate its transformative power. [R, abr.]
65.2406 PRIDHAM, Geoffrey —
The EU has a unique opportunity to develop a positive strategy towards Ukraine. A pro-EU government is now in power in Kiev, there is a revived civil society pressing for democratic reforms and the actions by Russia have both reinforced Ukraine's pro-West line and led to the priority given Moscow being questioned by some member states. It is therefore essential to grant Ukraine a membership perspective to strengthen this trend and encourage Kiev to confront and overcome the basic problems that face the country. [R]
65.2407 PUETTER, Uwe —
The Lisbon Treaty fundamentally changed the presidency regime of the EU at the expense of one of the oldest and most central institutions of European integration: the rotating presidency. The chair positions of the European Council, the Foreign Affairs Council and the Eurogroup have been decoupled from the rotating presidency. Understanding the reduced role of the rotating presidency requires attention for the changing dynamics of EU policy-making, especially for the new intergovernmentalism which implies decision-making outside the classic community method and for the rise of the European Council to the status of a lead institution. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2359]
65.2408 QUINT, Rachel —
African leaders recognize that setting the post-2015 development agenda is an essential opportunity to influence global policy. Priorities identified during this process will inform internal and external development policies for the next fifteen years and beyond. Although pan-African institutions and individual African states are stepping up to that challenge, a convoluted drafting process may obfuscate the unified, yet fragile, position they have generated. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2381]
65.2409 RADTKE, Kerstin —
This paper discusses Myanmar's accession to ASEAN and its effects on the emergence of fundamental political norms in ASEAN. It first advances the theoretical idea of how accession demands towards Regional Organizations (ROs) open windows of opportunity for norm-entrepreneurs to act for norm-change in a Regional Organization. Second, these ideas are empirically illustrated by a case study on ASEAN's enlargement to include Myanmar. The tentative conclusion is that, being confronted with the accession of the highly stigmatized state of Myanmar, ASEAN was forced to position itself vis-à-vis this outcome, and to open itself up to discussions about fundamental norms and regional identity. This critical phase of transition mobilized norm-entrepreneurs to push for norm-change, and opened avenues for these entrepreneurs to contribute ideas regarding ASEAN's regional identity. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2757]
65.2410 ROZÉE, Stephen
This article examines the EU Rule-of-Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) with a focus on the policing area of order-maintenance. It argues that while much scholarly attention has been given to the EU's role in crime-fighting, less has been said about its increasing involvement with order-maintenance, which is a central element of policing. EULEX, the EU's largest civilian mission to date, has been involved with a range of executive tasks; this article argues that the Mission's activities contribute to all of the functions that comprise the policing area of order-maintenance. The EU's increasingly comprehensive involvement with policing activities is shown to significantly contribute to the Union's ambitions as a security actor. However, only some aspects of the EU's aims as an actor in policing have been fully achieved in practice. [R, abr.]
65.2411 RYNER, Magnus
Orthodox integration scholarship failed to identify the factors leading to the euro area (EA) economic and financial crisis because of weaknesses that Horkheimer identified in “traditional” theory: disciplinary splits and a tendency to idealize from particular instrumental perspectives. By contrast, critical political economy offered a plausible and coherent elucidation of the emergent properties and limits of finance-led capitalism and their concrete manifestation in the EA. This contribution both reviews state-of-the-art critical political economy research on the EA crisis and makes a distinct contribution to it. In addressing the puzzle of why not only the EMU persists despite morbid symptoms but why crisis management is extending and deepening a discredited finance-led capitalism, the contribution synthesizes theories of transnational class formation and inter-state relations, and proposes that Europe is caught in an ordoliberal iron cage. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2366]
65.2412 SACCHI, Stefano —
This article shows the relevance of implicit conditionality in the eurozone crisis, that is, conditionality based on an implicit understanding of the stakes and sanctions involved, underlain by some measure of power asymmetry. The concept of implicit conditionality is applied to the reconstruction of Italy's sovereign debt crisis, and the structural — pension and labor market — reforms introduced by the Monti government, following requests from the European Union (EU). Actual or potential access to EU financial support — carried out through purchase of Italy's bonds to alleviate market tensions on its debt — was the carrot. The threat of having to enter formalized, explicit conditional lending programs with the International Monetary Fund in order to avoid default was the stick. Market discipline was the operating mechanism that made implicit conditionality effective, and the role of monitoring by the EU was pervasive. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2358]
65.2413 SADIK, Giray —
Euroskepticism has been growing among Turks in recent years. As a result, the EU has become the target of harsh critiques instead of the target for accession. To what extent are Turk's increasing anti-EU attitudes likely to influence Turkish foreign policy? To address this major question about the role of public opinion in Turkish-EU relations, I introduce a framework for analysis (i.e., Attitude-Cut), which aims to untangle the relationship between Euroskepticism in an EU-candidate-country (i.e., Turkey) and the EU's soft-power. I used Transatlantic Trends public opinion surveys as an indicator of public outlook on key issues such as Turkish's security and economy, and Turkey's cooperation with the EU on international matters. [R, abr.]
65.2414 SATTERTHWAITE, David —
The draft Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that are intended to guide the post-2015 development agenda have many ambitious goals and targets. They seek both to meet needs, such as greatly reducing poverty, and to address regional and global ecological goals, including avoiding dangerous climate change. But they do not outline the changes needed in institutional structures, governance, and finance to achieve them. As with the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), little attention is given to local government and local civil society, [although] these are the most important actors for addressing most of the goals and targets. The data-collection systems that are meant to monitor achievements also fail to serve and support local organizations and local action. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2381]
65.2415 SCHIMMELFENNIG, Frank —
Liberal intergovernmentalism explains the politics to cope with the euro area crisis by the constellation of national preferences and bargaining power and by institutional choices designed to commit euro area countries credibly to the currency union. National preferences resulted from high negative interdependence in the euro area and the fiscal position of its member states: a common preference for the preservation of the euro was accompanied by divergent preferences regarding the distribution of adjustment costs. These mixed motives constituted a “chicken game” situation characterized by hard intergovernmental bargaining and brinkmanship. Whereas negotiations produced a co-operative solution averting the breakdown of the euro area and strengthening the credibility of member state commitments, asymmetrical interdependence resulted in a burden-sharing and institutional design that reflected German preferences predominantly. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2366]
65.2416 SCHMUCKER, Claudia —
As a consequence of the faltering Doha Round, several new bilateral and mega-regional free trade agreements are being negotiated and adopted. The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TIPP) is the subject of critical debate in Germany but it must be considered in the wider context of global liberalization. Mega-agreements, such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, are being reached in other parts of the world and the EU cannot afford to stand aside the new international trade landscape. The TIPP will imply economic advantages for the EU and will preserve its power to shape policy in international affairs. [See Abstr. 65.2635]
65.2417 SIMONIJA, Nodari A.; TORKUNOV, Anatoliy V. —
The article deals with retrospective of relations between Russia, the US and the EU in the sphere of energy security, as well as their interaction regarding the current political crisis in the Ukraine. Particular attention is paid to evolution of the key actors’ positions and development of their positions in the framework of regulation regimes set by pivotal agreements in the energy sphere. [R]
65.2418 SIMONJAN, Renald H.; KOČEGAROVA, Tamara M. —
Integration of the EU and Russian Federation is a geopolitical imperative, originating in strictly pragmatic interests of both sides, rather than some ideal motives. In effect, EU and Russia are facing the same global challenges, answers to which depend largely on combining their available resources. For Russia, EU is not only the main economic partner, concentrating more than a half of the global trade, but also a part of the Christian civilization. The common border of EU and Russia is situated in the Baltic region. Countries in this border area, which for a long time existed as a united state, undergo a process of socio-cultural interaction of EU and Russia. Various models of institutional interaction, as well as of spontaneous socio-cultural diffusion are studied in the article. [R, abr.]
65.2419 SKRIBA, Andrej S. —
The article assesses contemporary international politics in terms of its poles, and the role of the US, whose influence on international processes [while] powerful has been recently deteriorating. The features of US and other centers of power foreign policy in the context of contemporary polycentric world picture are investigated. The article estimates how the US can respond to the challenge of force redistribution in favor of “the rest of the world”. [R]
65.2420 SLIWINSKI, Krzysztof Feliks —
Policy and research on European cyber-security remains formative compared to leaders in the field like China and the US. This article evaluates the EU as a cyber-security actor, asking fundamental questions concerning the EU's combination of prominence and obscurity, especially its limitations and prospects. Who and what is going to dominate the European response to cyber-security in the future? These questions are examined within the larger framework of liberal intergovernmentalism. The EU also is compared to NATO, a point of reference to further understand the limitations and challenges ahead for the EU. Two major factors limit the EU as a cyber-security actor: its intergovernmental character, and the lack of collective vision on cyber-security with the EU and between member states. [R, abr.]
65.2421 SMITH, Nicholas Ross —
Owing to the EU's power position within the European regional setting, this article argues that the EU's offer of an Association Agreement to Ukraine was first and foremost driven by self-interest. In gauging the opinions of EU officials in conjunction with the examination of official policy documents, an argument is made that the EU's material, regime promotion, and security interests were all dominant factors in the EU's foreign policy decision. However, the EU's self-perception as a normative power played an influential mediating role in this decision. While norms have an impact, they are subordinate to the EU's self-interest in the context of Ukraine. [R]
65.2422 SYMONS, Jonathan; ALTMAN, Dennis —
International norm-polarization is a rare but recurring process within international norm dynamics. We identify several cases of polarization and explain this phenomenon by elaborating the constructivist model of the norm life-cycle to processes of international resistance to norm-change as well as to norm-acceptance. We also draw on social identity theory (SIT) to examine group-psychological responses where disputed norms become closely linked to state identity. We illustrate these dynamics with reference to conflict over the norm that recognizes sexual orientation and gender identity as subjects of international human rights protection. Over the past decade this candidate norm has become increasingly contentious internationally, and bitter debates over resolutions concerning extra-judicial killings and discrimination have divided the UN General Assembly and Human Rights Council. [R, abr.]
65.2423 SZPAK, Agnieszka —
The author [considers] whether there are any analogies between the situations of Kosovo and Crimea and evaluates the lawfulness of those two cases from the standpoint of international law. The following issues arise: the right to self-determination, the lawfulness of secession, including remedial secession, and unilateral declarations of independence. The author [examines] the ICJ's advisory opinion on conformity with international law of the unilateral declaration of independence in respect of Kosovo of 2010 and the judgment of the Canadian Supreme Court of 1998 regarding the right of Quebec to secede. The pivotal issue concerns remedial secession and the conditions that must be met for remedial secession to be lawful. [R, abr.]
65.2424 TERPAN, Fabien —
This article is based on the assumption that there is a continuum running from non-legal positions to legally binding and judicially controlled commitments with, in between these two opposite types of norms, commitments that can be described as soft law. It defines soft law in international relations in order to provide a mapping of EU law on the basis of the soft law/hard law divide. It helps categorize EU competences and public policies, and sees how they fit with the distinction between two kinds of processes: legalization (transformation of non-legal norms into soft or hard law) and delegalization (transformation of hard law norms into soft law and evolution from hard to soft law). [R]
65.2425 TRIANDAFYLLIDOU, Anna; DIMITRIADI, Angeliki —
EU migration and asylum policy is facing tough challenges at the southern borders of the Union as migration and asylum pressures rise, fuelled by political instability and poverty in several regions of Asia and Africa. Current European border-control practices create three spaces of control: externalized borders, through agreements which enroll third countries in border control; the EU borders themselves through the work of Frontex and the development of technology tools for controlling mobility to and from the EU; and the Schengen area, whose regulations reinforce deterrence at the borders through the Smart Border System. As a result, the EU's balancing act between irregular migration control and protection of refugees and human life clearly tips towards the former, even if it pays lip service to the latter. [R, abr.]
65.2426 TUBILEWICZ, Czeslaw; JAYASURIYA, Kanishka —
This article examines the participation of China's Yunnan Province in the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) in order to understand the dynamics behind the regionalization and internationalization strategies adopted by a Chinese subnational state. It argues that the Yunnan case demonstrates the outflow of state capital to have been instrumental in harnessing Beijing's and Kunming's political support for programs of subregional economic cooperation. This political support has led to a state capital alliance underpinning the economic expansion of provincial state capital into the GMS. It also argues that subregional governance arrangements, such as those featuring in the GMS, embed the competitive advantage of state capital through new forms of extra-territorial governance that ostensibly de-emphasizes the political dimensions of state capital. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.1870]
65.2427 UNEZE, Eberechukwu; ADEDEJI, Adeniran —
This paper assesses the strengths and weaknesses of the financing strategy adopted under the Millennium Development Goals, drawing out important lessons for the post-2015 development agenda. It argues that the post-2015 financing framework will need to deviate from the MDGs’ financing model in some remarkable ways in order to achieve the proposed set of goals. A broad-based and multi-stakeholder approach, which de-emphasizes the top-down approach adopted under the MDGs, must be implemented. Drawing on our recent study on the domestic revenue potential of some sub-Saharan African nations, we argue that by exploring existing and emerging domestic financing options including taxes, domestic saving, domestic philanthropy, remittances and diaspora support, African countries can significantly improve their domestic revenue potential for the post-2015 development agenda. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2381]
65.2428 VARA, Juan Santos —
The substantial autonomy enjoyed by Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) agencies in developing their external relations does not mean that they are immune to political or judicial controls. Given the fact that from the perspective of fundamental rights, AFSJ agencies are acting in a particularly sensitive area, it is essential that their activities are subject to democratic control and remain fully accountable. As a result of the vast diversity of EU agencies in place, analyzing the legal nature of their external action can prove to be a particularly complex task. This article examines the legal and political framework of the external dimension of AFSJ agencies as a whole, on the basis of the external relations developed so far. [R, abr.]
65.2429 VERDUN, Amy —
How can we understand the EU's responses to the euro area financial crisis? This contribution examines this question through a historical institutionalist (HI) lens. First, it reviews the design of existing institutions. With the help of HI it examines what challenges the institutional design posed on the EU when the crisis hit. Next, the responses to the crisis by member state leaders and by EU-level actors are reviewed. An analysis is made of selected new EU institutions created to address the crisis: the European Financial Stability Facility; the European Stability Mechanism; the Six-Pack and Two-Pack; the European Semester; and the Fiscal Compact. Four ideal types — “displacement”, “layering”, “drift” and “conversion” — are examined and found not to fit well. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2366]
65.2430 VOGEL, Thomas
The conflict between the West and Russia is also a crisis in European foreign and security policy. Disagreement and disinterest among the member states, turf wars within EU institutions, and the long processes of coordination between Brussels and the national capitals have encouraged this crisis. To date, there has been no open, comprehensive assessment of the internal mistakes made over the past year. Such a study would be a prerequisite for a new European Ostpolitik that includes all of the countries in the neighborhood as well as Russia. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2601]
65.2431 VOLKMANN, Uwe —
The search for the European soul is reflected in terminology. When the integration project started it was called “community” and today, emulating the USA, it has become a “Union”, which suggests a higher degree of cohesion between its members. Contrary to what this change in terminology might lead to believe, Europe is still an expression of how we can live together in community although divided in project, interest and conviction. Despite its pragmatic advance, the EU is a tangle of markets, values and legal standards that lacks defined ideological and geographical frontiers as well as a citizen-oriented approach.
65.2432 WEBER, Heloise —
This paper examines problematic assumptions underpinning the MDG initiative and the draft post-2015 development agenda. Specifically, it argues that the latter's seventeen goals and targets likely will lead to significant political problems, which will affect their prospects and their legitimacy. Engaging with the politics of disempowerment and exclusion, the paper contends that goals related to the strengthening of governance mechanisms have the potential to be used to justify disciplinary measures aimed at those struggling for fundamental entitlements, rights, and alternative approaches of development. To allow such an outcome would be tantamount to further entrenching a development framework that puts the promises of fundamental entitlements continuously out of reach. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2381]
65.2433 WEISE, Tobias —
Who should be allowed to participate in intergovernmental organizations? There is a growing debate about the increasing opening of IGOs for non-state actors. Explanations of this phenomenon either highlight the functional benefits of opening, or the need of opening to maintain or increase organizational legitimacy. This article analyzes how German diplomatic talk frames non-state participation and refers to functionality or legitimacy when justifying the opening of IGOs. The perspective of diplomats, the main gatekeepers of change in IGOs, has rarely been considered for analysis. This article argues that German diplomatic discourse about opening is mainly functional. There is only limited reference to non-state participation as an element of IGO legitimacy. Further, there are elements in German diplomatic talk that challenge the legitimacy of non-state actors. [R]
65.2434 WEITZ, Nina; NILSSON, Måns; DAVIS, Marion —
While the MDGs aimed to lift people out of poverty, the SDGs aim to keep them out of poverty by ensuring that development is both socially and environmentally sustainable. To achieve this, a “nexus” approach that integrates goals across sectors, makes the SDGs more cost-effective and efficient, reduces the risk that SDG actions will undermine one another, and ensures sustainable resource use is necessary. This paper supports the SDGs’ integration by showing how cross-sectoral interactions can be approached through examples from the water-energy-food nexus. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2381]
65.2435 WETZEL, Anne —
This article deals with the role of the ENP towards Ukraine before the current crisis. It is argued that the EU tried to reach the ENP goals, including security and democracy, primarily by technocratic means, which proved to be a failure. An analysis of the technocratic characteristics of the ENP in Ukraine shows that de-politicization and the tendency to neglect democratic elements was problematic in terms of democratization. The central role of experts and the tendency to ignore conflictive positions was detrimental to stateness. The results suggest a more politicized ENP in Ukraine. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2602]
65.2436 WILSON, Jeffrey D. —
In recent years, efforts to institutionalize resource-security cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region have intensified. Soaring world prices for minerals and energy have seen a range of resource-security strategies launched — through ASEAN, ASEAN Plus Three, APEC and the East Asia Summit — all of which aim to promote intergovernmental dialogue, policy coordination and the integration of regional resource markets. This article examines the dynamics of these abortive attempts to regionalize resource-cooperation in the Asia-Pacific, arguing that economic nationalist resource-policy preferences held by governments have acted as a major obstacle to cooperation. Through an analysis of national resource-policy regimes and the outputs of recent cooperative efforts, it demonstrates how economic nationalism has encouraged inward-looking and sovereignty-conscious actions on the part of major resource players in the Asia-Pacific. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.1870]
65.2437 WOUTERS, Jan; DUQUET, Sanderijn; MEUWISSEN, Katrien —
Since the early 1990s, the EU has been working to establish a common framework ensuring consular protection for Union citizens in third countries. In the meantime, the practical need for consular assistance of unrepresented Union citizens in third countries has only increased, resulting in the progressive elaboration of the Union's legal and institutional framework necessary to deliver such assistance. This article discusses the law, policies and practices in place and those to come, taking account of the 2011 Commission proposal for a Directive and the real-life alterations in consular protection the proposal may effectuate. [R, abr.]
65.2438 ZAJAC, Justyna —
One of the reasons for the low effectiveness of the EU's policy in the Mediterranean is the discrepancy between the EU's international identity and the national interests of its Member States. In large measure, however, the EU's declared aims have not been consistent with the national interests of its Member States. This article analyzes the low effectiveness of the EU's policy in the Mediterranean region in terms of the discrepancies between the idealistic concept deriving from the EU's international identity on the one hand, and its realistic actions based on the EU's Member States’ national interests, on the other. As the EU's foreign policy is shaped at the intergovernmental level, national interests tend to take the upper hand. The Mediterranean policy of five EU-Member States will be analyzed — France, Spain, Italy, Germany and the UK. [R, abr.]
65.2439 ZAPPETTINI, Franco —
This paper contributes to the advancement of the established body of literature on language and identity by ascertaining how discursive representations of multilingualism at an institutional level have interplayed with the construction and the definition of European identities. Using the Discourse Historical Approach (R. Wodak, “The discourse-historical approach”, in R. Wodak, M. Meyer, eds., Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis, London, 2001), the analysis focuses on a corpus of official speeches given by the European Commissioner for Multilingualism to identify discursive strategies and linguistic devices and link them to wider socio-political and historic dynamics. Findings suggest that the institutional construction of Europeanness has primarily occurred through macro discourses predicated on cultural, civic and economic dimensions of multilingualism with some inherent tensions in contrasting representations of “diverse” and multilingual EU-rope. [R, abr.]
(b) Foreign policy and international relations/Politique étrangère et relations internationales
65.2440 ADLER-NISSEN, Rebecca; POULIOT, Vincent —
We develop a framework to grasp the concrete workings of power in international politics. The notion of “emergent power” bridges two different understandings of power: as capability or relation. Emergent power refers to the generation and deployment of endogenous resources — social skills and competences — generated in particular practices. The framework is illustrated with an in-depth analysis of the multilateral diplomatic process that led to the 2011 international intervention in Libya. Through a detailed account of the negotiations at the UN, NATO, and the EU, the article demonstrates how, in practice, state representatives translate their skills into actual influence and generate a power politics that eschews structural analysis. We argue that seemingly trivial struggles over diplomatic competence within these three multilateral organizations played a crucial role in the intervention in Libya. [R, abr.]
65.2441 AKBARZADEH, Shahram —
Iran has pursued full membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). It has appeared to be unfazed by the prospect of allying with Russia and China, two countries which have systematically suppressed their Muslim minorities for decades. Similarly, the SCO's Central Asian member states are led by individual leaders who are generally believed to rule despite their populations. As a result, Iran's eagerness to join the SCO may appear to contradict its self-promoted image as the champion of Muslim interests, but in reality it sits nicely within its overarching enmity for the USA. Indeed, the SCO is seen as a geopolitical counterweight to the USA. For Iran, this geopolitical opportunity overrides ideological imperatives, with the gap between ideology and geopolitics most evident under the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. [R]
65.2442 Al SHAYJI, Abdullah —
The strategic relationship between the Gulf Cooperation Council states (GCC) and the US is embedded in shared enduring interests and the US commitment to come to the defense of its GCC partners. In the Gulf, a strong current of opinion is forming that sees American policy simply as a cover for permanent American presence that drains Gulf treasuries through arms sales and divergent views persist concerning recent events in the Middle East. Nevertheless, it is in both sides’ national interest to have a stable and prosperous Gulf region and it would be counterproductive for either party to abandon the relationship.
65.2443 ALDEN, Chris; SCHOEMAN, Maxi —
No longer subject to the international opprobrium, post-apartheid South Africa launched a visionary campaign built around the notion of an “African Renaissance” to restructure continental institutions in line with its interests. This state-led effort was complemented by an aggressive commercial expansion by well-financed South African corporations to break into previously inaccessible markets across the continent. This populist depiction is largely echoed in the scholarly literature on South African foreign policy towards Africa. But careful analysis of the South African foreign policy experience both in Africa and more broadly, suggests that these images are only partially realized at best and that they ignore a host of structural problems and outcomes. In particular, the case for South African hegemonic dominance is challenged by its material weakness and uneven record of foreign policy successes. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.1535]
65.2444 ALEXANDER, Colin —
This article argues that international development assistance projects are an ideal way for governments to communicate social values to international audiences and also to consolidate support or seek legitimacy from its domestic public. The case-study for this article is the Taiwan International Cooperation and Development Fund. The text argues that this organization should sit at the forefront of the Taiwan government's communications strategy because of recent trends in political communications and also circumstances specific to Taiwan's domestic and international political situation. The research found that the ICDF has taken on more political communications responsibilities in recent years as a result of changes in Taiwan's international political circumstances and the evolution of a democratic society at home. [R]
65.2445 ALTUNIŞIK, Meliha Benli —
The Justice and Development Party (AKP) government, which came to power in 2002, has increasingly been using aid as an instrument of foreign policy, including in the Arab world. This increased with the Arab uprisings and has peaked with the ongoing civil war in Syria, reaching $2 billion in 2012. Despite substantial changes in the amount and geographical coverage of aid after the “Arab Spring”, there are also substantive continuities in Turkey's aid policy. The AKP has been focused on security and stability, and on consolidating power among new regimes. The direction of aid has thus followed that of regional foreign policy, and the government's interests have been given an ideational framing through notions of historical and cultural affinity and responsibility. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2540]
65.2446 ALZURAGAY, Carlos —
The recent change in Cuban diplomacy is not negligible, despite the somewhat lesser visibility of these reforms when compared to those carried out in the economic and social field. The actual multipolar context is positive for this foreign policy reform process. Cuba's role is vital in South-South cooperation issues such as public health and its relations with Latin American nations, China and Russia counterbalance the US's trade embargo and sanctions to third parties that carry out transactions with “State Sponsors of Terrorism”. The Caribbean country must diversify its relations and put an end to — or at least decrease — its structural weakness: dependency.
65.2447 AMADO MENDES, Carmen —
After the transfer of the Portuguese administration to China, Macau kept its role as a bridge between East and West, inspired in the Portuguese settlement 500 years ago. The pragmatism of the Chinese central government, using the Lusophone specificities of this Special Administrative Region, supported the creation of the Forum for Economic and Trade Cooperation between China and the Portuguese-speaking countries, reviving the statute of the Portuguese language and culture in its own territory. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2734]
65.2448 AMIN, Khaled —
This article assesses the effect of the changes in the political and socioeconomic context in Egypt as a result of the January 2011 and June 2013 uprisings on the trend and composition of technical assistance to Egypt. It uses qualitative methodology based on reviewing literature; interviewing senior officials; and observing the operation of donor-funded development projects in Egypt. This analysis shows that economic assistance between the two uprisings had a limited effect on the level of development in the country due to the growing role of politics, uncertain security, lack of a developmental vision, and interrupted process of transition. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2540]
65.2449 AMIR, Merav —
The production of reports and the distribution of information have become integral to the operation of many NGOs. In this regard, the fact that the all-women organization of Checkpoint Watch publishes reports about the Israeli checkpoints in the occupied West Bank seems to comply with current trends. However, the reports do not seem to abide by any convention of reporting. This work analyzes the reporting praxis of the organization and claims that it should be understood as a form of activism in and of itself. Tracking the ways in which the reports address the Israeli public through the concept of parrhesia, the work suggests that this form of reporting enables the women activists to use their gendered marginality to make their way into the highly masculinized and militarized Israeli security discourse. [R, abr.]
65.2450 AMORIM, Wellington; LUCENA DA SILVA, Antonio Henrique —
What are Indian and Japanese reactions to China's rise in economic, political and military terms? According to realist tradition, their option would be between balancing and bandwagoning. Applying S. Walt's balance of threats approach, this work analyzes Indian and Japan responses to an increasingly powerful China; its conclusions point to an evolving relationship between India and Japan, in military terms, especially after 2005. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2734]
65.2451 ARDIÇ, Nurullah
The main orientation of Turkish foreign policy has recently been described as Europeanization, Middle-Easternization, or Islamization. This article offers an alternative reading of its discourse as a civilizational one, arguing that the concept of civilization has increasingly, albeit vaguely, been employed in Turkish foreign policy discourse in three different layers — national, regional and universal. Turkish foreign policy-makers often invoke (and occasionally switch between) these different layers of civilization in a flexible manner, which adds dynamism to Turkish policies. Often integrated with the domestic and foreign policies of the AK Party government, this pragmatic discourse has proved useful for its proactive and assertive diplomacy. Based on the discourse-analysis method, this article explores how and why the concept of civilization is utilized within this discourse. [R]
65.2452 AYATA, Bilgin —
This article analyzes Turkey's responses to the Arab uprisings in the context of its larger foreign policy transformation and regional aspirations. The AKP government seized the uprisings as an opportunity to increase its influence in the region by assigning itself a central role in the transition processes in various countries. In the process, however, Turkey faced a number of setbacks and reversals. Comparing the cases of Libya, Syria, and Egypt, the paper argues that Turkey's efforts to advance regime-change in these sites were marked by inconsistency and incoherence. Furthermore, this trajectory of reactions can be explained only by taking both ideational and domestic factors into account. Despite the shortcomings of Turkey's actions, however, the article concludes that Turkey has consolidated itself as a regional actor, albeit a controversial one. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2309]
65.2453 AYSON, Robert; BALL, Desmond —
In a crisis, a limited exchange of fire could escalate into a wider conflict. We have no precedent to suggest how dangerous it might become. [R]
65.2454 BA, Alice D. —
Focusing on China's particular relations with Southeast Asian states, this article investigates the extent to which China can be said to be substantiating or redirecting existing patterns of East Asian integration. It considers some basic markers of Chinese influence in trade, investment and aid, as well as the domestic-political and regional-political dimensions of leadership that can complicate the ability of otherwise materially able powers to lead. While recent economic initiatives like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank suggest that China is turning to a more proactive approach to East Asian integration, this article also highlights how any prospective leading Chinese role seems likely to be conditioned by a system of expectations and interests constituted by Southeast Asian states and their historical relations with the US and Japan. [R, abr.]
65.2455 BADER, Julia —
On the basis of the selectorate theory, this article examines the link between distributional policies, autocratic cooperation, and its potential for autocratic stability. It compares to what extent Cambodia, Myanmar, and Mongolia complied with China's key external interests in the period 1990–2010. Against this background, the article examines the cooperation between winning coalitions in these countries and China and thereby links a political economy argument to the discussion on regime type and regime stability in autocracy research. The article finds that autocratic exploitation is beneficial to authoritarian powers, such as China, but that hybrid regimes rather than closed autocracies are most vulnerable to such exploitation. [R]
65.2456 BARANYI, Stephen —
K. Walby and J. Monaghan have argued [“‘Haitian Paradox’ or dark side of the security-development nexus? Canada's role in the securitization of Haiti, 2004–2009”, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, 36(4), 2011: 273–287] that security assistance is the “dark side” of relations between Canada and Haiti. From their viewpoint, Canada has contributed to Haiti's “securitization” by reinforcing the police, prisons and border controls at the expense of human rights and development. This paper offers a more historically-grounded analysis, first by showing how the situation in Haiti and Canadian security assistance improved after 2006. Then it locates security assistance in Ottawa's whole-of-government engagement in Haiti, providing a more fine-grained critique of Canadian discourses and practices. The paper situates its Canada and Haiti-specific conclusions in wider policy and theoretical debates on the security-development nexus in fragile and conflict-affected states. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2121]
65.2457 BAUCHARD, Denis —
For a long time, the Persian Gulf was a sphere of influence for the UK and the US. At the beginning of the 1970s, France initiated and developed a policy of active presence in the Gulf. This policy was a real success. France's presence takes many forms and is significant in the political, military, economic or cultural fields. However, this strategic region, very rich in hydrocarbon, is the site of a severe competition not only between Western states but also now with newcomers, in particular emerging countries such as China and India. France's privileged position, notably in Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi or Qatar, remains fragile and is increasingly being contested. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2721]
65.2458 BAUDNER, Joerg —
This article explains the evolution of Turkish foreign policy through the search for a foreign policy role concept. It argues that the AK Party government has already adopted two different foreign policy role concepts. Thus, the changes in Turkish foreign policy can best be characterized as the adoption of a foreign policy role with many traits of civilian power (2002–2005), subsequent limited change (2005–2010) and the adoption of a regional power role (from 2010 on). [R]
65.2459 BENEŠ, Vit; HARNISCH, Sebastian —
The literature on norm-socialization and Europeanization has largely focused on successful norm-diffusion, but thus far it has hardly addressed the norm backlash from the respective societies. To more fully grasp the interaction between member states’ roles and their institutional preferences, we provide a conceptual model for the de-composition of national role conceptions. This model is applied in case studies on German and Czech European policies in the constitutionalization process of the EU. The paper illustrates how the composition of Czech and German roles has changed over time and how these national role conceptions shape the countries’ respective institutional preferences. We conclude that historical role experience is considered a powerful explanatory tool for the policies of today's EU member states. [R]
65.2460 BENZIMAN, Yuval —
The study analyzes film recordings of the discussions held between Israeli and Palestinian participants negotiating in order to finalize the “Geneva Initiative” during three days in 2003. The analysis does not support the popular notion that in order for rival sides to reach agreements they must deal with their deep historical narratives. In these talks, the decision not to touch narrative aspects of the conflict was the key component that enabled the sides to create a fruitful dialogue aimed at reaching a proposal for a final status agreement between Israelis and Palestinians. By ensuring a dialogue in which everyone could speak on any issue, and framing the dialogue [to] avoid dealing with historical, identity and narrative perceptions of the conflict, the sides were able to make progress toward reaching an agreement. [R, abr.]
65.2461 BERKEY, Henri J. —
B. Assad's continued hold on power is a major setback for Ankara, cascading into Turkey's wider foreign policy and damaging its relationships with both neighboring powers and Washington. [R]
65.2462 BÎRLĂDEANU, Virgiliu —
The paper examines the official reactions in Moldova to the annexation of Crimea by Russia and the secessionist war in Eastern Ukraine. It also analyzes the impact these events had on the interaction between the authorities in Chisinau and Tiraspol between February and June 2014. The strong pro-Russian tilt of Transnistria and the pro-European reforms initiated by Moldova led to opposing interpretations of the Ukrainian crisis [and] a sharper separation of opinions in the negotiations on the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict. The high expectations provoked by triumphalist slogans after Crimea's annexation and the suggestions made by Russia about rehabilitation of territorial identities from the time of the Russian Empire (e.g., Novorossiya) allowed the Transnistrian authorities to revive the previous political agendas, in which the East-West divisions are at center stage. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2489]
65.2463 BLAND, Byron —
The collapse of the Kerry talks and the devastating cycle of attacks and reprisals that ensued marked the end of an era, the passing of a time when a negotiated peace seemed a realistic possibility. In considering the way forward in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, this essay examines the relational changes that brought about the settlement ending apartheid in South Africa, with a focus on N. Mandela, F.W. de Klerk, and R. Meyer. It then briefly describes the relation-building framework developed by the Stanford Center on International Conflict and Negotiation and explains how it provides an alternative to solutions-based and rights-based approaches to resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Drawing inspiration from M.L. King, Jr., it concludes with reflections on the importance of non-violence in altering the discourse between Israelis and Palestinians. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2611]
65.2464 BLAREL, Nicolas; EBERT, Hannes —
This article demonstrates how, when and why Pakistan adapted its foreign policy toward India. While the goals of Pakistan's contestation remained constant, its means varied at two points in post-independence history. From 1947 to 1971, territorial disputes combined with a nascent nationalism drove the secondary power's foreign policy elite to engage in war and open resistance, and the divergent domestic political ideologies of both countries complicated conflict-resolution. With Pakistan's devastating war defeat in 1971, direct means of contestation were no longer an immediate option, and a period of reluctant acquiescence ensued. The alleged involvement of Pakistani intelligence proxies in a crisis in Jammu and Kashmir in 1987 marked the beginning of a renewed phase of resistance, though now through indirect means of nuclear coercion and subconventional warfare. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.1535]
65.2465 BOOR, Felix; NOWROT, Karsten —
As a reaction on the escalating crisis in Ukraine, EU member states seek effective economic sanctions against the Russian federation. It is rarely discussed in the public if the WTO-system may generally limit the legitimacy of economic sanctions. Additionally, since the EU is aware of its dependence on Russian imports of fossil energy resources, it must be aware of the menacing effect of Russian counter-measures. In the past, the Russian Federation has used its position on the energy market to influence Ukrainian policy during the gas dispute in 2006 and 2009. International law restricts the option of import-limitations to a minimal extent. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2602]
65.2466 BRONSON, Rachel —
A revolution is happening in energy markets. The US is experiencing one of the greatest production booms and has an opportunity to use its newfound energy assets to shape the political chessboard in ways unforeseen just a few years ago. An overall demand is projected to rise considerably but the “pivot to Asia” is remarkable and already well underway, particularly in China and India, a phenomenon recognized by Middle East oil and natural gas producers at least a decade ago. There is no doubt that the growing American supply will have an impact on Washington's relations with its Gulf partners.
65.2467 BUKH, Alexander —
This paper joins the debate on Japan's territorial dispute with South Korea over the Dokdo/Takeshima islets. Informed by the ontological security framework of analysis, this paper explains the decision to adopt the “Takeshima Day” ordinance by the Shimane Prefectural Assembly and the subsequent ascendance of “Takeshima” to the fore of Japan's identity-construction vis-à-vis the Korean “other”. I distinguish between two processes: one that led to the adoption of the ordinance and another that resulted in the entrenchment of “Takeshima” in Japan's identity-construction vis-à-vis the Korean “other”. The paper argues that the former process should be understood within the context of Shimane Prefecture's distinct identity-construction vis-à-vis Tokyo, while the latter can be attributed to recent changes in Japan-Korea relations unrelated to the territorial dispute per se. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2526]
65.2468 BURBACH, David T.; FETTWEIS, Christopher J. —
Anarchy was coming to Africa, R. Kaplan warned in 1994, and a surge in conflict initially seemed to confirm that prediction. With less fanfare, however, after the year 2000, conflict in Africa declined, probably to the lowest levels ever. Recent fighting in Libya, Mali, South Sudan and elsewhere has prompted a new wave of “Africa falling apart” concerns. This article reviews the history and data of conflict in Africa, from pre-colonial times to the present. Historical comparison and quantitative analysis based on the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) and Major Episodes of Political Violence (MEPV) datasets on the 1961–2013 period show that Africa has experienced a remarkable decline in warfare, whether measured in number of conflicts or fatalities. [R, abr.]
65.2469 BURGES, Sean W. —
A central challenge confronting Brazilian foreign policy is its reluctance to accept measures that might restrict national autonomy. This limits the extent to which Brazil can lead and leverage the region, particularly in the face of competing visions such as ALBA and the Pacific Alliance. The issue is Brazil's continued reliance on a consensual hegemony approach to regional relations after neighboring countries opened space for a more assertive leadership closer to Pedersen's model of cooperative hegemony. Although consensual hegemony allowed Brazil to establish its project in South America, by the end of Lula's first presidential term, more was being demanded and the failure to provide leadership goods weakened Brazil's regional position. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.1535]
65.2470 BURGIS-KASTHALA, Michelle Leanne —
This study employs a select ethnography of Palestinian workers in the field of international law and human rights to explore how an epistemic community gives content and meaning to international law in its professional and personal life. Through a series of interviews conducted in the West Bank in the wake of the Palestinian attempt to gain full UN membership in September 2011, the article constructs a meta-narrative about the nature of international legal discourse as spoken on the Palestinian periphery. It shows how speakers of international law are required to restate or over-state the distinction between law and politics so as to sustain their hope and desire for Palestinian statehood in the face of despair about its protracted denial. [R, abr.]
65.2471 CHANG LIAO Nien-chung —
This study examines Kim Dae-jung's 1998–2002 Sunshine Policy toward North Korea and the mutual reassurances between Taiwan and China from 2008 to 2013. Furthermore, it explores factors contributing to the failure of trust-building in the two cases, and the implications for reassurance theory as well as the prospects for inter-Korean and cross-Taiwan Strait relations. [R]
65.2472 CHARBONNEAU, Bruno; SEARS, Jonathan —
In January 2013, French President F. Hollande justified a military intervention in Mali on the basis of the possible collapse of the Malian state, which faced an armed rebellion in the north of the country. Thus, the war was authorized and explained by the inability of the Malian government to respond to the threat. However, explanations and analyses that focus on security hide more than they reveal, including the ontological aims of the war and its identity stakes. To uncover these aspects, this article articulates the interaction between, on the one hand, the deployment of international violence, and, on the other, the construction of the state and the political imagination in Mali. This article concludes that peace in Mali was sought through the militarization of democratic governance, effectively reinforcing the prewar governance model. [R, abr.]
65.2473 CHOU, Mark —
Fuelled by unparalleled recent development, China has by necessity been reaching outward in search of foreign resources and international recognition. The three books reviewed in this essay all speak to China's spectacular global ascendency of the past two decades — and to the political consequences and international reactions that have followed. What unites these three volumes — Tongdong Bai's China: The Political Philosophy of the Middle Kingdom (2012), Peter Nolan's Is China Buying the World? (2012) and William Callahan and Elena Barabantseva's edited volume, China Orders the World: Normative Soft Power and Foreign Policy (2011) — is their focus on the uniquely Chinese norms that now underpin China's soft power in the 21st c. How will China go about ordering the world and will it succeed? [R, abr.]
65.2474 CLUNAN, Anne L. —
What determined Russia's national interests and grand strategy in the first decade after the Cold War? This article uses aspirational constructivism, which combines social psychology with constructivism, to answer this question. Central to aspirational constructivism are the roles that the past self and in-groups, and their perceived effectiveness play in the selection of a national identity and the definition of national interests. This article explains why Russian political elites settled on a statist national identity that focused on retaining Russia's historical status as a Western great power and hegemon in the former Soviet Union and in engaging the country in bounded status competition with the US. [R] [See also Abstr. 65.2503]
65.2475 COHEN, Michael; O NEIL, Andrew —
American extended deterrence commitments span the globe. Despite extensive research on the causes of deterrence successes and failures, evidence of which US allies find what extended deterrence commitments credible is elusive. This article utilizes interviews with former Australian policy-makers to analyze the credibility of the US to defend Australian forces during the 1999 INTERFET intervention in East Timor. While there was no direct threat to Australian sovereignty, the episode stoked concerns in Canberra regarding the willingness of Washington to come to Australia's assistance. The J. Howard government coveted a US tripwire force presence, and the B. Clinton administration's unwillingness to provide this raised serious concerns among Australian political elites about the alliance. [R, abr.]
65.2476 ÇOLAKO LU, Selçuk; GÜLER, Arzu —
Turkey and Indonesia have continued to develop cordial relations with each other since Indonesia attained independence. The fact that both of these countries possess Muslim majority populations and that both countries’ political goals and policies exhibit major similarities has constituted the necessary basis for close and friendly relations. Furthermore, it is expected that Turkey and Indonesia will be among the top 10 economies of the world within 20 years. Thus, Indonesia is a very important country for Turkey in terms of trade partnership. However, this mutual friendship and political closeness has not been sufficiently backed by economic, cultural and social ties. Thus, bilateral economic relations remained very weak up until the beginning of the 2000s. [R, abr.]
65.2477 COLBY, Elbridge —
Nuclear weapons will come to loom larger — and perhaps much larger — than they have since the Cold War over US and Chinese military planning. [R]
65.2478 COOPER, Andrew F.; MOMANI, Bessma —
This paper compares key NATO allies’ packaging of the case for military intervention in the build-up to the Libyan conflict. The responses of Canada, Britain, France, Germany and the US all articulate different focal points, albeit with some commonality. The US focused on its ability to lead as well as on international norms. The European countries all emphasized the rule of international law. The approach of Prime Minister S. Harper, however, is interesting: its response evoked a highly normative-oriented and value-based response. Harper's foreign policy approach toward Libya strongly invoked the norm of democracy and the key principles associated with it (human rights and the rule of law). It is through the Libyan case that we see Harper reaffirming these themes more closely to Canada's foreign policy discourse/rationale. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2121]
65.2479 CORKIN, Lucy Jane —
As China turns increasingly to the cultivation of soft power in the course of developing its foreign policy, the use of political rhetoric and its explicit and implicit audiences become more and more important, both on a bilateral level and within the international arena at large. Using the case of China's relations with African countries, this article examines key themes within China's diplomatic narrative regarding its role on the African continent and contrasts with Western and African responses. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2734]
65.2480 COTE, Denis; MARTEL, Stéphanie —
The relationship between China and Southeast Asian nations is profoundly ambiguous at a security level and in the economic field. With respect to security, the relationship has considerably improved since the proclamation of the People's Republic of China in 1949, even though the recurrent nature of the conflicts in the South China Sea continues to affect it. As far as economic relations are concerned, the positive role played by the Chinese Government in the 1997–1998 financial crisis has led to a better opinion of China in South-eastern Asia as well as to an economic integration process that is still underway.
65.2481 DANNREUTHER, Roland —
Russia's response to the Arab Spring ranged from apprehension to deep anxiety and diverged significantly from the US and the EU responses. While initially welcoming the popular demands for political reform in North Africa, the Russian reaction rapidly became more critical as a result of Western military intervention into Libya and the threat of the spread of Islamist extremism. It was these twin fears which prompted the Russian leadership to adopt an uncompromising stance towards Syria. While geopolitical factors certainly played a role in driving Russian strategy, domestic political factors were also more significant. As the Russian leadership felt internally threatened by the growing opposition within the country, conflict in the Middle East highlighted the imposition of Western liberal democracy and the virtues of Russia's own model of state-managed political order. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2309]
65.2482 DESCHAUX-DUTARD, Delphine —
This article explores the impact of the creation of Brussels-based administrative bodies in the framework of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) and the coordination of these bodies with national defense administrations. More precisely, the analysis entails a comparison of the French and German administrations. After explaining the limits of the Europeanization concept when it comes to examining the case of defense administrations, the article assesses the changes that the CSDP institutions have brought about regarding the two countries’ administrative practices (top down approach). It then demonstrates how national administrative cultures and organizations constitute factors of resistance to Europeanization in the defense field (bottom up approach). [R]
65.2483 DESTRADI, Sandra —
Despite a tense security situation, the uncertainties related to withdrawal of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), and the increased activities of its competitors (Pakistan and China), India has not substantially stepped up its security governance engagement in Afghanistan. I explain India's hesitant policy as a factor of domestic-level threat assessments, international pressures, and the risk-averse character of Indian foreign policy. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2516]
65.2484 DIAS, Mónica
At time of great geopolitical transformations, Germany remains without a clearly defined position about the role it wants or should play on the international stage. Convinced of its responsibility towards other people, but very reluctant to take on a position of leadership, it oscillates in the affirmation of its national interests. However, its growing economic power tacitly suggests a more determined voice in foreign affairs, increasingly perceived as “Weltinnenpolitik” (global domestic policy) as Willy Brandt, then Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, anticipated in 1973 before the General Assembly of the UN, when West Germany was integrated into this institution. In this context, the article reflects on possible routes for German foreign policy today. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2504]
65.2485 DITRYCH, Ondrej —
The crisis in Ukraine has turned the tables of the post-Cold War relationship between the US and Russia. The ongoing transformation can result in a number of outcomes, which can be conceived in terms of scenarios of normalization, escalation and “cold peace” — the latter two scenarios being much more probable than the first. NATO ought to shore up its defenses in Central and Eastern Europe while Washington and its allies engage in a comprehensive political strategy of “new containment”. This means combining political and economic stabilization of the transatlantic area with credible offers of benefits to partners in the East and pragmatic relations with Russia which are neither instrumentalized (as was the case with the “reset”) nor naïvely conceived as a “partnership”. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2580]
65.2486 DOMSON-LINDSAY, Albert —
There are several accounts of the past relations between Swaziland and South Africa. Some are set in the realist school of IR scholarship. These studies portray Swaziland's policy behavior as “submissive” because of “immutable structural forces”. The neo-Marxian analyses locate the relations exclusively in class/ideological setting. Other accounts depict the “kaleidoscopic” nature of the relations. The post-apartheid understanding of this relationship is largely gleaned from regional studies — the dominant view of which is that South Africa is reluctant to exercise hegemony in its relations with regional states. This article critiques the one-directional thrust of the realist and Marxian accounts. While endorsing multidirectional and multidimensional accounts of policy behavior, the article shows that they lack an over-arching theoretical framework. [R, abr.]
65.2487 DOUGLAS, Elena; STONE, Diane —
After 20 years, the Australian American Leadership Dialogue has acquired enviable access to political leaders in the foreign policy establishments of both countries. The influence of the Dialogue is at earlier consensus-building stages of decision making. Its importance has been in “relationship maintenance” of the bilateral alliance which it has pursued through processes of informal diplomacy. The Dialogue now faces its own challenges of organizational renewal and relevance in the wider “interpretative community” of Australian think tanks, university policy institutes and opinion-formers. [R]
65.2488 DYSON, Tom
The CDU/CSU/FDP coalition (2009–2013) witnessed the emergence of three important changes in the international security environment: the US “Asia Pivot”, the global financial crisis and the fallout from Germany's backseat role in the Libya crisis. This article examines how German defense policy has adapted to this changing context. It explores the reforms to the Bundeswehr's structure and military capability procurement process under defense ministers K-T. Guttenberg and Th. de Mazière. It also looks at German policy toward defense cooperation through CSDP and NATO. While some important changes have been enacted to German defense policy, Germany is failing to properly adapt to the changing strategic environment. The article examines key defense policy challenges facing the government over the 2013–2017 legislative period and the implications for debates on German defense policy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2239]
65.2489 EJDUS, Filip —
Many view the crisis in Ukraine as the most dangerous challenge to European security since the end of the Cold War. While almost all other European countries condemned the Russian annexation of the Crimea, Serbia chose to remain neutral. Serbia's decision-makers have explained their policy as a rational pursuit of national interests. I argue that this account is incomplete without an analysis of Serbia's various identities. In particular, I suggest that the ongoing crisis in Ukraine has amplified an existing conflict between two powerful collective identity narratives in Serbia: the one of belonging to Europe and the other of brotherhood with Russia. To cope with this internal identity conflict and to reduce the cognitive dissonance thus created, Serbia adopted a neutral policy as a form of avoidance. [R] [First of three articles, “Perspectives on the Ukrainian crisis, II”. See also Abstr. 65.2462, 2714. And Part I: Abstr. 65.1254]
65.2490 EKMAN, Alice —
Since China began to reform and open up, the institutions involved in the process of formulating and deciding Chinese foreign policy have become more professional and there are more of them. The increased professionalism of existing institutions has clearly made Chinese diplomacy more effective and facilitated the country's integration within international organizations. However, the increased number of institutions has added new obstacles to decision-making. This article explains how the rowing competition between the various institutions has complicated the foreign policy decision-making process, thus perpetuating its traditional way of reacting to developments. A new, more pro-active foreign policy strategy can only be developed thorough far-reaching institutional simplification. China's new President Xi Jinping is trying to undertake this task, not without difficulty. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2038]
65.2491 ENGSTRÖM, Maria
The “conservative turn” in Russian politics is associated with the return to the cultural and political ideologeme of Katechon, proposed by several right-wing intellectuals as the basis for the Russia's new state ideology and foreign and security policy. The term Katechon in contemporary Russian political discourse is relatively new and can be traced to the post-Soviet reception of C. Schmitt's political theology. The concept of Russia as Katechon is directly connected to the national security and defense policy, because it is used as the ideological ground for the new wave of militarization and anti-Western sentiment, as well as for Russia's actions during the Ukrainian crisis. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.1625]
65.2492 ERHART, Hans-Georg —
The annexation of Crimea and Russia's undercover military support to separatists in Ukraine are examples of “unconventional” and “irregular” warfare. Despite the previous experience of the Russian intervention in Georgia in 2008, the West did not expect these events because of the unpredictability of Russian military practices. By contrast to its complete ban in Europe, unconventional warfare is accepted by the Russian military doctrine, since Russia has very far-reaching political and strategic objectives that are not restricted to the Ukrainian crisis, and seeks its place as a counterbalance to American hegemony. Moscow is indifferent to the West's economic sanctions, which leaves Europe drowning in uncertainty. [See Abstr. 65.2758]
65.2493 ERTHAL ABDENUR, Adriana, et al. —
Recently there has been a surge in cooperation between developing countries within this space. As trade, investment and other forms of exchange and dialogue increase among actors from within the South Atlantic region (notably between South America and Africa) and with states located outside the region, the BRICS countries become more relevant to the South Atlantic. Individually, they have become relevant players in the South Atlantic's economic, political and security dimensions. Collectively, as inter-BRICS flows and political coordination intensify, new configurations of cooperation emerge within the South Atlantic. These initiatives suggest that rising powers are contributing towards making the South Atlantic — long dominated by North-South ties — a space where South-South cooperation and norms predominate. [R, abr.]
65.2494 ETZIONI, Amitai —
A combination of threat-analysis and “subterranean forces” (such as proclivities to fight conventional wars as compared to asymmetric ones) leads the US to prefer focusing on the threats from China rather than those emanating from the Middle East. [R]
65.2495 FAGUNDES VISENTINI, Paulo G.; SANTOS, Bruna —
With Latin America as a strategic trade partner, China has diversified export destinations and safeguarded commodity-import security. From a Latin American perspective, the availability of China as an alternative market was one of the factors leading the region away from the Free Trade Area of the Americas and has pivoted the region's traditional partnerships (US and Europe) to Asia, and, to a lesser extent, Africa and the Middle East. China and the Latin nations also share a common “South-South” perspective on many global issues. This diversified political and economic diplomacy has introduced a new set of relations in world affairs.
65.2496 FARAGO, Niv —
In return for a temporary and partial suspension of the American and European economic sanctions that had been imposed on it, Iran agreed to restrain its nuclear activity in 2014. However, there has been heavy criticism from neoconservatives because Iran has not agreed to completely suspend its uranium-enriched activities and hence propose dealing with the Iranian (nuclear) conundrum through a (far from feasible) regime-change. The failure of the West to enforce the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in Iran means that new methods are required to address nuclear proliferation in that country. Washington must also draw its lessons from Beijing's and Moscow's conduct in the six-party talks concerning the North Korean nuclear weapons program.
65.2497 FARRELL, Henry; NEWMAN, Abraham —
How are regulatory disputes between the major powers resolved? Existing literature generally characterizes such regulatory disagreements as system clash, in which national systems of regulation come into conflict, so that one sets the global standard, and the other adjusts or is marginalized. We offer an alternative account, which bridges early literature on interdependence with work from Historical Institutionalism in comparative politics. We argue that rule-overlap creates opportunities for regulatory actors to develop transnational alliances in support of an alternative institutional agenda. Over time, the resulting “cross-national layers” have the potential to transform domestic institutions and in turn global rules. We examine two critical issue areas — surveillance information sharing and accounting standards — which allow us to contrast our argument against standard accounts emphasizing veto-points and switching costs, respectively. [R, abr.]
65.2498 FEI Gao; YU Xiao —
Amid the reduction of US forces in Afghanistan, the search for solutions to the Afghanistan security conundrum calls for regional coordination. Despite limited achievements in the past, the SCO may be an important contributor to stability in Afghanistan. The SCO brings together powerful regional players (Russia and China) and important neighboring states whose strategic interests are intertwined in Afghanistan. All of them are potential stakeholders in providing regional solutions. We suggest that the role of the SCO would lie in not only regionalizing Afghanistan policy-making but also promoting the country's integration into a regional framework of common interests. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2516]
65.2499 FIAZ, Nazya —
This article argues that in the wake of 9/11 [2001], Pakistan engaged in two policy moves that were highly problematic and controversial from a domestic perspective: the alliance with the US, and the simultaneous disengagement with the Taliban regime. While realist accounts largely posit these moves as a consequence of US diktat, this article explores how the actions were enabled by a domestic political narrative. Scholarly accounts in the post 9/11 era tend to marginalize the role of indigenous agency and “voice”, and overwhelmingly work within frameworks that emphasize the consequential effects of US hegemony. Conversely, in examining official Pakistani political discourses, the article argues that a number of identifiable rhetorical strategies played a performative role in enabling specific Pakistani policy outcomes in the wake of 9/11. [R, abr.]
65.2500 FLEMES, Daniel; WEHNER, Leslie —
This article analyzes the drivers of contestation of secondary powers vis-à-vis the regional power, differentiating therein between structural, historical, behavioral and domestic such drivers. We argue that in regions characterized by relative stability where major interstate violent conflicts are unlikely, as is the case in South America, secondary powers rely mainly on soft-balancing mechanisms vis-à-vis the regional power. Whereas Brazil's foreign policy behavior is key to South American secondary powers being induced to contest the country's powerhood, the choices that foreign policy elites of those secondary powers make regarding the specific expression of soft balancing are influenced by certain domestic groups. Empirical examples are given of how Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Venezuela as secondary powers unfold these domestic drivers, which shape their different ways of soft balancing Brazil. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.1535]
65.2501 FOOT, Rosemary —
This article discusses some of the arguments which suggest that conflict is probable as a result of China's resurgence and the relative decline in US power. It explores the argument that transitions in power between the US and China heighten the prospects for war between the “declining hegemon” and the “rising power”. However, constraints on conflict are insufficiently appreciated in the current discussion of the changing security order in the Asia-Pacific. In addition to conventional and nuclear deterrence, these constraints include: evidence of historical learning at the decision-making level; state agency at the regional level designed to shape and subdue major-power rivalries; new forms of economic interdependence; and the domestic political-economic priorities of the two main protagonists. [R, abr.]
65.2502 FORSBERG, Tuomas —
This article asks why do status conflicts between Russia and the West exist despite attempts to avoid them? It argues that status conflicts cannot be understood without the interplay of perceptions and emotions. First, what really matters is not objective status but perceptions thereof and there seems to be a gap how Russia and the West perceive status in general. Second, the perceptions of when status is gained or lost seem to be emotionally loaded. Russia is more willing to understand its relative status when military or economic issues are at stake, but if the dispute deals with international norms and questions of justice Russia is more likely to interpret Western action as violating its status and conversely, it is more likely to interpret its own action as enhancing its status. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 65.2503]
65.2503 FORSBERG, Tuomas; HELLER, Regina; WOLF, Reinhard —
We first identify the theoretical voids concerning the study of international status. [Then] we outline the drivers and logic of status concerns, considering in particular identity theories, psychological approaches and existing research regarding emotions. The presented research agenda on status, derived from IR and related theories, provides a well-structured tool-box for investigating the link between status, identity and emotions in Russian foreign policy vis-à-vis the West. In a third part, we present the key questions raised by the contributors and summarize their main findings. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 65.2474, 2502, 2538, 2567, 2582, 2637, 2640, 2770]
65.2504 FRANCO, Lívia
Having transformed themselves from “Eastern Europe” to “New Europe”, did the countries of Eastern and Central Europe see their place in Russian foreign policy changed? And what instruments and strategies has the Kremlin been using in its relations with these countries 25 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall? Only apparently does Moscow see his region as an integral part of “Old Europe” and the West. The growing assertiveness of its relations with these countries confirms a different view and shows that the kremlin is feeling threatened by their successful democratic transitions. “New Europe” is finding it has an active and respected voice within the Euro-Atlantic area. That makes Russia unhappy. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall”, edited and introduced by Patrícia DAEHNHARDT and Maria Raquel FREIRE. See also Abstr. 65.1744, 2295, 2484]
65.2505 FRASER, Malcolm —
Australia should not embrace America, writes its former prime minister, but preserve itself from Washington's reckless overreach. Australia must regain the ability to deny any other power the capacity to decide whether it stays at peace or goes to war. [R]
65.2506 FREEDMAN, Lawrence —
V. Putin's power play in Ukraine was impulsive and improvised, without any clear sense of the desired end state. After many months of effort, Russia has achieved limited gains, but at high cost. [R]
65.2507 FÜRTIG, Henner —
Although some Middle Eastern countries, such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey, have tried to influence developments in Afghanistan from time to time, Iran — due to a long common history, geographic proximity, and cultural similarities — is by far Afghanistan's most important neighbor. I demonstrate that Iran, contrary to its image and often even more consistently than pro-Western countries such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey, has since 1979 acted in favor of an independent, centrally and moderately governed Afghanistan. Therefore, Iran will probably also be a stabilizing factor rather than a spoiler in every post-International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) scenario in Kabul. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2516]
65.2508 GAERTNER, Heinz —
The DPRK justifies its nuclear weapon arsenal with the concept of deterrence. It means that it will try to miniaturize and modernize its warheads and missiles. This leads to a first-use doctrine of nuclear weapons. [US President B.] Obama's policy of engagement does not offer a solution to the North Korean nuclear issue as yet. In the context of its policy of critical engagement with the DPRK, the EU has three key interests: regional peace and stability, denuclearization, and human rights. The CSCE could be a precedent. The CSCE process was based on three “baskets”: security, economics, and humanitarian. The multilateral Trans-Pacific Partnership is a step in this regard. This article looks at three theoretical approaches: realism, liberal institutionalism, and liberal internationalism. [R, abr.]
65.2509 GALTUNG, Marte Kjoer; STENSLIE, Stif —
The authorities in Beijing surprised by the sudden regime-changes in the Middle East, and feared that the unrest would inspire their own opposition and lead to unrest in China too. They saw obvious similarities between the situation in China and that in the Middle East prior to the Arab Spring. Chinese politicians and analysts have since pointed to several reasons for the uprisings, including lack of political reforms, nepotism and corruption, uneven distribution, unemployed young people in cities, the spread of the internet and Western intervention. Contrary to Western analysis, Chinese studies put less emphasis on the importance of civil society, a genuine multi-party system, and civil-military relations. With regard to the consequences of the Arab Spring, Chinese analysts are in general far more negative than their Western colleagues. [R, abr.]
65.2510 GANGULY, Sumit —
In The Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten Genocide [New York, 2013], Gary Bass convincingly argues that the Nixon administration did little to rein in its ally Pakistan from perpetuating genocide against its own population largely because of Islamabad's vital role in facilitating US diplomatic contact with China. He also shows how the low strategic significance of South Asia for much of the global community, combined with an inordinate regard for the norm of sovereignty, led to a lack of support for the principle of humanitarian intervention. The Blood Telegram partially affirms the proposition that acts of genocide can stem from the choices of a handful of individuals who are determined to achieve a political goal using all available means. [R]
65.2511 GAO Xujun; GAO Bo —
This article first defines the concept, aims and means of the “Sino-German Rule of Law Dialogue” (GCRLD). It then focuses on the role of GCRLD in the promotion of the Sino-German relations, particularly in the process of promoting China to become a rule-of-law state. On this basis, the article analyzes the reasons why the results of GCRLD are not very satisfactory until now. [R]
65.2512 GAWRICH, Andrea —
The OSCE is currently a key actor contributing to de-escalation in the Ukraine-Russia crisis. This is in contrast to the OSCE's eroding role as a European security organization in recent years. This article argues that there is an evident paradox between theory-guided views on the OSCE, which prevent the OSCE from being classified as a security organization, and the fact that its contributions to the Ukraine-Russia crisis are unique to the current challenges in the European Security landscape. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2602]
65.2513 GEISTLINGER, Michael —
The Russian federation has adopted a special law for its compatriots living abroad, [including] a package of measures and programs [which] aim, on the one hand, to improve the social, legal and economic situation of compatriots in their country of residence. On the other hand, the Russian Federation is interested in counteracting the decline of its population by recruiting compatriots for resettlement in Russia. Particular emphasis has to be laid on the term “compatriot” according to a Russian understanding. The term comprises a considerable part of the Ukrainian population. Ukraine does not allow for dual citizenship. Nevertheless, the Russian military doctrine is to be taken into consideration. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2602]
65.2514 GERMANN, Julian
This article examines the central role of the West German state in the transition from the golden to the global age of capitalism in the crisis decade of the 1970s. I argue that in order to keep the world economy open for its exports and shore up its competitive position, German crisis-managers pursued a grand economic strategy that sought to defeat the interventionist and expansionary responses of the European left and to commit the US to monetary discipline. The success of this strategy had contradictory consequences: it stabilized the social consensus inside Germany but undermined it in states whose economies did not stand to benefit from austerity measures. Germany's particularistic way of coping with the crisis thus contributed decisively, though not deliberately, to the “disembedding” of the liberal international economic order. [R, abr.]
65.2515 GILMORE, Jonathan —
This article examines the interaction between the idea of Good International Citizenship and the recent evolution of UK foreign and security policy. Good International Citizenship centers on the mediation of ethical commitments to national interest, the promotion international order, and the wellbeing of vulnerable non-citizen populations. While ethical commitments to non-citizens have become overt components of British foreign policy, recent UK governments have struggled to reconcile these with commitments to the national interest and a stable international order. The article argues that the more direct affirmation of Good International Citizenship as a narrative and ethos of practice for UK foreign policy might help further the increasingly open discussion on the ethics and UK foreign policy. [R, abr.]
65.2516 GODEHARDT, Nadine; SHIM, David —
The economic, political, and social situation in post-2014 Afghanistan remains uncertain, particularly because the effects of the US drawback from Afghanistan on national and regional stability are rather difficult to foresee. We explore how the debates about post-2014 Afghanistan impact others’ thinking. Afghanistan forces national governments and political leaders to reflect deeply on their policies toward Afghanistan and the wider region. Hence, the “Afghanistan problem” becomes a geopolitical imagery within other countries’ discourse. Here we scrutinize the impact of post-2014 Afghanistan on South Korean and Chinese foreign policy practices, enabling us also to become familiar with Chinese and South Korean understanding of their political position in Asia. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “The impact of post-2014 Afghanistan on Asian regional security”, edited and introduced by Nadine GODEHARDT and Nicola NYMALM. See also Abstr. 65.2483, 2498, 2507, 2658]
65.2517 GONZALEZ-VICENTE, Ruben —
China's foreign policy has been long committed to a principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign countries. This article argues that defenders and critics of the principle both rely on a limited interpretation of “interference” or “intervention” based on an ideology of Westphalian sovereignty. Particularly problematic is the conceptual distinction between the “political” or “diplomatic”, on the one hand, and the “economic”, on the other. It is thus argued that non-interference is a semi-formal institution that governs China's diplomatic engagements and affects its economic activities. Specifically, this article contends that Chinese non-interference results in the empowerment of political elites at national levels, and thus in the (re-)emergence of the nation-state as a gatekeeper and facilitator of the advancement of capitalist enterprises. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.1870]
65.2518 GRANGER, Serge —
Indian perception of China remains distrustful despite the international challenges that require an increased collaboration between the two countries. An important source of disagreement is the Sino-Indian border, which is still to be outlined. Another problem is New Delhi's disapproval of the Beijing Consensus and its pursuance of the neoliberal economic reforms started up twenty years ago, bringing India closer to the Washington Consensus. China's military support of Pakistan has also tarnished the bilateral relation. A tighter cooperation between both Asian giants would contribute to the creation of global wealth and would decrease the risks of a regional conflict.
65.2519 GRIES, Peter Hays —
Based on a 2011 national survey, I argue that while US conservatives feel somewhat cooler toward the East Asian democracies than US liberals, they feel much cooler toward China. Greater average conservative than liberal prejudice lingers, cooling attitudes toward the “Yellow Peril” of all Asian countries, but communism is a larger source of ideological differences over China. For cultural, social, economic, and political reasons, conservatives feel substantially cooler than liberals toward both communist countries in general and “Red China” in particular. I suggest that with gerrymandering and ongoing ideological sorting, these ideological differences over China on Main Street may come to play a greater role in the making of US China policy. [R]
65.2520 GRIFFIN, Christopher —
The US and its allies entered Afghanistan with nearly unlimited war aims, but with the intention of using only limited force. This strategic error undermined the intervention and made success difficult or impossible. Through an examination of Clausewitzian thought about popular war, limited war and the culminating point of victory, this article shows the enduring value of Clausewitzian concepts in contemporary conflicts against non-state actors. These concepts are tested in three cases — the involvement of the US, the UK, and France in Afghanistan — to examine the relationship between their war aims, resource commitments, and war outcome. [R, abr.]
65.2521 GRILLOT, Suzette R.; CRUISE, Rebecca J. —
This study examines the extent to which Albania, Croatia and Macedonia, brought together by partnership in the Adriatic Charter in 2003, have made progress toward the development of trust and belonging (a security community) that will facilitate wider Euro-Atlantic integration. We assess identity and belonging with partners and neighbors, as well as within individual states. Moreover, we examine whether notions of security community ‘trickle down’ to the public. Based on extensive fieldwork, we conclude that there has been an increase in interactions among these countries at the elite level, but the general public in each country appears to exhibit less trust and sense of community. [R]
65.2522 GUEDES VIEIRA, Alena Vysotskaya —
Russia's actions towards Ukraine in 2013–14, which inaugurated a new Cold War in its relations with the West, presented a dilemma to Russia's allies: whether to align with Russia's choices or pursue a more independent course of action. The leadership of Belarus, Russia's closest ally, chose the latter option both by establishing dialogue with the interim government and President of Ukraine, considered illegitimate in Russia and, later, by being present at the inauguration of P. Poroshenko in June 2014 and downplaying Russia's position on the “federalization” of Ukraine as the only way out of the country's instability. The perspective of the intra-alliance security dilemma helps explain the divergence of views between Russia and Belarus, while pointing to the changing position of the parties towards the Eurasian integration project. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2580]
65.2523 GUILHON-ALBUQUERQUE, José-Augusto —
This article is divided in three sections. It first explores the “strategic partnership” between Brazil and China. [Then] we examine how US-China relations in the global system could affect both Brazil-US, and Brazil-China bilateral relations. A final section presents some recommendations for Brazil strategic orientations regarding the current systemic transition in the allotment of global power. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2734]
65.2524 GUSTAFSSON, Karl —
In the 1990s, Japanese views of China were relatively positive. In the 2000s, however, China has increasingly come to be seen as “anti-Japanese”. How can these developments, which took place despite increased economic interdependence, be understood? One seemingly obvious explanation is the occurrence of “anti-Japanese” incidents in China since the mid-2000s. I suggest that these incidents per se do not fully explain the puzzle. Protests against other countries occasionally occur and may influence public opinion. Nonetheless, the interpretation of such events arguably determines their significance. Through an analysis of Japanese parliamentary debates and newspaper editorials, the paper demonstrates that the Chinese government has come to be seen as denying Japan's self-identity as a peaceful state that has provided China with substantial amounts of official development aid (ODA) during the post-war era. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2526]
65.2525 HACKE, Christian —
This article argues that the problem in Ukraine is not originally created by V. Putin, but rather by the lack of realism in Western foreign policy. The West was naïve when thinking that Putin would remain inactive before the inclusion of Ukraine in Western structures. Claiming the defeat of Communism after the Cold War, the West conferred itself legitimacy to carry out enlargement to the East of NATO and the EU and to participate in the democratization processes of Eastern European countries. However, the West considered neither Russia's position in international relations nor its national security interests. [See Abstr. 65.2758]
65.2526 HAGSTRÖM, Linus; GUSTAFSSON, Karl —
Two approaches to identity have been employed to explore issues in Japan's international relations. One views identity as constituted by domestic norms and culture, and as constitutive of interests, which in turn cause behavior. Proponents view Japan's “pacifist” and “antimilitarist” identity as inherently stable and likely to change only as a result of material factors. In the other approach, “Japan” emerges and changes through processes of differentiation vis-à-vis “Others”. Neither “domestic” nor “material” factors can exist outside of such identity constructions. We argue that the second, relational, approach is more theoretically sound, but how can different identity constructions in relation to numerous Others be synthesized and understood comprehensively? How can continuity and change be handled in the same relational framework? [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Identity politics in Japan's international relations”, edited by Linus HAGSTRÖM. See also Abstr. 65.2467, 2524, 2527, 2597, 2632, 2634]
65.2527 HAGSTRÖM, Linus; HANSSEN, Ulv —
After Kim Jong-II's confession in 2002 that North Korean agents had abducted thirteen Japanese citizens in the 1970s and 1980s, North Korea has become the most detested country in Japan, and the normalization of bilateral relations has been put on the back burner. The abduction issue has taken precedence in Japan even over North Korea's development of nuclear weapons and long-range missiles. Why has there been such strong emphasis on an issue that could be disregarded as comparatively “less important”? This article understands the ascendency of the abduction issue as the epitome of an identity shift under way in Japan — from the identity of a curiously “peaceful” and inherently “abnormal” state, to that of a more “normal” one. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2526]
65.2528 HALBACH, Uwe —
Since the annexation of the Crimea in March 2014, the Crimean Tatars have been under fire. Moscow may have initially used the carrot in order to break their non-violent resistance to the annexation of the Tartar homeland to Russia. But soon thereafter, the new authorities in Simferopol, under the nationalist Sergei Aksenov, turned to repression. Leading Crimean Tatar politicians are denied entry to the Crimea; others are defamed as Islamist extremists. House searches serve to intimidate; Crimean media outlets have been closed. Crimean Tatar autonomy is at risk of being dissolved, while the founding of a parallel muftiate engineered by Moscow serves to promote religious schism. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2601]
65.2529 HANSEN, Flemming Splidsboel
Political leaders are said to favor an action space sufficiently wide to allow them, as a minimum, a face-saving exit. This makes it particularly interesting for us to study those rare cases where political leaders seem to be deliberately reducing their policy options to the point of having merely one line to pursue. The handling by Russian President V. Putin of the early 2014 crisis over Crimea, eventually leading to the annexation by Russia of the Ukrainian Peninsula on 21 March 2014, seems to represent such a rare case. Through the use of state-controlled media, a highly dichotomized framing of the crisis was presented to the Russian audience, essentially leaving Putin with just the one option of acting to “save” the Crimeans from the Ukrainian Government by bringing them into Russia. [R]
65.2530 HATAKEYAMA, Kyoko —
With the Gulf War as a trigger, Japan began to make a humanitarian contribution by dispatching the Self-Defense Forces to UN peacekeeping operations. Given Japan's strong hesitation for participation in the past, Japan's peacekeeping policy presents an intriguing challenge to examine the factors for a preference change and sustained compliance. By investigating Japan's peacekeeping policies towards East Timor and Haiti, this article examines how Japan's behavior and preferences were influenced by either internalized norms or cost/benefit calculations. While norm-driven behavior is considered to be incompatible with strategic calculated behavior, the article demonstrates that these two factors can co-exist. [R]
65.2531 HAUSMANN, Guido; PENTER, Tanja —
At every stage of the conflict in Ukraine, from the Euromaidan to the crisis triggered by Russia's annexation of Crimea and to the war in the Donbas, the parties to the conflict have resorted to history and concepts of history. Some speak of Cossack traditions of freedom, others of the “defensive struggle against fascism” or of Novorossiia. This is supposed to mobilize support, to legitimize political and military action, and to create identity. These assertions do not stand up to scrutiny. But those who seek to distinguish historical facts from manipulation and propaganda need in-depth knowledge. East European history as a discipline has a lot of catching up to do in researching and teaching of Ukrainian history. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2601]
65.2532 HE Kai —
The rise of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) is gradually transforming the international system from a unipolar world toward multipolarity. China's ascent not only challenges US domination, but also intensifies the institutionalization of security in the Asia Pacific. On the basis of institutional balancing theory, I argue that (1) China's rise has led to a competition among different regional orders, that is, the US-led bilateralism versus ASEAN-centered and China-supported multilateralism. However, conflicts or wars are not inevitable since the contested regional orders can coexist in the Asia Pacific. (2) The deepening economic interdependence has encouraged regional powers, including the US, China and ASEAN, to rely on different institutional balancing strategies to pursue security after the Cold War. [R] [See Abstr. 65.1535]
65.2533 HEIDUK, Felix —
Although the likelihood of the outbreak of an armed conflict in the South China Sea is low, there are elements that make experts think that a spiral of violence that would end in a war between China and the US involving Southeast Asian states is plausible. Some of these countries are aligned with the US (Philippines or Vietnam) and others with China, like Cambodia and Laos. Tensions increase with regional rearmament and some provocations such as the presence of patrol vessels in the sea area. The situation could be improved by stimulating multilateral and bilateral relations of all the actors involved, namely the US, China and the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations [ASEAN].
65.2534 HEIMANN, Gadi —
This article looks at systemic wars — special circumstances wherein a new world order is built and privileges are redistributed among states. In these situations, states may use their symbolic, moral, and circumstantial assets to grant themselves a paramount role in the new order. A state's previous status as a great power, its contribution to victory in a war, and the utilitarian considerations of other countries are all assets that help it to win the privileges reserved for great powers — and that in the long run could gain it recognition as a great power, despite its lack of the requisite capabilities. By using this conceptual framework in the case of France during and after the Second World War, this article explains how a relatively weak power can gain a leading role in a postwar order. [R, abr.]
65.2535 HEINEMANN-GRÜDER, Andreas —
The unexpected Ukrainian crisis has marked a turning point in international relations. Russia is a key actor in the conflict, but its precise role in it is yet to be determined. The dispatch of Russian troops and weapons to the rebels has radicalized the crisis but the escalation of violence is not in Russia's interest, since the protection of its regional security interests and its position as one of the world's great powers are at stake. The West must realize that an end to hostilities in Ukraine appears implausible and should not seek a return to the status quo ante. Western interventions should, at most, attempt to avoid a wider conflict.
65.2536 HEINEMANN-GRÜDER, Andreas —
By annexing the Crimea and fomenting war in the Donbass, Russia is pursuing a policy bent on destruction. Its calculation that the West fears a complete break more than Russia has largely born fruit. This policy stems from situational decisions and is an expression of the internal radicalization of the Putin regime. Russia's leadership wants above all to gain recognition for the status it claims; ideology plays a subordinate role. For a new Russia policy, this means the EU must put much more effort into the stabilization and democratization of Ukraine than it has so far. This would include participation in a robust international mission to secure the Ukrainian border. Such a step would rob Russia of its dominance in escalating the conflict. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2601]
65.2537 HEINTZE, Hans-Joachim —
In 1954, Crimea became a part of Ukraine as a gift. The population, made up most of ethnic Russians, was not consulted and not satisfied with this decision. After the dissolution of the USSR, Russia was interested in a return [because] the Russian Black Sea Fleet is in Sebastopol. After the unrest in Kiev in the Spring of 2014, the Russian Army occupied Crimea and justified the violation of international law by the obligation to protect ethnic Russians against human rights violations committed by the Ukrainian authorities. After the occupation, the population voted in a referendum for the annexation to Russia. In legal terms, the referendum was illegal and, therefore, Crimea is legally still part of the state of Ukraine. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2602]
65.2538 HELLER, Regina —
This article examines the emotion-based status-seeking logic in Russia's foreign policy vis-à-vis the West, presenting the example of Russia's reactions to NATO's military campaign against Serbia in 1999. Russian assertiveness in combination with expressive rhetoric must be understood as a result of the ruling elite's need to have Russia's identity and self-defined social status as an equal great power in world politics respected by its Western interaction partners. Russia's reactions to NATO's intervention, which was not authorized by the UN Security Council, must be read as a strategy coping with the emotion and anger about the perceived humiliation and provocation of status denial and ignorance by the West. We find various elements of such a coping strategy, among them the verbalization of the feeling of anger among Russian political circles and the media. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 65.2503]
65.2539 HERRING, Eric; ROBINSON, Piers —
The authors evaluate the British government's claims for war against Iraq through a critical evaluation of the Iraq Dossier, which was published in September 2002. They argue that government officials, through intentional distortion and exaggeration of intelligence, pursued a campaign of deceptive organized political persuasion. [R]
65.2540 HEYDEMANN, Steven —
This article traces the impact of the Arab uprisings on US foreign assistance to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in the period since 2011. Despite the B. Obama administration's rhetoric in support of Arab protesters and their demands for political and economic change, and despite the US President's commitment to place the full weight of the US foreign policy system behind political openings created by mass protests, US foreign assistance programs to the MENA region were largely unaffected by the dramatic political changes of 2011 and beyond. The article explains continuity in US foreign assistance as the result of several factors. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The politics of foreign aid in the Arab world: the impact of the Arab uprisings”, edited by Federica BICCHI, Benoit CHALLAND and Steven HEYDEMANN, introduced by Benoit CHALLAND, “Revisiting aid in the Arab Middle East”, pp. 281–298. See also Abstr. 65.1888, 2307, 2383, 2445, 2448, 2541, 2548, 2654]
65.2541 HEYDEMANN, Steven —
Assessing foreign assistance to Arab states [shows] how Western and regional donors have responded to the dramatic changes set in motion by the wave of mass protests that swept across the Middle East in 2011 and beyond. The papers presented in this special issue highlight two essential findings. Western patterns of foreign assistance exhibit remarkable continuity, despite the scale of the uprisings and their effects, and despite the commitment of Western governments to expand assistance in support of the aspirations of Arab protestors. Patterns of foreign assistance from the Arab Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries reflect the deepening politicization of Arab foreign assistance, the ongoing shift in regional influence from the Arab East to the Gulf, and the extent to which foreign assistance has become instrumentalized in regional balance of power politics. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2540]
65.2542 HOKAYEM, Emile —
Tehran and the Gulf states have all approached involvement in Syria as part of larger regional ambitions, leading to friction, rhetorical escalation and brinkmanship. [R]
65.2543 HOLLOWAY, David; LEI Cui —
China is often seen as a rising power challenging the dominant position of the US in the international system. Theory and history suggest that this is a dangerous situation, and Chinese leaders have called for a new type of great power relations. This article applies some of the concepts developed at SCICN [Stanford Center on International Conflict and Negotiation] in an effort to see how the risk of war might be mitigated. Four questions, relating to the future, to trust, to loss, and to equity, are discussed. These questions map well onto the China-US relationship and suggest ways in which the risk of war might be reduced. Past experience suggests that the challenge by a rising power can be dangerous, but the appropriate response is to focus on a shared future. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2611]
65.2544 HUBER, Daniela —
After the US had initially assessed the Arab uprisings as an opportunity and displayed a dual-role understanding as an anchor of security and modest advocate of democracy, the second-role understanding faded the more the US perceived the uprisings as a risk rather than an opportunity. The US response did not show clear patterns in terms of goals or instruments, which would correspond to the development of these role understandings or to predefined geostrategic interests. Indeed, it seems that the US has switched from default to ad hoc modus in its foreign policy in the region, which challenges both the rational actor as well as the normative actor model. Instead, it might be more appropriate to speak of a pragmatic actor who had to navigate through an array of constraints. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2309]
65.2546 HYODO, Shinji —
Russia places a high strategic priority on the Arctic from a security perspective, in view of the need to secure the Northern Sea Route as well as develop natural resources in the region. While large-scale snap military inspections were taking place in Russia's Far East in July 2013, five Chinese navy vessels passed into the Sea of Okhotsk — the first such instance in history. As a result of this timing, some observers speculated that the snap inspections were aimed at preparing the Russian Pacific Fleet to discourage future incursions by the Chinese navy into the Arctic Ocean and the surrounding northern seas. Russia has been placing greater importance on cooperation with Japan in the security field as a means of maintaining a balance in its diplomatic relationship with China. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2322]
65.2547 IÇENER, Erhan; PHINNEMORE, David —
This paper analyzes the reasons for frustration and pessimism about Turkey-EU relations. It focuses on the impact of the crisis in Europe, the 2014 EP elections and selection of J.-C. Juncker for the Commission President post on Turkey's EU accession process. Finally, the paper [considers] how the current pessimism over Turkey-EU relations can be overcome. [R]
65.2548 ISAAC, Sally Khalifa —
This paper empirically highlights the centrality of the Gulf States’ role in Arab transitions, continuities and changes in trends of Arab Gulf aid to Arab MENA countries after 2011, and analytically explains contradicting Gulf roles in supporting or undermining certain transitions. The Gulf monarchies have played a central role in MENA post-2011, showing a clarity and promptness in strategies and action. The various forms of support provided in several cases as well as the counterrevolutionary actions adopted in other cases boost the Gulf States as a main driver for political stability in the region. What further reinforces the motive of stabilization is the fact that Gulf assistance funds were not merely extended to the Arab spring countries. Rather, a significant share of their generosity went to “non-Arab spring countries”. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2540]
65.2549 ISAKHAN, Benjamin —
This article examines the complex matrix of public, political and policy debates that were brought to bear on Australia's decision to withdraw from Iraq. In analyzing the “politics of withdrawal” in Australia, it identifies four dominant frames that served to polarize the issue along party-political lines and reduce the complexities of Australia's withdrawal to a set of simple polarities (such as “stay the course” versus “responsible withdrawal”). Specifically, these frames obfuscated an assessment of the myriad challenges facing post-Saddam Iraq and the prospects for peace, security and development beyond Australia's withdrawal. Understanding [how] Australia framed its decision to disengage from Iraq is critical to analysis of Australia's approach to military draw-downs (such as in Afghanistan), as well as those conducted by other liberal democracies, such as the US and the UK. [R]
65.2550 JAIN, Romi
The accession of the Communist China to the neoliberal WTO in December 2001 war an event of pivotal significance to both China and the global economy. Against this backdrop, this paper examines and evaluates China's approach to the WTO rules by analyzing a range of its practices, including handling of trade disputes as a respondent. The methodology comprises theoretical eclecticism and an analytical-cum-case study approach. The paper argues and demonstrates that even though an amalgam of realism, liberalism, rational-choice institutionalism and constructivism reflects in China's behavior and practices, it is realism that reigns supreme, based on the national interest articulated by the Chinese leadership. [R, abr.]
65.2551 JOHN, Jojin V. —
The article documents the evolution of the structural dimension in South Korean foreign policy through a study of middle-power diplomacy in the post-2008 financial crisis period. It argues that middle-power diplomacy, which propounds a global role for South Korea assuming leadership and substantially increasing international contribution is a paradigm shift in South Korean foreign policy posture, which until recently was limited to issues of the Korean peninsula. Through the middle-power discourse, South Korea projects its role in international affairs as a facilitator, interlocutor and norm-entrepreneur focusing on international security, development and environment and aims to create a space for Korean diplomatic entrepreneurism in the emerging international order. [R]
65.2552 JUNEAU, Thomas —
Events like the recent US-Russia deal on the elimination of Syria's chemical weapons program have led some to talk of US weakness in the Middle East. It is true that US ambition in the region is diminishing, albeit only slightly. This is distinct, however, from power, which is multidimensional and corresponds to the possession by a state of assets it can leverage to shape events in international politics in the pursuit of its national interests. American power in the Middle East is not declining but is, in fact, slightly increasing, due principally to US military domination, the strong positions of its regional partners and the stagnation or decline of its rivals.
65.2553 KAHL, Colin, et al. —
The Gulf states are concerned that the US is politically exhausted with the Middle East and in relative economic decline and are thus looking at alternatives to the traditional alliance with Washington without abandoning it completely. It is in the US's interest to assuage current Gulf anxieties and to stay committed to the region. To that end, more efforts should be made to find a better common agenda on matters like the regional security architecture and policy towards Iraq, Syria and Iran, which is feared as a potential nuclear-weapons state. Internal policy issues like King Abdullah's succession in Saudi Arabia will also affect the US-Gulf region relations.
65.2554 KAPLAN, Robert D. —
Despite Isaiah Berlin's admonition against the very idea of vast impersonal forces such as geography and culture, these forces really do matter. Great statesmen may attempt to rebel against these limits, but their skillful diplomacy constitutes an implicit acceptance that they exist. [R]
65.2555 KARAGIANNIS, Emmanuel —
Although there were significant differences between the South Ossetian and Crimean interventions, improved Russian military capabilities reveal the Kremlin's plans to project power in the near abroad. The Russian leadership used similar legal justifications for the two interventions, based on the Kosovo precedent, opening the possibility of further military action in the former Soviet space. Notwithstanding the legal excuse, Moscow mainly intervened in Georgia and Ukraine to prevent further NATO enlargement eastwards, regain geopolitical influence regionally, and respond to perceptions of insecurity and a sense of humiliation. With the possible exception of the Baltic States, the rest of the former Soviet republics could, sooner or later, fall under Russia's sway. [R, abr.]
65.2556 KASIM, Kamer —
This article analyzes cooperation among the energy-rich Caspian states of Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan and the NATO member and regional power of Turkey, and the possible impact of this cooperation. Besides cooperation in the energy field among the three countries, foreign ministers of Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan and Turkey came together with a vision, which constitutes an important cooperation model, particularly, because the region is mainly dominated by conflict rather than integration and relations are conducted within the parameters of a zero-sum game in the region. [R, abr.]
65.2557 KATZ, Mark N. —
A survey of modern history demonstrates that revolution in one country is not just disruptive of international relations, but can lead to interstate war. What is immediately noteworthy about the successful Arab Spring revolutions (the uprisings in Tunisia, Libya, Yemen and Egypt) is that there has so far been more continuity than change in their alliance patterns. There are several possible reasons why successful Arab Spring revolutions have not confirmed the theory that revolution either leads to war or disrupts existing alliances while the two unsuccessful but persistent revolutions threaten to do so.
65.2558 KEVLIHAN, Rob; DeROUEN, Karl, Jr.; BIGLAISER, Glen —
assistance than need. We examine the tension between self-interest and need by studying the allocations made by the US Agency for International Development's Office of US Foreign Disaster Assistance for more than 100 developing countries between 1989 and 2009. We measure need based on both natural (floods, earthquakes, hurricanes) and man-made (conflict-related) disasters. Contrary to much previous scholarship, we find need factors shape the decision to provide aid more than US self-interest does. We also find important differences in how much humanitarian assistance is distributed in the pre- and post-9/11 [2001] eras, with foreign policy affinity to the US and battle deaths playing useful roles in how much aid a country receives in the post-9/11 period. [R, abr.]
65.2559 KHOURY, Nabeel A. —
While the US has been taking direct action in prosecuting the war on Yemen-based Al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), it has not taken such an approach toward facilitating a smooth political transition in the Arab country after the uprisings of the Arab Spring. US diplomacy has indeed failed to contribute to the resolution of the main problems neglected by the constitutional agreement of January 2014, which describes Yemen as a federated and democratic country. The challenge for the US is to focus on a holistic strategy that contributes to keep the country together and prevent a globally destabilizing civil war, devoting the needed diplomatic and economic resources towards that end.
65.2560 KIENZLE, Benjamin —
Norm-challenge is a continuous feature of international norms. However, the dynamics of such a challenge are still not properly understood. Therefore, this article examines in-depth the key processes involved in a major, but still underexplored challenge in the case of the nuclear non-proliferation regime: the recent accommodation of India in the regime, even though it developed nuclear weapons in violation of the regime's fundamental non-proliferation norm. More specifically, it focuses on how certain states came about to support such a norm-challenge. This article argues that it was the peculiar interplay of persuasion and argumentation with material incentives, pressure, and bargaining that created the support for norm-challenge in the early stages, in particular in the case of the states that remained highly skeptical of the challenge. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2329]
65.2561 KITAOKA, Shinichi —
Since the inauguration of the second Abe cabinet in December 2012, there have been many important developments in the area of security policy. This article examines each new policy and how it fits in to the National Security Strategy principles of a “proactive contribution to peace” and international cooperation. It concludes with a comparison of the new policies with those of other major world powers and a discussion of the main source of opposition to Japan's security policy. [R]
65.2562 KONYSHEV, Valery; SERGUNIN, Alexander —
In contrast with a widespread perception of Russia as an expansionist power in the Arctic, this article argues that Moscow does not seek military superiority in the region. Rather, Moscow's military strategies in the Arctic pursue three major goals: (1) to demonstrate and ascertain Russia's sovereignty over its exclusive economic zone and continental shelf in the region; (2) to protect its economic interests in the High North; and (3) to demonstrate that Russia retains its great power status and still has world-class military capabilities. The Russian military modernization programs are quite modest and aim at upgrading the Russian armed forces in the High North rather than providing them with additional offensive capabilities or provoking a regional arms race. [R, abr.]
65.2563 KOROSTELINA, Karina V. —
This paper describes multiple voices and the complexity in the definition of the Ukrainian national area, as well as the continuous competition to establish the leading meaning of national identity. Presenting major national narratives in Ukraine from field research, the paper shows how these narratives were represented in the Euromaidan uprising by pro-Euromaidan, pro-government parties, and in the interim government and how it impacted the situation in eastern Ukraine. The paper concentrates on multiple stakeholders and parties participating in the current Ukrainian crisis and concludes with recommendations for conflict management and dialogue in the Ukrainian society. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2602]
65.2564 KOSTADINOVA, Tonka —
In 2014, Greece and Bulgaria celebrate the 60th anniversary of the 1954 restoration of diplomatic relations. The history of the Greek-Bulgarian rapprochement after decades of hostility and national rivalry represents a unique case of postwar recovery and reconciliation, comparable only to the German-French example. Indeed, the course of Greek-Bulgarian relations is particularly interesting because it often transcends the specific aspects of bilateral developments and takes account of broader geopolitical processes, such as the conflicting US and Soviet stances on key Cold War issues or the energy rivalry in the post-1989 period. Using the method of diachronic analysis, the article gives an overview of the development of Greek-Bulgarian relations, outlining the major achievements of the past and the possible challenges for the future. [R]
65.2565 KRIEGER, Heike
The article pursues the question in how far the rules on intervention by invitation are adequate to direct the behavior of states in a decentralized legal order. The crisis in Ukraine in 2014 is a pertinent case in point because of the direct involvement of one of the veto powers. The paper focuses on the legal validity of the different invitations for intervention which have been issued by several different actors. The article concludes that the rules on intervention by invitation are clear and precisely enough framed in order to enable third states to disguise and reject an abusive use. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2602]
65.2566 LADD, Jeremy Martin —
This paper assesses democracy-promotion in Canadian foreign policy with an emphasis on its recent evolution under the S. Harper Government, and its relationship to emerging findings in the literature. These findings suggest that strong opposition political parties are correlated with increasing democratization in undemocratic regimes, and are efficient targets of democracy promotion programming. This analysis finds that Canadian democracy promotion does not provide meaningful support to political parties despite successful cases, and that on the whole Canadian democracy-promotion has meaningfully deteriorated under the recent government in terms of its capacity and autonomy. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2121]
65.2567 LARSON, Deborah Welch; SHEVCHENKO, Alexei —
Since 2003, Russian foreign behavior has become much more assertive and volatile toward the West, often rejecting US diplomatic initiatives and overreacting to perceived slights. This essay explains Russia's new assertiveness using social psychological hypotheses on the relationship between power, status, and emotions. When a state loses status, the emotions experienced depend on the perceived cause of this loss. The belief that others have unjustly used their power to deny the state its appropriate position arouses vengefulness. Since the end of the Cold War, Russia has displayed anger at the US unwillingness to grant it the status to which it believes it is entitled, especially during the 2008 Russo-Georgian War, and most recently Russia's takeover of Crimea and the 2014 Ukrainian crisis. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 65.2503]
65.2568 LIFF, Adam P.; IKENBERRY, G. John —
Across the Asia Pacific region, rising military spending and efforts of various states to bolster their military capabilities appear to have created an increasingly volatile climate, along with potentially vicious cycles of mutual arming and rearming. In this context, claims that China's rapid economic growth and surging military spending are fomenting destabilizing arms races and security dilemmas are widespread. Such claims make for catchy headlines, yet they are rarely subject to rigorous empirical tests. Whether patterns of military competition in the Asia Pacific are in fact attributable to a security dilemma-based logic has important implications for IR theory and foreign policy. A systematic empirical test derived from influential theoretical scholarship on the security dilemma concept assesses the drivers of bilateral and multilateral frictions and military competition under way in the Asia Pacific. [R, abr.]
65.2569 LIU Hongsong —
This article examines China's proposals on the reform of global governance, and discusses the main features of China's proposing behavior in the cases of the WTO Doha Round negotiation and G-20 Process. The main findings are: (1) in the critical junctures of global governance reform, China engaged the reform of the global governance institutions proactively, and put forward a series of reform proposals; (2) in proposing behavior, China argued the global governance institutions should be properly adjusted without intention to change the basic principles, refrained from playing a leadership role while proposing jointly with other countries, and upheld the principled idea of pro-development. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2734]
65.2570 LIU Tony Tai-Ting; TSAI Tung-Chieh —
Since the 1990s, alongside China's economic growth, the international community has fostered a general anxiety towards a “China threat”. In order to relieve itself from suspicion, China adopted the dual strategies of “harmonious worldview” and “good neighbor policy”. The strategies led to use of soft power in China's foreign policy. China aimed to reduce security concerns implied by the threat theory by supporting an image that caters to international peace and development. This article explains how China achieves its interests in Southeast Asia through the use of soft power. We address the concepts of “harmonious worldview” and “good neighbor policy” and how the twin strategies and soft power have shaped China's foreign policy in recent years. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2734]
65.2571 LIU Yangyue —
The new type of Sino-US relations has been gaining increasing academic attention, as a result of intensive interactions of the two countries’ leadership. Since there is no precedent for the new-type great power relations, traditional (mainstream) paradigms in international politics are much less powerful in explaining this emerging phenomenon. By contrast, the theory of complex constructivism, based on binary complementarity and emphasizing dynamic process, provides a useful perspective. Drawing insights from complex constructivist ideas, this paper identifies the key social conditions that facilitate the new-type Sino-US relationship. It also gives advice on how this relationship can be maintained and strengthened. [R]
65.2572 LLEWELYN, James —
With Japan viewing Southeast Asia as its natural sphere of influence and a region of immense economic complementarities and potential, it was no surprise that Japan moved quickly in the post-war period to shore up and rebuild its influence in this strategically vital region as the European colonial powers departed from Southeast Asia. Using reparations, followed by aid and trade, Japan soon became a key economic and strategic state actor in Southeast Asia. Providing a valid counterpoint to communism, Japan proved an attractive economic model that enabled it to grow its influence in the region substantially. [R, abr.]
65.2573 LOUNNAS, Djallil —
Beijing has become a major player in the Middle East. However, China has regarded this region as vital for its interests ever since Mao Zedong came into power and Middle Eastern energy resources have become a key element of Chinese diplomacy over the years. It is in this perspective that today, China has developed and reinforced its relations with all the actors in the region, remaining unaffected by the Arab Spring uprisings. Conscious of Beijing's increasingly important role in the Middle East, Washington has not tried to challenge the emergence of China in the area.
65.2574 MAESTRO, Oriana Skylar —
The burgeoning need to protect commercial assets and Chinese nationals abroad will inevitably lead Beijing to develop new military capabilities and take on missions further afield. The People's Liberation Army is about to go global. [R]
65.2575 MAGCAMIT, Michael I.; TAN, Alexander C. —
This paper explores and explains the process through which Taiwan utilizes free trade — both at multilateral and bilateral levels — in enhancing its shrinking de facto sovereignty against the backdrop of ubiquitous “China factor” in the 21st c. It argues that China's “Sinicization” project creates a scenario wherein increasing cross-Strait stability ironically leads to decreasing de facto sovereignty for Taiwan. Due to this existing cross-Strait security dilemma, Taiwanese leaders are being forced to preserve the island's quasi-independent statehood due to fears of losing its remaining de facto autonomy over domestic and foreign affairs. In essence, Taiwan chooses to be de facto free by remaining de jure unfree. [R, abr.]
65.2576 MAGEN, Amichai —
This article analyzes Israel's foreign policy response to the “Arab Spring” in comparative perspective. It [first] examines Israel's initial reactions to the advent of the popular upheavals and regime-changes in the Arab world in 2011–2014 and explores how those reactions have evolved over time. [Then it] identifies Israel's main policy objectives in relation to events in the region and particularly its immediate neighbors: Egypt, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. Part III examines the instruments which Israel has used, and eschewed, in pursuit of its policy objectives. Finally, it undertakes a theoretically informed analysis with the aim of explaining Israel's distinctive strategic posture and policy responses to the events of the “Arab Spring” thus far. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2309]
65.2577 MAHESAR, Pervaiz Ali; HAMMED, Abdul —
This study analyzes [why] Pakistan jumped into the western bandwagon. It underlines subtle shift in foreign policy and digs out the motivations behind radical change in foreign policy after the 9/11 [2001] incident and endgame in Afghanistan. Moreover, given the changing global outlook of diplomacy in the age of globalization, internationalization, economic and public diplomacy and technological revolution, how Pakistan can promote and uplift its image in the world. It provides meaningful and viable suggestions in order to make foreign policy a success. [R]
65.2578 MAHESAR, Pervaiz Ali; PARDESI, Yasmeen Yousuf; MAHESAR, Hameed A. —
Since 9/11 [2001], it has taken the US at least 11 years to have a complete sway in Afghanistan. Given the agonizing panorama of incidents — e.g., desecration of the Holy Koran and killing of 16 civilians in three villages in Afghanistan — speaks volume about Americans mishandling of the war. The of-late policy of B. Obama administration is focused on troops to pull out. American drawdown policy in Afghanistan has rendered the researchers and analysts to think that the Endgame in Afghanistan is not going to be an easy ride. It is widely held that Iraq-like withdrawal will leave many questions unanswered. This paper examines the painful process of Endgame in Afghanistan. [R, abr.]
65.2579 MAKARYCHEV, Andrey —
This paper analyzes the most recent changes in Russian foreign policy that became a matter of global concern in the aftermath of the Ukraine crisis. The author advocates a discourse-based approach to comprehend the new shifts in Russia's international posture. First, Russia has launched its own normative policies that incorporate a set of conceptual arguments, such as portraying Ukraine and Russia as allegedly bound by civilizational ties. Second, Russia is not only unilaterally imposing its power; it is also exploiting the opportunities for raising its role, which are embedded in the structure of its relations with post-Soviet states. Third, Russia's policies are largely inconclusive and inconsistent, which is conducive to the dispersal of hegemonic discourse and its potential fragmentation. [R]
65.2580 MAKARYCHEV, Andrey; YATSYK, Alexandra —
The Winter Olympic Games in Sochi and the annexation of Crimea were two major international events in which Russia engaged in early 2014. Four concepts strongly resonate in both cases. (1) In [both], Russia was motivated by solidifying its sovereignty as the key concept in its foreign and domestic policies. (2) The scenarios for both were grounded in the idea of strengthening Russia as a political community through mechanisms of domestic consolidation (Sochi) and opposition to unfriendly external forces (the crisis in Ukraine). (3) Sochi and Crimea unveiled two different facets of the logic of normalization aimed at proving Russia's great power status. (4) One of the major drivers of Russian policy in both cases were security concerns in Russia's southern flanks. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “The Ukraine crisis and the future of Western-Russian relations” See also Abstr. 65.2344, 2485, 2522]
65.2581 MALEK, Martin; SCHLACHTPLÄNE, Moskaus —
Russia's occupation and annexation of the Crimea was not an improvised reaction to the fall of Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych. It followed plans that had long ago been worked out by the general staff. The same applies to the management of hybrid war in eastern Ukraine. Despite all the denials from Moscow, the facts show that Russia is a warring party. Russia is supporting the insurgents not only with money, training, weapons, and heavy military equipment; it is also intervening in Ukraine with its own troops. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2601]
65.2582 MALINOVA, Olga —
This article analyzes the role of ressentiment in the long-term historical process of Russia's collective self-identification vis-à-vis “the West”. It argues that ressentiment was persistently generated by the structure of this relationship as long as Russia's aspiration for an equal status continually proved to be unrealistic. This induced different discursive strategies that are described by social identity theory (SIT) as social mobility, social creativity and social competition. As a motivating factor for the development of these strategies, on the one hand, and a recurrent consequence of their invalidity on the other, ressentiment became a considerable driving force of discourse about Russian identity. [R] [See also Abstr. 65.2503]
65.2583 MAO Weizhun —
A concert of powers has emerged as an attractive modality in global governance. As an emerging power, China must seriously take this template into account. This article analyzes the incentives, possibilities, and uncertainties for China to participate in Concert with reference to China's history memory on Concert, China's intellectual endeavors, as well as China's evolving foreign preferences. It concludes that China is generally qualified and capable of being a key participant in Concert of Powers with increasing willingness. Yet, China's involvement depends on (1) if Concert template can overcome its own deficiencies; (2) if Concert has competitive advantages compared with other governance alternatives for China; and (3) if China can keep its momentum on both willingness and capacity in power transition. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2734]
65.2584 MASON, Robert —
After the failure of a small Peninsula Shield Force (PSF) to protect Kuwait in the lead-up to the Gulf War in 1991, Sultan Qaboos, the ruler of Oman, proposed to the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) that it develop a standing army of 100,000 troops. Although Oman was not wholly successful, it did contribute to small shifts in GCC security policy during periods of conflict. Nevertheless, it took the Arab Uprisings in 2011 to achieve a fundamental re-orientation of GCC security policy which favored higher numbers of PSF troops. This paper analyzes the factors which facilitated and constrained Omani policy during the 20-year period and argues that Oman is able to further its security interests only when they are framed in a way that are conducive to the overriding political interests of the GCC. [R, abr.]
65.2585 McINNES, Colin; RUSHTON, Simon —
Ideas of smart power and Global Health Diplomacy have developed considerable prominence over the past decade in the foreign policy and public health communities. Although in some respects separate, both suggest the potential for using health assistance to generate political as well as health benefits. The conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan provide an opportunity to examine these assertions at the “sharp end”. We consider both the health and wider strategic benefits of health assistance in these conflicts, as well as some of the ethical challenges involved. We conclude however that we should adopt the precautionary principle because: there is doubt over the quality of health services provided in such circumstances; concern over the wider effects of politicizing health aid; and little proof that the claimed strategic benefits materialize in practice. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Global health in International Relations”, edited and introduced, pp. 825–834, by Sara E. DAVIES, Stefan ELBE, Alison HOWELL and Colin McINNES. See also Abstr. 65.1474, 1523, 1573, 1649, 1680, 1817]
65.2586 MERKE, Federico —
This article examines the strategic positioning of Brazil in South America and how South America relates to Brazil's rising status both globally and regionally. It does so from the perspective of the English School. This perspective emphasizes how Brazil shares a number of values and institutions with its neighbors that offer the foundations for a distinct regional international society in South America. It thus challenges the materialist stance held by realism which envisages that secondary powers either balance or bandwagon the dominant pole and affirms instead that South America's strategies towards Brazil are more complex and nuanced than a simple polarity standpoint suggests. [R] [See Abstr. 65.1535]
65.2587 MERT UZUNER, Zuhal —
Change forms the basis of liberal ideology, alongside freedom, democracy, and equality. In this spirit of change, radical liberal thinkers question the state of contemporary international relations with a focus on justice and fairness. A. Davutoglu appreciates the importance of these liberal considerations, and claims the global order is in a period of transformation, in which Turkey and the rest of the world will come into new political roles. In order to facilitate the formation of a fair, cooperative world order, he promotes a global consensus based on cosmopolitanism and multilateralism. These ideas for international reform are consistent with radical liberalism. However, he also considers the formation of a new global order according to his conservative and Islamic ideas — a position inconsistent with liberalism. [R, abr.]
65.2588 MICHISHITA, Narushige —
Japan has long played the role as the main operating base for Korean contingencies. It has also provided rear-area logistic support to the US forces fighting in Korea and helped South Korea build up its defense industrial base. However, the Japan-South Korea relationship has deteriorated in recent years due to short-term political and long-term economic and strategic reasons. At this point, South Korea is bandwagoning with China and de-emphasizing its relationship with Japan. China-South Korea relations are not without problems, however, and Japan regards South Korea as one of the most important potential strategic partners in maintaining stability in Asia. In the future, the most decisive factor in determining the direction of the security relationship between Japan and South Korea will be China. [R]
65.2589 MUFTI, Malik —
During the first years of its tenure in office, as the AK Party focused on consolidating its position domestically, Turkey's re-engagement with the Arab world after decades of alienation took a largely unproblematic form. Inevitably, however, as Turkish activism deepened, conflicts of interest emerged both with other aspirants to regional influence such as Iran and Israel, and then — especially after the outbreak of the 2011 uprisings — with many Arab regimes as well. The future character of Turkey's engagement with its Arab neighbors will depend on its ability to combine an adherence to a conception of community based on Islam rather than ethnic nationalism, with a commitment to democratization both at home and regionally. [R]
65.2590 MUNRO, John —
Debates about US empire have subsided somewhat in the aftermath of the G.W. Bush presidency but the issues underlying such debates have not gone away. In arguing that the history of the US is an imperial one, this article proposes that US empire is the expression of an intersectional totality, one shaped by various vectors of power but reducible to none. To make this case, the article presents a sketch of US imperial history in order to show how this intersectional totality has evolved over time. Such an exercise can give useful context to the foreign policy initiatives of the B. Obama administration, one that differs from that of its immediate predecessor but is not outside the structure of imperial history's longer duration. [R]
65.2591 NADIRI, Khalid Homayun; NITZE, Paul H. —
Since 11 September 2001, Pakistan has pursued seemingly incongruous courses of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the US and international intervention in Afghanistan at the same time as it has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban's political leadership and many of its military commanders to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of indiscriminate and costly violence directed against Islamabad by Pakistani groups affiliated with the Afghan Taliban. Pakistan's policy is the result not only of its enduring rivalry with India but also of historically rooted domestic imbalances and antagonistic relations with successive governments in Afghanistan. [R, abr.]
65.2592 NAGAR, Rotem; MAOZ, Ifat —
A major barrier to resolution of asymmetric conflicts is the unwillingness of the stronger side to see the out-group as having the right to national self-determination. In the context of the conflict between Jewish Israelis and Palestinians, we investigate psychological factors related to this barrier. We first review the threat and dehumanization two-factor model developed by Maoz and McCauley to explain Jewish Israeli support of aggressive acts towards Palestinians that hinder the resolution of the conflict. Using this model, we then explore the extent to which perceived threat and dehumanization also predict — together with other ideological and demographic variables — Jewish Israeli attitudes towards Palestinian demands for national self-determination. Implications of the findings for the “barriers” approach in settings of asymmetrical conflict are discussed. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2611]
65.2593 NOONARI, Imran Ali; NOONARI, Majid Ali; SHAIKH, Bashir Ahmed —
Pakistan's nuclear doctrine clearly shows that their nuclear weapons are India-specific and they have no purpose other than to defend the state from Indian aggression, whereas in contrast, Indian nuclear doctrine shows somewhat an image of emerging global power by comparing it with other states like China and developing the triad of forces. The nuclear doctrines of both states have a huge impact on South Asia because it clearly indicates that it looks impossible to stop the nuclear race in South Asia because Pakistan is maintaining credible minimum nuclear deterrence against India and India against China whereas China against other powers. [R, abr.]
65.2594 NOSSAL, Kim Richard; SARSON, Leah —
From the “strategic partnership” of the mid-2000s, the Canada-China relationship deteriorated rapidly after the election of the Conservative government of S. Harper in January 2006. The Harper government left no doubt that it had little desire to cooperate with the government in Beijing, and the Chinese government reciprocated with a series of snubs directed at Ottawa. By 2009, however, the Harper government abruptly changed its approach and both sides demonstrated a renewed commitment to constructive engagement. Using the literature on foreign policy change, we explore the endogenous and exogenous reasons for this turn, focusing on the implementation of a new Conservative brand of foreign policy, Ottawa's response to the global financial crisis, and the salience of the particular people-to-people links that form the backbone of the bilateral relationship. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2121]
65.2595 ODDO, John
This article employs critical intertextual analysis (CIA) to examine how American presidents from opposing political parties respectively inaugurated and extended the war in Afghanistan. After explaining the CIA framework, I investigate two post-9/11 [2001] “call-to-arms” speeches delivered by G.W. Bush and B. Obama. I find that Obama responds to changing circumstances (e.g., public dissatisfaction) by varying stylistic elements of Bush's rhetoric. Nevertheless, he rearticulates the overarching features of Bush's “war on terror” discourse. Thus, Obama ultimately achieves policy continuity, but only by employing micro-rhetorical strategies that create the appearance of change. I conclude that, if Obama had been more enterprising, he might have enacted real change — and broken completely with Bush's rhetoric and policy of global war. [R]
65.2596 ONDERCO, Michal —
The controversy of the Iranian nuclear program divided the EU member states, some preferring confrontation, others accommodation. Policy commentators frequently ascribed this difference to diverging economic interests of Europeans, but this link remained underexplored. I explore the empirical link between the economic interests and positions towards Iran. The analysis rests on the evaluation of both overall and strategic trade flows. The results suggest that while trade played a certain role in the shaping of the policies, the effect of the strength of the alliance with the US explains a large part of the puzzle. The article thus casts shadow on the established policy narrative of economic interests being the driver of the EU members’ Iran policy [and] over the applicability of commercial liberalism on instances of confrontation short of war. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2329]
65.2597 OROS, Andrew L. —
Japan today is widely portrayed as on the verge of a significant identity shift that could lead to dramatic new security policies. Yet, Japan's first formal national security strategy, adopted in December 2013, proclaims repeatedly Japan's long-standing “peace-loving” policies and principles. Why does a conservative government with high levels of popular support not pursue policies more in line with views widely reported to be central to its values and outlook? The answer lies in Japan's long-standing security identity of domestic antimilitarism, an identity under siege to a degree not seen since its creation over 50 years ago, but — as evidenced in Japan's new national strategy document — one that continues to shape both the framing of Japan's national security debates and the institutions of Japan's postwar security policy-making process. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2526]
65.2598 OWEN, John M., IV; POZNANSKY, Michael —
The B. Obama administration's initial ambivalence toward democratic revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt in 2011 points to a central puzzle in US foreign policy. In some countries, during some periods, America promotes liberal democracy; in other countries and periods, it tolerates or even supports authoritarianism. Why the variation? We focus on discrete decisions by a US President to retain a dictator or instead press for democracy in a client state. We test our argument against two crises (1978 and 1985–1986) involving relations between the US and the Philippines, an authoritarian client until 1986. [R, abr.]
65.2599 PARSI, Trita —
In May 2010, Turkey and Brazil surprised the world when they succeeded in getting Iran's acceptance for a nuclear swap deal. To Turkey and Brazil's surprise, their diplomatic victory was rejected by the B. Obama administration. Washington miscalculated the diplomatic skills of Brazil and Turkey and their ability to take on diplomatic challenges usually reserved for the great powers. Fast-forward three years, and suddenly diplomacy with Iran was embraced by Washington. Why did the same American administration that rejected the Turkish brokered deal in 2010, shift in favor of diplomacy in 2013? This essay sheds light on some of the factors that rendered the nuclear standoff with Iran ripe for a diplomatic solution. [R]
65.2600 PORTER, Gareth —
On three different occasions, in 2001, 2005 and 2007, American weapons-proliferation analysts concluded that Iran had a nuclear weapons program, even though there was no hard evidence to support it. The analysts finally admitted in the 2007 estimate that the intelligence community had referred to an Iranian nuclear weapons program in the 2005 and draft 2007 estimates that had not, in fact, existed. That false narrative has achieved the almost complete adherence of the news media and political elites and has continuing consequences which will plague efforts to move away from the US's demonization of Iran.
65.2601 PORTNOV, Andrii —
Russia's actions in Ukraine have polarized the German public. While some simply condemn the annexation of the Crimea and the war in Donbas by referring to international law, others have a different understanding of Russia. Some even openly legitimize the annexation. For them, “the West” is mainly responsible for the crisis. The apologetics of “Putin's friends” feed on a persistent anti-Americanism, the consensus culture and pacifism that emerged in Germany after World War II, a historically reductionist and unreflective feeling of guilt towards Russia because of the war, clichés regarding Eastern Europe, and a poor knowledge of Ukraine. This mix is fertile ground for the widespread attitude of non-interference. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Dangerous unclear: Russia, Ukraine and the war in Donbass”. See also Abstr. 65.1893, 2163, 2253, 2260, 2284, 2430, 2528, 2531, 2536, 2581, 2606, 2618, 2655]
65.2602 PRADETTO, August —
Since the refusal to sign an association agreement between the EU and Ukraine by ex-Ukrainian President V. Yanukovych in late November 2013, relations between the West and Russia have rapidly worsened. Despite differences and given the close and continuing political, security-related, and economic cooperation on both sides since the end of the Cold War — i.e. for the past 25 years — this development came as a surprise. Given this, the article discusses the relationship between the West and Russia and how it has been affected by the Ukraine crisis with particular emphasis on the relationship between geopolitics and identity. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “The Ukraine crisis”. See also Abstr. 65.2384, 2435, 2465, 2512, 2513, 2537, 2563, 2565, 2657]
65. 2603a PRETORIUS, Joelien; SAUER, Tom —
The phrase “proliferation concern” tags its subject — circumstances, a government, a policy, a capability — as a threat to the nuclear non-proliferation regime. It is applied as a discursive tool in the increasingly powerful nuclear security discourse, reinforced by successive US presidents to frame an understanding of nuclear relations in the language of US interests and national security. This article investigates the evolution of this discourse and what the phrase “proliferation concern” means in nuclear arms-control parlance and practice from the point of view of non-nuclear weapon states, especially the emerging powers. For these states, the discourse brings about “disarmament concerns”. The article uses the South African case study to illustrate the problematic nature of this discourse. [R, abr.]
65.2603b PRITTWITZ, Volker von —
The parties involved in the Ukrainian conflict have opposing political positions. From a Western point of view, the annexation of Crimea and Russia's military support to pro-Russian separatists infringe International Law. For Russians, the conflict is the result of NATO's enlargement to the East and the illegitimate destitution of V. Yanukovych. The logics applicable in a conflict range from total disintegration (war) to complete integration, which implies that diverging positions can also find intermediate common ground to reach an operational level. For the moment, no integration method has been used in the Russia-Ukraine conflict. [See Abstr. 65.2758]
65.2604 PYLYPENKO, Viktorija V. —
This article is dedicated to the problem of the transformation of the Soviet-Iranian relations after the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran and discusses the most important aspects of these relations. Comprehensively analyzing the transformation of the relations, the author concludes that the Soviet Union took advantage of Iran's desire to obtain the status of a regional leader, whereas Iran was interested in developing cooperation with the USSR in order to create a counterweight to the US presence in the strategically important Gulf region. [R]
65.2605 REILLY, James
Since 2005, central Chinese leaders have successfully encouraged local governments and commercial actors to expand their economic interactions with North Korea. However, the resulting expansion in commercial actors and economic interactions has intensified a principal-agent dilemma for Chinese leaders, exacerbating diplomatic tensions, eroding border security, and undermining popular support for Beijing's engagement strategy. In comparison with China's other neighbors, North Korea presents both a difficult case for stimulating economic engagement and a relatively easy case for enforcement. These dynamics are even more likely to emerge across China's thirteen other land neighbors. [R]
65.2606 REISINGER, Heidi; GOLTS, Aleksandr —
Russia's annexation of the Crimea and the war in eastern Ukraine feed on the perception held by the political elite around President V. Putin that democratization in Ukraine also threatens the authoritarian order in Moscow. The hybrid war with which Russia answered is nothing new. It involves an effective mix of military and non-military means, conventional and irregular methods including cyber-attacks and propaganda. For a multinational organization such as NATO, which is based on the principle of consensus, a quick and appropriate response is difficult. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2601]
65.2607 REMIRO BROTÓNS, Antonio —
Crimea has returned to Russian hands forever. It had already been Russian before N. Khrushchev transferred it to Ukraine in 1954, and most Crimeans had never been satisfied with this situation, which partially explains why Ukrainian authorities did not intervene in the peninsula in defense of territorial integrity. Russia is preparing the ground to culminate the annexation on 1 January 2015: the implementation of a federal administration; the issuing of passports; the infrastructure projects and the participation of Russian parties in the September election in Crimea are very significant examples. The US and the EU's multiple attempts to apply international law bring back memories of the West's contradictory behavior in Kosovo.
65.2608 REZAEI, Farhad; COHEN, Ronen A. —
Up to 1979, Tel Aviv had a close relationship with Tehran whose enmity with its Arab neighbors was anchored in a historical struggle for regional supremacy. Israel has remained an enemy of Islam and the Muslims for the revolutionary leaders, and as Iran's power grew, Israel's anxiety increased accordingly. A new division of power in the region and Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons led to a direct rivalry between Iran and Israel and consequently many Israelis have come to regard Iran and its nuclear program as an existential threat to Israel that has to be halted. This article explores the roots of enmity between these two countries, scrutinizes the threats of a nuclear-armed Iran for Israel and attempts to determine what kind of measures might work to convince Iran to renounce its nuclear program. [R, abr.]
65.2609 ROBERTS, David —
It is not immediately clear why Qatar channeled much of its support in the Arab Spring via actors aligned with the Muslim Brotherhood. Historically, Brotherhood members were, alongside other groups of immigrants, crucial in designing and staffing Qatar's nascent ministries. A mutually-beneficial relationship emerged, with Qatar content to host Brotherhood exiles, giving the small state a sense of regional importance and building on existing tropes of Doha as a hub of exiles. In lieu of an effective Foreign Ministry, when Qatar's elite wanted to support the Arab Spring, these networks presented practically the only channel through which to funnel support. Moreover, initially at least, supporting Brotherhood-type actors seemed to reflect the emerging trend in Arab politics, and their pan-regional message chimed with the basic proclivities of the Qatari elite. [A]
65.2610 RØSETH, Tom
This article discusses the type of partnership Russia pursues towards China in the Arctic. Through evidence, the author finds that while Russia may be aiming for an overall strategic partnership, Arctic developments on the whole conclude on a pragmatic approach. Russia needs assistance to develop the Arctic and an eastward diversification is opportune. Russia's energy development in the Arctic indicates an emerging strategic co-operation with China, but policies towards Beijing concerning the Arctic Council and the Northern Sea Route prove to be more pragmatic. The general bilateral relationship gives incentives for expanding cooperation to the Arctic, but Russia's sovereignty and security concerns limit the opportunities. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2322]
65.2611 ROSS, Lee
Intractable conflicts, including that between Israel and West Bank and Gaza Palestinians, are perpetuated by a number of psychological and relational barriers that prevent the parties from reaching agreements that would serve the parties mutual self-interests. This article reviews the nature of and empirical evidence for the operation of several such barriers, including enmity and distrust, false polarization, dissonance reduction and collective rationalization, insistence on justice rather than mere advance on the status quo, reactive devaluation of proposals from the other side, and naïve realism, with special attention to the role they play in asymmetric conflicts such as that in the Middle East. Some research evidence suggesting strategies for overcoming these barriers and unfreezing deadlocks is also discussed. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “Revisiting barriers to conflict resolution: perspectives on power, relationships, and application to practice”, edited and introduced by Ifat MAOZ and Brenna Marea POWELL. See also Abstr. 65.1441, 1666, 2463, 2543, 2592, 2759]
65.2612 RUFF, Kathleen; CALVERT, John —
When US and European multinational corporations abandoned the asbestos trade in response to asbestos-related deaths, worker lawsuits and enormous compensation claims, Canada became the industry's global advocate and defender of Quebec's asbestos exports. By 2006, when S. Harper took power, Quebec's mines were near extinction, having sought bankruptcy protection, laid off 90% of their workers and slashed wages. Responding to the medical evidence, the economic facts, public pressure and the harm being caused to Canada's reputation, almost all the other federal and Quebec political parties, including the Liberal Party of Canada and the Parti Québécois, ended their support for the asbestos industry. The Harper government, however, continued to deny medical evidence and politicized the scientific debate. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2121]
65.2613 SAMUR, Hakan —
The aim of EU membership has topped Poland's agenda since the 1990s based on both historical and real reasons. The EU accession, which occurred in May 2004, has had many positive and negative economic, political and social impacts on Poland within the last nine years. The first period of the country's membership has been shaped by the pressure of the global economic crisis and also includes the important years in which initial experience was gathered. These years will determine the future trajectory of development for the country. Besides general economic, regional, and political impacts, in this article we will try to explain the impacts of EU membership on Poland in terms of its more specific facets such as migration and public opinion of the EU. [R]
65.2614 SANDAL, Nukhet A. —
In the middle-power literature, states are blackboxed and their behavior is analyzed independently of electoral or regional politics. This article fills a gap in this literature by tying the foreign policies of new middle powers to their political trajectories. Using the case studies of Brazil and Turkey, I argue that the assertive foreign policy behavior of these developing states is a legitimation strategy in response both to the international and domestic audience. I revise the definition of middle powers and enumerate the factors that contribute to their emergence in order to better clarify the dynamics of policy-making by the “second-generation middle powers”. [R]
65.2615 SAVEL'EV, Alexander —
The article focuses on the main aspects of the US rebalancing towards Asia Pacific, declared by President B. Obama in November 2011. The examination of numerous US official and non-official documents shows that practically all US activities in this direction are connected with rapid economic and military growth of China. The US is mostly concerned about Chinese attempts to [transform] its economic strength into political influence and military strength which expand far beyond the present frontiers. A number of examples of Chinese “unacceptable behavior” are given. The article also analyzes the main implementation stages of this new American policy, and the role of the US Congress in formulating it. The positions of different US Agencies are also under consideration. [R, abr.]
65.2616 SCAPPATURA, Vince —
This article critically evaluates the agenda and strategy of the Australian American Leadership Dialogue (AALD) for protecting and strengthening the Australia-US alliance. Nominally an exercise in informal diplomacy dedicated to fostering mutual understanding, the AALD functions more like a pro-American lobby group as it seeks to preserve orthodox thinking and eschew dissenting perspectives. The AALD performs this function in three main ways: by carefully framing discussion and debate, by socializing Australian elites into the alliance orthodoxy and by serving as a “gatekeeper” of the status quo. [R]
65.2617 SCHMITZ, Gerald J. —
The S. Harper government has sought to distance its approach to Canadian foreign policy from the multilateralist liberal internationalist tradition of its predecessors, asserting a “principled” foreign policy in line with its ideological world-view and partisan electoral calculations. The Harper government has not undertaken any international policy review that includes parliamentary participation and public consultation. Rather than efforts aimed at a “democratization” of the Canadian foreign policy process, the Harper government has operated in ways that have constricted the domestic space for foreign policy debate. In addition, an early interest in Canadian democracy-promotion abroad has disappeared to the point that Canada is doing less than before. A result of the current polarized and partisan atmosphere has been in effect a “de-democratization” of Canadian foreign policy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2121]
65.2618 SCHNECKENER, Ulrich —
After the start of the Russian-supported insurgency in the Donbas, volunteer battalions emerged in many regions throughout Ukraine. Some are paramilitary defense forces, others are fighting alongside the Ukrainian Army in the country's east. This form of self-defense may be legitimate. However, it is an expression of the state's failure and brings with it considerable problems. Militias undermine the state's monopoly on the use of force and can endanger the country's democratization. In the worst case, some militia units, especially those with right-wing manifestations, unwittingly become Moscow's most important auxiliaries in the destabilization of Ukraine. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2601]
65.2619 SCHNELL, Felix —
Russian-Ukrainian relations have been very ambivalent for centuries. In many ways, Ukraine's history can be considered to be subdued to Russian politics (for example, the Czarist interdiction to publish in the Ukrainian language or the Holodomor, J. Stalin's man-made famine as an attempt to eliminate the Ukrainian independence movement), but Russia has also played a decisive role in the Ukrainian nation-building process, as evidenced by the Pan-Slavic movement of the 19th c. and the Soviet nationalities policy. It is essential to take the historic aspects of Ukraine's nation-building and of the Russian influence in Crimea and the Donbass region into consideration to avoid an oversimplification of the current Ukrainian crisis. [See Abstr. 65.2758]
65.2620 SCHOFF, James L. —
Rarely before has such a large and potentially consequential country tried to reform itself politically and economically as Myanmar is now attempting, following an extended period of extreme isolation and amid unprecedented international and digital connectedness that exists today. This is a challenge not only for Myanmar, but also for the US and Japan as they try to facilitate this transformation in productive ways, in a coordinated fashion, and consistent with their own foreign policy and commercial interests. A pertinent question, therefore, is whether or not Washington and Tokyo are inclined and prepared to address Myanmar's transition as an alliance issue, and if they are, then what is an efficient and effective way to go about this task. [R, abr.]
65.2621 SHAW, Timothy M. —
African states, economies and societies are increasingly ambivalent about Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (the BRICS), especially their latest member, South Africa, as economic growth comes with costs, shorter- and longer-term, from social to ecological. “Emerging” economies, powers and societies may claim to be “developmental” but they still confront challenges of governance, especially of their non-renewable natural resources. Symbolic of the price of growth is continuing migration into South Africa, uneven scores on a range of indicators — African Capacity Building Indicators (ACBI), Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), Human Development Index (HDI), Fragile States, Ibrahim Index and so on — and the West African Commission on Drugs (WACD). The African Mining Vision (AMV) remains problematic despite or because of the BRICS. [R] [See Abstr. 65.1535]
65.2622 SHLAPENTOKH, Dmitry V. —
A. Dugin entered Russia's intellectual and political life in the 1990s, with strongly anti-American and often anti-Western statements. While geopolitical Duginism of the 1990s had few direct translations into actual Russian foreign policy, it had an indirect relationship to Putin's posture in Crimea and Ukraine, and on the economically centered Eurasian Union. The importance of Duginism in the minds of segments of the American and British leadership is due, rather, not so much to the danger of an aggressive Russia, but to the waning of Washington's influence in Europe. Duginism is less a manifestation of Kremlin policy than an ideological construction mostly belonging in the past. Instead, pragmatic nationalists are the most influential people in the present-day Russian elite. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.1625]
65.2623 SIKO, John —
The African National Congress, as an entity distinct from government, served during the 1994–2008 period as an independent forum for debate about South Africa's foreign policy, particularly in the National Executive Committee's Subcommittee on International Relations. This debate retained the oligarchic character of the movement in exile, with few voices — Th. Mbeki's most prominent among them — dominating the discussion, inputs from subnational party structures almost non-existent, and dissenters expected to keep quiet publicly. Participants in these discussions largely dismissed characterizations of Mbeki as a dictator in the foreign policy debate, noting that the predominance of his views stemmed mostly from his strong argumentation and knowledge. Senior ANC leaders also claimed that limited interest in foreign policy, outside of national party structures, hindered efforts to broaden participation in foreign policy-formulation. [R]
65.2624 SMITH, Julianne; STOKES, Jacob —
The need for a new strategy in 2014 stems in part from the success of the previous one: the US has left Iraq, the war in Afghanistan is ending and bin Laden is dead. President B. Obama and Russian President D. Medvedev signed a new nuclear treaty, and the US economy is on the mend. But this year's National Security Strategy drafters face a long list of problems for which there are no easy answers: the pivot to Asia; counterterrorism in Northern Africa and the Middle East; the rising powers; cyber issues and the declining US leadership and power will be especially tough to tackle. [See Abstr. 65.1455]
65.2625 SNETKOV, Aglaya; LANTEIGNE, Marc —
The global issue of humanitarian intervention has become more pronounced and complicated in recent years due to increasingly diverging views on addressing security crises between the West on one side and Russia and China on the other. Despite their support for the principles of “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P), both Russia and China are wary of Western intervention in internal conflicts after the Cold War and have become increasingly critical of Western-led armed intervention in humanitarian conflicts. Unease in Beijing and Moscow over the multilateral intervention in the 2011 Libyan conflict and their ongoing opposition to Western policies in the Syrian Civil War since 2011 would seem to point to ever-more coincidence in their negative views of American and Western intervention policies. A conventional wisdom has thus emerged that there is something akin to a Sino-Russian “bloc”. However, closer examination of Russian and Chinese positions on the Libyan and Syrian conflicts, drawing on normative and identity perspectives, reveals significant differences in how both states address intervention in civil conflicts involving human rights emergencies. [R, abr.]
65.2626 SÖNMEZ, Eda Kuşku —
This paper first reviews the policy context of the Black Sea geography. It focuses on the Black Sea cities’ engagement into this context and mainly asks what kind of role, if any, cities play for facilitating diplomatic ties and alleviating systemic-level controversies. Building on the literature on city diplomacy, the paper elaborates on motivations behind and limits over such alternative levels of interactions and comments on their future geopolitical implications. [R, abr.]
65.2627 SOULEIMANOV, Emil; EHRMANN, Maya; ALIYEV, Huseyn —
This article focuses on the Iranian influence [in the] partnership between Azerbaijan and Israel in areas of economic, cultural, developmental and more recently, military cooperation. It examines the key characteristics of bilateral cooperation between the two countries and investigates the incentives which have aided to create and cement this atypical partnership. Among a variety of mutual interests that have allowed the partnership to flourish, this study emphasizes the pivotal role of Iranian-Israeli hostilities, which correlate with Azerbaijan's own grievances with Iran. It argues that the discrete but strategically important partnership between Azerbaijan and Israel is encouraged not only by the existence of mutually beneficial economic incentives but also by the security threats emanating from Iran. [R, abr.]
65.2628 STARKIN, Sergej V.; RYŽOV, Igor V. —
Key elements of US foreign policy in the Asian region include noticeable military presence, regular military exercises, geopolitical expansion from the Pacific to the Indian Ocean, as well as the preservation of American leadership and the containment of China's increasing influence inside the region. Many politicians and experts predict a second “Georgian scenario” in the region. This would lead to a serious deterioration of multilateral relations due to US's increased presence in the Asian Pacific. The US's aim to contain China inside the Indo-Pacific geostrategic area will lead to instability and further tensions. [In] such circumstances, Russia should conduct cautious maneuvering between the two main poles of power in the Asia-Pacific region and pursue its policy of non-interference. [R]
65.2629 STATS, Katrina —
The Fraser government's response to the Indo-Chinese refugee crisis and the presentation, for the first time, of asylum-seekers arriving in Australia by boat is almost universally acclaimed as having been proactive, generous and humanitarian in spirit — the antithesis of both the preceding Whitlam Labor government and subsequent governments, particularly since 2001. Adopting a policy of “forward selection” of refugees from camps in South-East Asia, the Fraser government was able to stem the flow of boats and oversaw the relatively uncontroversial resettlement of nearly 70,000 Indo-Chinese. However, the author argues that this was not the brave and principled course of action for which Fraser and his immigration ministers are regularly fêted, but rather a delayed response that was motivated by fear and desperation rather than pure humanitarian intent. [R, abr.]
65.2630 STOETT, Peter; KERSTEN, Mark Stefan —
The first [fifteen years] of the 21st c. have not been kind to Canada's reputation in the realm of international relations. This is the result of policy decisions that have alienated the country, as exemplified by the country's policy-making in two domains in which Canada had previously earned respect as a global leader hitting above its weight: international environmental protection and international justice. In this commentary, we argue that Canada's foreign policy in these two areas derive from a common reactive and dogmatic policy-making which is, despite its name, actually aimed at appeasing domestic audiences. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2121]
65.2631 SUNAWAR, Lubna —
The article is divided in three parts. The first section examines the failure of US-led coalition forces to bring peace and stability to Afghanistan even after fourteen years since the war on terrorism started; it also discusses the likely repercussions of the US-led ISAF-NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan. The second section focuses on major challenges that lie ahead for newly elected Afghan government and identifies potential scenarios. The third section analyzes the consequences of the fourteen-year war on terrorism on Pakistan. [R]
65.2632 SUZUKI, Shogo —
Since 1945, the US has served as a focal point of both Left-wing and Right-wing Japanese nationalism. Both sides argued that the US was an arrogant hegemon that unjustly robbed Japan of its autonomy, and prevented Japan from achieving its own ideal national identity. In recent years, however, both camps are increasingly using the same rhetoric to criticize the Japanese government's China policy. China is also being depicted as an overbearing state that unfairly browbeats Japan into making diplomatic concessions. Given the similarities between the portrayal of China and the US, has China now become a nationalist focal point for both the Japanese Left and Right? Utilizing constructivist insights, this article [examines] how the Japanese Right and Left portray China, and explores the implications for Japan's China policy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2526]
65.2633 ŠVYDKO, Vitalij G. —
A roundtable discussion held at the IMEMO Center for Asia-Pacific studies focused on a softer, intellectual dimension of smart power used by major international actors in Northeast Asia and in the Pacific to serve their goals and interests. Ideas and concepts developed by domestic think tanks or political analysts are launched into international discussions aiming to influence the agenda of international expert community and activities by multilateral frameworks and organizations. This modern policy tool has gained particular importance in the US policy where it was officially endorsed as a part of national strategy. Against this background, Russia's neglect of intellectual aspects of promoting its own political tasks in the Asia-Pacific reflects the need for re-defining its “eastern” policy. [R, abr.]
65.2634 TAMAKI, Taku
Asia is narrated in Japanese foreign policy pronouncements as an opportunity as well as a threat. Despite the purported transformation from militarism to pacifism since August 1945, the reified images of Asia as an “entity out there” remain resilient. The image of a dangerous Asia prompted Japan to engage in its program of colonialism before the War and compels policy makers to address territorial disputes with Asian neighbors today. Simultaneously, Asia persistently symbolizes an opportunity for Tokyo to exploit. Hence, despite the psychological rupture of August 1945, reified Asia remains a reality in Japanese foreign policy. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2526]
65.2635 THIMM, Johannes —
Transatlantic relations are once again the order of the day in the international agenda as a result of the Ukrainian crisis and the US National Security Agency affairs. The confrontation with Russia is an external challenge that boosts the internal cohesion between the members of NATO, whereas US espionage has weakened it and created tensions within the Alliance. The political implications of both crises will mainly depend on how they are focused. For example, an approach based on Realpolitik will undoubtedly accelerate the decline of transatlantic relations. It is necessary to re-establish the basis of NATO overlooking differences and creating a critical dialogue. [First article of a thematic issue on “Transatlantic relations”. See also Abstr. 65.1455, 2338, 2368, 2416, 2624]
65.2636 TROITSKIY, Evgeny F. —
This paper reveals the impact made by the Russian and US policies on the Central Asian regional security complex (RSC) in the 1990s and 2000s. It traces the evolution of post-Soviet Central Asia from a proto-complex to a fully fledged RSC, analyzing major security trends and discovering the consolidation of the RSC's boundary, polarity and social construction. The analysis has not shown much divergence in the way US and Russian policies have influenced the Central Asian RSC. It is argued that Moscow and Washington have made a significant impact on the consolidation of the RSC's boundaries, with the effects of US and Russian policies on its polarity and social construction being rather limited. [R]
65.2637 TSYGANKOV, Andrei P. —
This paper analyzes Russia's presidential discourses and emotions of the West from March 2008 to December 2012. By studying the languages of inclusiveness and exclusiveness in annual addresses to the Federation Council and public statements, I have identified several distinct stages in the Kremlin's emotional evolution from fear to hope to frustration: the initial fear (March 2008-June 2009), hope (September 2009-late 2010), and frustration (since early 2011). Russia's emotional shifts are shaped by the country's historically established social relations with the West and are not to be reduced to the dynamics of power and prestige/status. Russia's deep emotional connection to the West as well as Russia's own concept of national honor are the two factors that drive the nation's leaders’ complex actions, feelings, and rhetoric. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 65.2503]
65.2638 TUDOROIU, Theodor —
This article compares the regional foreign policies of the four Black Sea non-great-power post-communist states. It is argued that the prominent roles played for a time by Georgia and Romania and their unprecedented influence on Black Sea political and security developments were due to foreign policy options stemming from the “new populist” character of national leaders. The latter took advantage of post-9/11 [2001] US regional involvement in order to enhance their international profile and thus increase their domestic mass support. Bulgarian and Ukrainian “new populist” leaders failed to conduct similarly visible regional policies mainly due to domestic factors. [R]
65.2639 TURNER, Mandy —
It is often suggested that Western peace-building in the occupied Palestinian territory has failed because it has not delivered a viable Palestinian state. But if peace-building is reinterpreted as a form of counterinsurgency whose goal is to secure a population, then it has not failed — in fact, on the contrary, it has been quite successful. This article therefore critically evaluates the idea and practice of peace-building as counterinsurgency by exploring the symbiosis in the philosophy and methods of COIN and peace-building, and charts its implementation in the oPt through the realms of governance, development, and security. It argues that peace-building in this context operates as another layer of pacification techniques whose goal is to secure the Palestinian population and ensure acquiescence in the face of violent dispossession. [R]
65.2640 URNOV, Mark
The article analyzes changes in attitudes to and interpretations of Russian “greatpowerness” (velikoderzhavnost’) during President V. Putin's period of rule: there was an increasing reticence of self-assessments; we observe prioritization of protecting the country's own, mostly regional, interests as opposed to expansion which would be characteristic of a great power. Moreover, this period clearly demonstrates contradictions and dangers, engendered in the process of losing self-perception as the great power. The readiness of Russian political elite to part bit by bit with the status of the great power and to go to the status of a regional power is combined (as the events around Ukraine have shown) with unwillingness to sustain the new status of the country with the help of the capabilities of a soft power. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 65.2503]
65.2641 VADELL, Javier; RAMOS, Leonardo; NEVES, Pedro —
This paper analyzes the PRC's economic and political ascendance in the 21st c. focusing on the evolution of the sui generis economic development model and its significances of the evolution of relationship between China and the developing countries in the peripheral “Global South”. It analyzes the relationship between China and the Global South (Africa and South America), characterized as a new center-periphery global network power based on trade and investment that we call an “Asian consensus”. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2734]
65.2642 VAN KERCKHOVEN, Sven; LUYTEN, Adriaan —
In 2001, China finally joined the WTO. Its accession was looked forward to by many WTO members and China itself. However, observers had some fears that the Chinese accession would prove to be a Trojan horse, disrupting the working of the WTO. This paper looks into the Chinese accession and its involvement in the WTO Dispute Settlement and argues that these fears seem so far to be unfounded. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2734]
65.2643 VAUGHN, Jocelyn; DUNNE, Tim —
The US has historically been inconsistent and ambivalent about the Responsibility to Protect. The article sets out a theoretical framework for understanding how the US aligns itself with the responsibility to protect; it initially uses the idea of norm-localization, which reveals important convergences and tensions between the international norm and the localized variant that we call “genocide and mass atrocity prevention/protection”. Part 2 looks at the impact of this norm-innovation in relation to the position that the US government adopted on Libya — suggesting that it played a critical leadership role in the crisis and in doing so took risks with its international reputation while knowing that there was little prospect that this action would be warmly greeted by Congress or domestic public opinion. [R]
65.2644 VENDINA, Olga I., et al. —
This paper deals with the period prior to Ukraine's crises of 2013–2014. The image of Russia shaped by political discourses, TV news and school textbook on history and geography is analyzed. The authors examine [how] the political doctrines in use exerted influence upon public opinion and resulted in direct and indirect consequences. They argue that the “European prospect”, which is serving as a guideline for social and institutional modernization all around Central and Eastern Europe, including Russia, has been transformed in Ukraine into an ideology for identity and state-building. They argue that the opposition of Russia and Ukraine, which has been widely used as a tool for the creation of a unified nation in Ukraine, has played a destructive rather than a constructive role for both Ukrainian society and the state. [R, abr.]
65.2645 VODA, Kristina R. —
China and Japan view each other as potentially offensive while depicting themselves as defensive. The growth of defense capabilities on one side is perceived as a potential threat on the other. Another reason for the deterioration of Sino-Japanese relations is Japan's efforts to react accordingly to the rapid growth of China's economical and political power, while China is trying to defend its growing interests. Nationalism escalates in both countries, which adds to the instability of Sino-Japanese relations. Sino-Japanese disagreement on economical, political, ideological, and military questions is further deepened by the territorial dispute in East China Sea. The absence of clear conflict-settlement and preventive diplomacy mechanisms further increases the probability of further cooling of Sino-Japanese relations in the future. [R]
65.2646 VU Truong-Monh
Utilizing China's leadership projects in the Great Mekong Sub-Region (GMS) as a case study, this paper investigates whether China qualifies as an international leader. Its geographic position and economic rise allow China to be a “system-maker and privilege-taker”, a dual role in economic-political relations in the GMS in the last ten years. Growing Chinese regional power is intimately related to the creation of various hubs connecting regional transportation, communication and energy systems that foster the economic development of this region. However, China also proves dark sides of rising powers which take advantage of their privileges to gain benefits. As a “system-maker” with its own position and capability, China has notably benefited from building hydropower systems. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2734]
65.2647 WAGNER, Wolfgang; ONDERCO, Michal —
Even though democracies by and large share the perception of Iran as a threat to peace and security, they disagree over the appropriate policy response. This paper examines why some democracies prefer accommodation while others plead for confrontation. Using a new data-set on democracies’ policies toward Iran in the 2000s, we assess the impact of power positions, commercial interests, and domestic political cultures while controlling for government ideology. While we find little support for any impact of power positions, “cultures of dealing with deviance” — that is, the discourses and practices of dealing with violations of norms domestically as institutionalized in a society's criminal law and justice system — have a substantial and statistically significant effect on state policies. Finally, we find qualified support for commercial liberalism. [R, abr.]
65.2648 WAI, Zubairu
This paper interrogates the current upsurge in humanitarian interventionism in Africa. Disagreeing with those who see it in altruistic terms, the paper argues that the increasing militarization of world politics seen in the routinization of interventions in Africa is a function of a neo-imperialist posture driven by a Western will to domination and desire to restructure the world in line with the ideological preferences of liberalism as the dominant ideological formation of contemporary imperialism. Supported by power-knowledge regimes of Western intellectual production, which provide the legitimating frame and moral justification for imperial interventions, this Western will to domination disguises its violent imperialist pretensions under the cloak of benevolence and altruism. [R]
65.2649 WALDRON, Arthur
This author believes that US “extended deterrence” no longer exists. Washington in fact would never use nuclear weapons to defend Japan, whatever promises have been made. The only answer, and one that decreases rather than increases the possibility of conflict, is for Japan to acquire within a decade a minimal nuclear deterrent, too small for war-making but adequate to prevent attack, such as those maintained by Britain and France, who know America best. Without such a deterrent Japan will be defenseless against inevitable Chinese nuclear threats and blackmail. [R, abr.]
65.2650 WALLDORF, C. William, Jr. —
The author discusses sanctions and their effectiveness to promote democracy and human rights. He draws from a set of historical cases in Latin America and argues that his findings have direct policy implications for present-day sanctions against countries like Burma and Syria. [R]
65.2651 WAWRZONEK, Micha) —
As a result of the transformations in the territory of the former USSR, Ukraine has entered a “gray zone” — a zone of ambivalence between evolution toward the Russian model of the political system and transformation toward a West European democracy. The integration of this country into the Euro-Atlantic area clearly calls into question the possibility of Moscow returning to the role of sole hegemonic leader in post-Soviet territory. Over the past several years, Moscow's policy toward Ukraine has been legitimized by the idea of a civilizational community — the Russkiy Mir. This is based on the assumption that, allegedly, a cultural and spiritual unity exists among the “Orthodox nations”. Their consolidation would underwrite a civilizational clash with the West. This article [examines] how the idea of the Russkiy Mir is perceived in Ukraine. [R, abr.]
65.2652 WEINLICH, Silke —
The economic rise of China, India, South Africa, and Brazil has turned these countries into important providers of development assistance. While they seem increasingly comfortable in their bilateral relations with other developing countries, they are struggling to adapt their position within global institutions such as the United Nations. Do they turn their increased weight into a greater influence at the UN, and if not, why not? This article analyzes financial contributions and political positioning at the UN in the area of development. [R, abr.]
65.2653 WENDLER, Frank —
This article investigates the political discourse on the Eurozone [crisis] of the second A. Merkel government and its political contestation in plenary debates of the Bundestag. [It] demonstrates the high relevance of normative arguments in the debate, both for the case made by the government parties for a Stability Union and related concepts of austerity and economic reform, and for the opposition parties’ competing discourse for investment and debt mutualization in the Eurozone. Moreover, the analysis reveals that a strong value- and identity-based commitment to European integration continues to be supported by all political parties in the Bundestag. [It] discusses party political and institutional factors to explain why the political contestation of the Merkel government's European leadership in the Bundestag played only a very limited role in the 2013 federal election. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2239]
65.2654 WILDEMAN, Jeremy; TARTIR, Alaa —
Since 1993, the international community has invested more than $24 billion in “peace and development” in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt). That aid was meant originally to support the Oslo Peace Process through economic development. However, neither peace nor development has been realized, and both seem increasingly unlikely. While examining donor operations, priorities and the “aid-for-peace” agenda, this article investigates whether patterns in oPt donor aid have changed following the Arab uprisings of 2011. Building on 28 original interviews with Palestine aid actors, it was found that patterns remain unchanged and that donors remain transfixed on a long failed “Investment in Peace” framework that was designed for economic development by the World Bank back in 1993. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2540]
65.2655 WYCISZKIEWICZ, Ernest —
The EU and the US responded to Russia's aggression against Ukraine with sanctions against Russian companies and individuals close to President V. Putin. The effectiveness of these measures cannot be assessed solely on the basis of their immediate consequences. The sanctions against individuals were initially relatively easy to mitigate, but these generated investment uncertainty and led to capital flight, a collapse in exchange rates, and accelerated inflation. The measures later taken against state-controlled banks and oil companies and the counter-sanctions adopted by Russia significantly reinforced these effects. Russia's government is now openly trying to have the restrictions lifted. However, the economic costs of Kremlin policy are apparently not yet great enough to convince Moscow to change course. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2601]
65.2656 YEŞiLTAŞ, Murat —
This article examines three basic critiques directed at Turkish foreign policy during the AK Party administration: Islamist ideology, geopolitical codes, and lack of capacity in foreign policy. These criticisms are examined through a multi-layered approach, whereby they will be contextualized in terms of global fragmentation (macro level), regional disorder and fragmentation (meso-level), and restoration in domestic politics and the opponents within Turkey towards these policies (micro-level). A look at the challenges that Turkish foreign policy faces today and the search for a new foreign policy model follow. [R]
65.2657 ZHURZHENKO, Tatiana —
The article addresses the role of identity politics in the current Ukrainian crisis. It shows how Ukraine's divided political elite has used identity politics as a tool for mass mobilization, and how Russia has profited from the “war of identities” in its efforts to prevent the country's orientation towards Europe. The article also outlines the main shifts in collective identities after Maidan and the annexation of Crimea and the dilemmas of new identity politics. [R] [See Abstr. 65.2602]
65.2658 ZIEGLER, Charles E. —
With US and NATO forces poised for a major drawdown from Afghanistan in 2014, and Russia determined to strengthen its influence in the “near abroad”, new uncertainties face the volatile post-Soviet Central Asian states. Changing power alignments in the region will pose new challenges for the US, Russia, China, and the EU. This article assesses the evolving direction of great-power interaction and influence in Central Asia, focusing on Moscow's growing assertiveness in the region. Using a neoclassical realist framework, I argue that geographic, historical, and cultural ties; a military presence; and developing economic institutions favor Russia over the short term, although China is best poised to expand regional influence over the long run. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.2516]
65.2659 ZIEGLER, Charles E.
This article seeks a better understanding of the current US-Russian relationship by examining its origins. Russia and the US have always had conflicting interests as great powers, as the realist school would argue. Opportunities for cooperation were also constrained by longstanding ideological differences neglected by structural realism. Nevertheless, Russian-American relations from 1781 to 1824 were conducted according to realistic assessments of national interests, and in America, Russia was perceived as a friendly power. However, negative perceptions peaked during the Cold War — and have survived the collapse of communism. It should thus come as no surprise that Russia and the US in the early part of the 21st c. are capable of conducting diplomacy based on notions of power and interests. [R, abr.]
65.2660 ZiHNiOĞLU, Özge —
With no accession prospect in sight and the perceived lack of credibility and consistency of the EU's conditionality, Turkey's already unequal partnership with Europe has been thrown further off balance. This article argues that this is not the case, as the EU retains its leverage over Turkey, even in the absence of factors central to the successful implementation of the EU's conditionality. It suggests two main reasons: (1) despite the rhetoric on the interdependence of Turkish and the EU economy, this interdependence is not on equal footing and the Turkish economy is heavily dependent on the EU; (2) there is rising concern in Turkey over free-trade talks between the EU and the US, with its potential impact on the Turkish economy. [R, abr.]
65.2661 ZUPANČIČ, Rok; HRIBERNIK, Miha —
This article contributes to the body of knowledge on normative power by analyzing the case-study of Japan, from the standpoint of a country that has increased and then applied its normative power as an important means through which traditional (interest-based) foreign, security and defense goals can be pursued. In the analysis of Japan's aspirations to become recognized as a global normative power advocate, we analyze the impact of the end of the Cold War and the Gulf War on the country's perception of its strategic environment, and subsequent efforts to redefine its role in promoting a new norms-based framework. We also identify areas in which Japan has been able to strengthen its hard security while simultaneously reinforcing its normative power. [R, abr.]
65.2662 ZVEREVA, Tatiana
This article is devoted to the French policy towards South- and East-Mediterranean countries. It shows the main lines of this policy and the principal ideas of the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) project. Paris presented the UfM as the way to resolve economic, social and political problems of the region. Implementing its soft-power project, Paris has to meet some challenges and overcome substantial difficulties. Conceived as the French program, the UfM required EU funding. Being a part of the EU Neighborhood Program, it embraced 43 countries and became difficult to be run. The Gaza war stopped the UfM-cooperation, also undermined by the global economic and financial crisis. [R]
65.2663
Articles by Shimon STEIN and Mordechay LEWY; Markus KAIM; David WITZTHUM and Sylke TEMPEL; Marcel SERR; Lorena DE VITA; Arndt KREMER; Yoav SAPIR.