Abstract
(a) International law, organization and administration/Droit international, organisation et administration internationales
65.7223 ACKERMAN, Bruce —
There are three paths to constitutionalism in the modern world: (1) revolutionary outsiders use the constitution to commit their new regime to the principles proclaimed during their previous struggle; India, South Africa, Italy and France have followed this path. (2) Establishment insiders use the constitution to make strategic concessions to disrupt revolutionary movements before they can gain power; Britain provides paradigmatic examples. (3) Ordinary citizens remain passive while political and social elites construct a new constitution; Spain, Japan and Germany provide variations on this theme. Different paths generate different legitimization problems, but the EU confronts a special difficulty. Since its members emerge out of three divergent pathways, they disagree about the nature of the union's constitutional problem, not merely its solution. Thus the EU confronts a cultural, not merely an economic, crisis. [R]
65.7224 ALAKUŞ, Imren; EYLEMER, Sedef —
The EU's approach to the Iranian nuclear crisis is interpreted by way of constructivist theory, the core tenant of which contends that actors perceive the external world based on their identities and determine the best course of action according thereto. In this way, we argue that the EU has approached the Iranian nuclear crisis differently from other actors on the grounds of its identity. [R, abr.]
65.7225 ALKOPHER, Tal Dingott —
This article uses the concept of security as an analytical tool to map and explain socio-psychological reactions of political communities, as expressed through identity-management and cultural integration strategies, to immigration-related identity crises. To this end, I build a typology of three psychologically driven identity-management frameworks: securitizing collective identity (through assimilation or exclusion); desecuritizing collective identity (through multiculturalism); and managing the securitization of collective identity (through interculturalism). On an empirical level, this article focuses mainly on the European Commission's (EC) central texts and the Commissioners’ self-expressions from 1999 to 2013 that relate to the questions of immigration to Europe and the integration of third-country nationals, and it uses the third framework to explore the EC's socio-political psychological reactions to recent immigration-related identity crises. [R]
65.7226 ALORSE, Raynold Wonder; COMPAORÉ, W.R. Nadège; GRANT, J. Andrew —
The paper analyzes the role of EU-based actors — the European Commission, member states, civil society organizations, and firms — in regulatory frameworks on conflict-prone natural resources such as oil, diamonds, cotton, tin, tungsten, and gold. To that end, the paper draws upon participant observations, interviews with state and non-state actors, and access to primary documents in order to provide a comparative examination of EU-based state and non-state actors within the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative and draft EU legislation that seeks to prevent the trade of conflict-prone minerals. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title; edited by the authors. See Abstr. 65.7233, 7283, 7288, 7299, 7312, 7315, 7343]
65.7227 ANDERTON, Karen; PALMER, James R. —
This paper highlights how policy-makers’ failure to consider evidence relating to the potential impacts of biofuel mandates in the early 2000s led to a host of complex problems developing over subsequent years. Drawing on the concept of problem “framing”, the article then examines the extent of policy-learning that has taken place since the Biofuels Directive was implemented in 2003. While acknowledging that not all eventualities can be prepared for, the article highlights the importance of enhanced communication and collaboration across different levels and departments of government in policy-making processes as a means of promoting learning, especially when dealing with complex cross-cutting and international social, environmental and economic problems. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6396]
65.7228a APUULI, Kasaija Phillip —
Since December 2013, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development has been mediating the current South Sudan conflict. The mediation effort is predicated under Chapter VIII of the UN Charter under which regional organizations can undertake activities in the area of conflict-mediation and resolution. In January 2014, the mediation process resulted in the signing of two landmark agreements on the cessation of hostilities and the political detainees. The paper argues that the authority's mediation process is in danger of failing due to a number of reasons, including the authority's structural problems and lack of leverage to enforce its will on the parties to the conflict. [R, abr.]
65.7228b BACHMANN, Veit —
This paper brings together approaches to sociospatial theorizing with debates on the EU's international role. It points to a general lack of engagement with the spatial underpinnings of EU geopolitical agency, citing the example of four visions for “Europe in the world” from the EU's key spatial think tank (ESPON). Moreover, it illustrates how EU geopolitical agency can be better understood when examined in its historical and sociospatial context. Space is defined as socially produced spaces of interaction within which different actors stand in particular relations to each other. Through the history of European integration, the EU can most effectively exercise influence if such spaces of interaction are regulated and institutionalized, as opposed to disordered and anarchic. [R, abr.]
65.7228c BARCZ, Jan —
This article [examines] the current state of debates about the reforms of the EU political system, especially in the context of the measures connected with the reform of Eurozone. After the difficult political process (rejection of the Constitutional Treaty), an important step in reforming the EU political system was taken with the Lisbon Treaty. However, the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty reforms has been overshadowed by the challenges from the financial crisis in some Eurozone countries, which threatened to undermine the stability of the Eurozone as a whole, with hardly predictable implications for the entire Union. The article analyzes both the current state of the Lisbon Treaty implementation and the reform that have been embarked onto consolidate the Eurozone. [R, abr.]
65.7229 BARRETT, Sam —
Adaptation finance is designed to help vulnerable populations withstand effects of climate variability and change. However, levels of vulnerability seldom determine finance distribution. Political and economic preferences of national and local government decision-makers tend to direct funding streams. This article takes an institutional approach to adaptation finance allocation by comparing decentralized and devolved local governance structures managing adaptation finance in Kenya before and after the Constitution of 2010. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6532]
65.7230 BECK, Martin —
This article focuses on the regional dimension of Arab Middle Eastern exceptionalism. The Arab uprisings vitalized regional institutions, particularly the Arab League and the Gulf Cooperation Council. Two main arguments are critically discussed. First, in sharp contrast to the revolutionary period of the 1950s, the conservative Gulf monarchies, particularly Saudi Arabia, have been spearheading regional politics since the Arab uprisings. Second, in striking difference to the conservative character of the Gulf States’ domestic agenda, the means that the Arab League (and the GCC) has recently used are innovative — e.g., policies of softening the principle of noninterference in the domestic affairs of other states. However, despite the recent animation of regional institutions under the leadership of Saudi Arabia, it is unclear whether the recent trend of new regionalism will be sustained. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7171]
65.7231 BELLAMY, Richard —
This article disputes the recent argument of D. Kochenov advocating an “EU Citizenship without Duties”. His thesis rests on an untenable form of philosophical anarchism that overlooks the role played by our political obligations to state structures in securing rights. At best, his argument suggests a “thin” form of EU citizenship that allows European citizens to choose which of the Member States they wish to become morally obliged to. A “thicker” form of EU level citizenship could arise only by creating civic obligations at the EU level, the position he rejects. [R, abr.]
65.7232 BIRD, Graham; MYLONAS, Jim; ROWLANDS, Dane —
What factors determine whether or not countries have programs with the IMF? The existing literature suggests that a number of economic and political variables are important, but there is disagreement about their relative significance. Moreover, the fit of general participation models is not particularly good. An increasingly popular view in the recent literature is that the pattern of IMF lending is politically driven and that it reflects the interests of the Fund's leading shareholders; the US is seen as exerting a powerful influence. Using both quantitative and qualitative techniques, and based on an informal analytical framework, we examine in detail the factors that may be at work. We cover the period from 1984 to 2008. [R, abr.]
65.7233 BOCSE, Alexandra-Maria —
This article critically examines the engagement between the EU and a transnational policy network (TPN) that deals with an issue that has grown in importance in the architecture of the EU's energy policy: fracking. The author argues that successful engagement between the EU and networks on shale gas was facilitated by the fact that the TPN or the members of the TPN were in possession of technical and scientific information that is highly needed by institutions in Brussels. Also, the article reveals that the fact that EU energy insecurity has been high on the EU agenda increased EU's interest in actors that could provide vital insights into potential panaceas and palliatives to energy insecurity. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7226]
65.7234 BODEA, Cristina —
This paper studies the political economy of realignments to fixed exchange rates and suggests that the use of realignments is less likely when there are political benefits from stable exchange rates and when linkages across other issue areas increase the costs of realignment. More specifically for the case of the European Monetary System (EMS), the expectation is that realignments are related to partisanship, support for the broader European integration, trade integration, resource transfers from the European Community, as well as countries reacting to the political and economic costs of realignment in other EMS members. Hypotheses are tested using binomial logit models on monthly data on exchange-rate realignments for all EMS countries from 1979 to 1993. [R, abr.]
65.7235 BØLSTAD, Jørgen —
We examine the impact of signals regarding the Eurozone's bail-out commitment on government bond spreads in the Eurozone's periphery, analyzing the effect of positive, negative and mixed statements and decisions by the EU, the ECB and Germany. We construct a dataset of relevant events, and estimate their effects using distributed lag models, providing a number of robustness checks. Our main argument is that investors react to statements from credible actors, but largely ignore statements from less-credible actors, awaiting actual decisions. Accordingly, positive statements from the ECB have clear effects, while those from Germany and the EU do not. Furthermore, ECB decisions appear to be anticipated and thus have no short-term effects, while we find clear effects of positive decisions by Germany and the EU. [R]
65.7236 BUNEA, Adriana; THOMSON, Robert —
We examine how an executive's consultations with interest groups during the formative stage of the policy process affect its bargaining success during the decision-making stage after it has proposed new policies to legislative actors. Our theory sets out how consultations with interest groups strengthen the executive by bolstering its formal and informal agenda-setting power. The empirical testing ground for our theory is the EU, and in particular the consultations held by the European Commission. The analysis assesses the effects of these consultations on the congruence between the Commission's legislative proposals on controversial issues and EU laws. In line with our theory, we find that the Commission had more success during the decision-making stage after conducting open consultations with large numbers of interest groups during the policy-formation stage. [R, abr.]
65.7237 CARATI, Andrea —
This article examines the origins of what NATO inherited in 2003, particularly in the light of the re-Americanization of the conflict during the B. Obama administration. This analysis focuses on: the consequences of the initial lack of distinction between the Taliban and al-Qaeda; the problems of coordination and competing visions between Enduring Freedom and the International Security Assistance Force; the ideological side of the war on terror which complicated the regional context; and the limited results Obama's strategy achieved. Focusing on the origins of the problems the alliance faces in Afghanistan permits better appreciation of the uniqueness of NATO's intervention and the challenge required to avert the double risk of overestimating or underestimating NATO's actual role in Afghanistan and its implications for the alliance's future. [R, abr.]
65.7238 CASPERSEN, Nina —
The international recognition of Kosovo exacerbated existing uncertainties over state recognition. By its supporters it was billed as a “unique case”, but others saw it as extending the right to self-determination. Unlike most literature on state recognition, this article adopts a bottom-up approach and analyzes how other aspiring states have reacted to the new politics of recognition. Drawing on the legitimization strategies observed in five de facto states since 2008, it argues that separatist strategies are not simply shaped by changes in the practice and norms of state recognition. They are constrained, both internally and externally. While there is greater divergence in official strategies since 2008 and a greater emphasis on international engagement, the substance of the strategies is much more homogenous and demonstrates a great deal of continuity. [R]
65.7239 CHANG, Michele; LEBLOND, Patrick —
The behavior of sovereign bond investors stands at the heart of the euro-area debt crisis. By pushing upward the yields on the government debts of member states standing in the Eurozone's periphery, investors caused, in a self-fulfilling way, the crisis that ultimately threatened the Eurozone's integrity and the euro's survival. So how do we explain the behavior of market investors before, during and after the Eurozone's sovereign debt crisis? The paper argues that investors’ confidence rests to a large extent on the expectation of the Eurozone's solidarity, which is why large-scale multilateral solutions coming from the euro area were more successful in resolving the crisis than unilateral ones coming primarily from the debtor countries. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7276]
65.7240 CHWIEROTH, Jeffrey M. —
This article shows how the design of IMF conditionality is linked to the normative orientations of the staff and their common professional training. Professional ties from similar training help to bind the staff together around a shared set of normative orientations that inform the IMF's policy goals. When borrowing-country officials do not share these orientations, the staff are motivated to tighten conditionality. This behavior also fits with staff concerns about time-inconsistency and moral hazard. I find robust statistical support for this argument using a dataset based on the professional ties that exist between the IMF staff and borrowing-country officials. [R, abr.]
65.7241 CLEGG, Peter —
The institutional relationship between the Commonwealth Caribbean and the EU dates to 1970s Lomé Convention. The agreement was seen as a high-water mark in First-Third World relations. However, since then the bond has come under concerted pressure. Today, the particularism that underpinned relations for so long has almost vanished and the EU is beginning to treat the Caribbean like any other relatively marginal region of the world. The article evaluates the reasons for this change, in particular: the scrapping of the trade protocols; the erosion of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) preference due to free-trade agreements signed by the EU; the refocusing of EU development policy towards the least developed countries; and the split in the ACP group with the creation of an ill-designed regional Economic Partnership Agreement. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7268]
65.7242 COLGAN, Jeff D.; VAN DE GRAAF, Thijs —
While the existing literature suggests that power asymmetries matter a great deal for explaining the uncodified rules and procedures that often develop within international organizations, we argue that power asymmetries alone cannot explain informal governance. Consequently, we develop two specific mechanisms through which informal governance occurs. (1) We suggest that regime complexity can act as a source of incentives and opportunities for informal governance, [which] offers an attractive way of keeping states bound to the organization and of managing complex interactions with adjacent regimes. (2) We propose that the coincidence of frozen formal structures and changing causal beliefs allows informal governance to emerge. The plausibility of our conjectures is illustrated with evidence drawn from the International Energy Agency. [R, abr.]
65.7243 COOPER, Andrew F.; POULIOT, Vincent —
Is the G20 transforming global governance, or does it reinforce the status quo? We show that G20 diplomacy often reproduces many oligarchic tendencies in global governance, while also relaxing club dynamics in some ways. On the one hand, the G20 has more inductees who operate along new rules of the game and under a new multilateral ethos of difference. But, on the other hand, the G20 still comprises self-appointed rulers, with arbitrary rules of membership and many processes of cooption and discipline. In overall terms, approaching G20 diplomacy from a practice perspective not only provides us with the necessary analytical granularity to tell the old from the new, it also sheds different light on the dialectics of stability and change on the world stage. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6525]
65.7244 COOPER, Ian —
In May 2012, national parliaments of the EU issued their first yellow card under the Early Warning Mechanism of the Treaty of Lisbon. A sufficient number of them raised objections to a legislative proposal — the Monti II Regulation regarding the right to strike — that the Commission was required to review the proposal, which it subsequently withdrew. This outcome was, demonstrably, not a coincidence but the product of extensive interparliamentary co-ordination, enabled by the initiative of one determined parliament — Denmark's Folketing — the opportunity provided by a well-timed interparliamentary meeting, and the network of national parliament representatives in Brussels. A dynamic political process was set in motion in which a number of parliaments joined the effort to obtain a yellow card by, in effect, “voting against” Monti II before the eight-week deadline. [R, abr.]
65.7245 COSTA SILVA, António; FERREIRA RODRIGUES, Teresa —
The present paper introduced the concept of energy security and the way in which the new contents outlined in this concept are adapting to a new era for energy that will hopefully be cheaper and more plentiful. The paper argues the need for a reformulation of the aforementioned concept, in light of the more recent threats, such as piracy or cyberterrorism, the implications for network security, the influence of technological challenges, the ongoing changes, the pressure on the traditional business models and “digital war”. The paper closes with a brief analysis of the challenges faced by Europe, currently and in the near future, as far as energy is concerned. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Which model of energy security?”, edited and introduced, pp. 5–10, by the authors. See also Abstr. 65.6795, 6820, 7382, 7395, 7456,7549]
65.7246 CRANDALL, Matthew; ALLAN, Collin —
This article focuses on the ability of militarily aligned small states to function as norm-entrepreneurs to increase their own state interests. This article builds on small-state foreign policy scholarship by focusing on the promising, yet underdeveloped field of norm-building. While small-state scholars have researched norm-building capabilities in non-aligned states, research has not been done on the ability of aligned small states to build norms. Since the end of the Cold War, more and more small states are turning away from neutrality in favor of security organizations, NATO in particular. Using Estonia's efforts at establishing norms in cybersecurity as a case study, this article analyzes whether Estonia's membership in NATO helps or hinders its efforts in norm-building. [R, abr.]
65.7247 CREUZBERGER, Stefan —
The annexation of the Crimea and Russia's war against Ukraine have sparked a debate over whether the West bears a share of responsibility for the military escalation. One position claims that Russia's elite feels threatened by the eastern enlargement of NATO. The West, it is said, broke a promise made during the “2+4” negotiations that it would not expand NATO to the East. This interpretation is void of any basis in fact: there was no such promise. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7440]
65.7248 CROSS, Mai'a K. Davis —
The EDA was founded in 2004 with the aim of improving the EU's defense capabilities through promoting collaboration, common initiatives, and innovative solutions to the EU's security needs. This article examines the nature of the relationship between EU Member States and the EDA. The agency has solidified a clear body of norms that it seeks Member States to implement. To a surprising extent, Member States have publically embraced these norms as necessary for the future viability of European security. But they at the same time resist implementing these norms in certain fundamental ways. Building upon the framework article of this special issue, the author applies the concepts of “public” and “hidden” transcripts to shed light on how Member States simultaneously embrace and resist norms in a climate of supranational pressure. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7319]
65.7249 CUMMING, Gordon D. —
The EU is accused of failing to assume a more prominent conflict-management role in war-torn countries. This article examines the EU's capacity and readiness to take on such a role in one such country, the former Republic of Sudan, home to Africa's longest-running civil wars and the first “genocide” of the 21st c. It outlines the EU's record in Darfur and the North-South Peace Process. Drawing upon 25 interviews and Hill's “capabilities-expectations model”, it then questions whether the EU's “capabilities” (resources, instruments, unity) were “fit for purpose” in Sudan's hostile target setting. It identifies settings that have been more propitious for a conflict-related management function and suggests that the EU should better manage expectations about future security roles. [R, abr.]
65.7250 DOWNIE, Christian —
The rapid transformation of global energy markets with a new cast of producers and consumers, which now accounts for two-thirds of global greenhouse gas emissions, has left the existing institutional architecture behind. [Despite] some discussion on the potential role of the Group of 20, there is almost no analysis of what conditions need to be met for the G-20 to act in a significant fashion. Drawing on recent scholarship in global governance, environmental politics, and international negotiations, as well as the observations of the author who is a past delegate to G-20 negotiations, this article considers the role of the G-20 in global energy governance and identifies the principal conditions that will need to be met if the G-20 is to drive more than piecemeal change. [R, abr.]
65.7251 DUINA, Francesco; MIANI, Carlo —
We argue that in Lithuania, nation-building efforts after the Cold War that sought to include the existing Russian and Polish minorities, as reflected in elite rhetoric and new legislation, have allowed for a rapid and effective transposition of EU-required norms years later. In Latvia, by contrast, nation-building took on a more nationalist character and thus excluded the existing Russian minority from becoming an integral part of society. Without an inclusive rhetorical or legislative basis, Latvia has struggled to meet the EU's minority conditionalities. Drawing from reports by the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance, the EU Commission, and other sources, we leverage the “goodness of fit” theory to better understand minority protection in former central and eastern European countries and generate insights of possible relevance for future enlargement rounds. [R, abr.]
65.7252 DUNNE, Tim; TEITT, Sarah —
This article examines institutional patterns of leadership and followership in the UN Security Council with respect to the Responsibility to Protect principle. It presents a constructivist account of leadership that sheds light on the strategies and scope of conditions for mobilizing international action to protect populations from mass atrocities. The article applies a theoretical innovation to case studies that examine strategies that India and China adopted in the Security Council to respond to the crises in Libya and Syria from 2011 to 2013. This integration of theory and empirics reveals a complex and layered account of factors that shape the Security Council's ability to exercise its Responsibility to Protect. The article demonstrates that followership and leadership are relational practices that create or limit the possibilities for institutional action. [R, abr.]
65.7253 ELOMÄKI, Anna —
Scholarship on gender and the EU has consistently pointed out that EU gender equality policies have always been embedded in the logic of the market and that the economic framing has had negative impacts on the content and concepts of these policies. This article provides novel insights into this discussion by combining a discursive approach focused on framings with insights of feminist economists and examining how the relationship between gender equality and the economy has been conceptualized in EU policy documents from the 1980s up until the present day. The article identifies the key actors and processes behind the escalation of economic arguments for gender equality and makes visible the economic assumptions that underpin EU gender equality policy. [R, abr.]
65.7254 ENGIN, Belma; BABA, Gürol —
The new millennium has allowed middle powers to extend their influence in international politics, [and] brought a new perspective to middle-power multilateralism. This study analyzes the place and functionality of the new grouping MIKTA (Mexico, Indonesia, (South) Korea, Turkey, Australia) in the evolution of “new” middle power-ism, and compares MIKTA with three significant multilateral structures n which middle powers strive to have their voices heard: G20, IBSA and BRICS. It argues that MIKTA, as a pure middle power, multilateral structure, and as the most recent product of “new” middle power-ism, provides a successful institutional framework which increases the influence of its members: the “whole” of its (burgeoning) cumulative power is greater than the sum of its individual (country) parts. [R, abr.]
65.7255 ENGSTROM, Par —
The Inter-American Human Rights System has been an integral part of the regional institutional landscape of the Americas since the mid-20th c. A progressive development of regional human rights case law is reflected in the way the system has struggled since the Cold War, and with the return to democratic rule in the region. Democratic rule as such is not a guarantee for the respect of human rights. The Inter-American Human Rights System, therefore, has gradually evolved into a transnationalized regime as the system has opened up space for transnational political activity. [R]
65.7256 FEDOTOV, Egor —
Many analyses of the role of international norms in world politics study those particular norms that can be classified as relatively robust. Furthermore, such analyses critique alternative theories which foreground the role of domestic interests in affecting the behavior of state elites, by calling into question the presumed objectivity of interests. This article shows — on the example of Russian speakers in Ukraine — that even weak and contested international norms, like the norm of language rights for national minorities, can have independent effects on the behavior and policy of state elites. The latter holds, in demonstrable terms, if state elites act in ways that militate against their most salient apparent interests. In the Ukraine case, this article argues, such “interests” are the protection of the Ukrainian language as the country's sole official language. [R, abr.]
65.7257 FINKE, Daniel —
Research on legislative behavior in the European Parliament is heavily reliant on recorded votes. Previous theoretical work has uncovered competing selection mechanisms that might cause a vote to be recorded. It has been argued that European Political Groups call the roll because the voting mode affects MEPs’ voting decisions. However, the underlying causal mechanism, as well as the size and direction of this effect, remains a matter of dispute. Drawing on a unique dataset, the article puts these arguments to an empirical test, the results suggesting that European Political Groups are more likely to call the roll if they stand to benefit from an overall lower level of voting cohesion. Moreover, I find that roll-call votes are frequently motivated by position-taking rather than by policy-seeking motives. [R, abr.]
65.7258 GÄNZLE, Stefan —
The Strategy for the Danube Region adopted in 2011 is the EU's second macro-regional strategy after the Baltic Sea Strategy. It is supposed to facilitate transnational policymaking between Danube states and societies in fields such as the transport industry, economic development, environmental protection, and cultural cooperation. However, the EU has provided little in the way of financial resources and has created no new institutions. Even if regional cooperation has yet to improve, the regional actors nonetheless have adjusted to the strategy. Better coordination and greater cooperation are to be expected. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7420]
65.7259 GEERAERT, Arnout; DRIESKENS, Edith —
This article demonstrates that the EU can curtail the autonomy of the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) and the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) by building upon insights from the principal-agent model. It explores and explains the EU's control over these organizations by mapping the actors and instruments that define EU control of FIFA and UEFA and discussing their activation and mitigation. In this light, it introduces a new perspective (exogenous control) and instrument (steering). Whether or not the EU deploys the control instruments at its disposal is defined by a constant interplay between FIFA and UEFA, their political and football principals and their EU supervisors. [R, abr.]
65.7260 GENT, Stephen E., et al. —
We explore the relationship between NGOs and their donors. Our theoretical model reveals that reputation can be a key piece of information in the decision to fund an NGO's activities. Reputation can become so important to the NGO's survival that it interferes with the long-term policy goals of the organization. As such, reputations can become a double-edged sword, simultaneously providing the information donors seek while constraining NGOs from realizing policy goals. We apply this logic to the problem of NGO accountability, which has received increasing attention in recent years, and demonstrate that the tools used by donors to improve accountability can trigger unintended consequences. We illustrate this strategic dynamic with two types of NGO activity: water improvement and international crisis mediation. [R, abr.]
65.7261 GOFF, Patricia M. —
The Alliance of Civilizations, a UN initiative that seeks to promote intercultural dialogue, is a hybrid entity that exhibits elements of networks, international organizations, and public-private partnerships, among other things. Only when we shift our gaze to its patterned activities do we discover that it might best be understood as a community of practice specializing in global-level public diplomacy. Practice-based analysis, therefore, allows a deeper understanding of the Alliance and, in turn, prompts a fresh consideration of an increasingly important form of diplomacy. I argue, in particular, that public diplomacy is not solely a national-level, state-oriented activity. In turn, this inquiry invites practice theorists to reflect on the degree of fit required to associate a unique social form with an identifiable set of patterned activities. [R] [See Abstr. 65.6525]
65.7262 GÓMEZ-MERA, Laura —
The proliferation of overlapping agreements and organizations, and the resulting density in international regimes, lead to increasing attention to the consequences of growing regime complexity on the politics and the effectiveness of global governance. This paper analyzes if the increasing density of economic regimes in the region worked strengthen or undermine the effectiveness of collaboration efforts. I discuss empirical evidence suggesting the presence and relevance of some of these mechanisms in the Americas. It is observed that competitive dynamics among states and regimes with divergent visions and objectives undermines regional cohesion and solidarity. [R]
65.7263 GRIMM, Dieter —
There is little doubt that the EU suffers from a legitimacy deficit. However, the causes of this deficit and, as a consequence, the remedies are contested. This article shows that an important, but often overlooked, cause for the legitimacy deficit lies in the overconstitutionalization of the EU. The European Treaties have been constitutionalized by the ECJ, but are full of provisions that would be ordinary law in states. What has been regulated on the constitutional level is no longer open for political decision-making. Thus, political decisions of high salience are not only withdrawn from the democratically legitimized institutions, but also immunized against political correction. Therefore, the Treaties should be reduced to those norms that reflect the functions of a constitution, whereas all the other parts have to be downgraded to the level of secondary law. [R, abr.]
65.7264 GRIMM, Sonja; MATHIS, Okka Lou —
This article assesses total EU financial flows towards the Western Balkans between 1991 and 2010. It shows that, in the short term, the majority of support has been allocated to humanitarian assistance and socio-economic development. Although the EU has declared its interest in democracy promotion, democracy assistance ranks only third on the list of its financial expenditures in the Western Balkans. Therefore, although EU financial aid is consistent with official EU programs, it is inadequate in the post-conflict context of the EU candidate and potential candidate countries that require support for democratization. [R]
65.7265 GUDERJAN, Marius —
The article explores a new, dynamic conceptual framework to understand the relations between local government and the EU. It argues that, first, the fusion approach explains the systemic linkages between European integration and corresponding change within cities, counties and municipalities. Second, fusion dynamics are slowly emerging across European and local levels, whereby competencies and resources are merging and policies become synchronized under Europe 2020 and the European Cohesion Policy. Third, the fusion approach provides an understanding of the attitudes of local actors towards European integration. In order to show the relevance of fusion, the article presents the findings of five empirical indicators: the absorption of EU policies and legislation; attention towards EU policies; institutional adaptation; EU-related action of local government and attitudes towards European integration. [R]
65.7266 GULLBERG, Anne Therese —
Norwegian energy policy is increasingly made by the EU, but as a European Economic Area (EEA) member only, Norway lacks representation in EU institutions. This article studies how key Norwegian energy companies and organizations deal with this challenge, asking whether Norwegian interest groups lobby directly in Brussels or lobby in Oslo to influence EU legislation. It finds that although Norwegian interest groups lack access to the EP and the Council of Ministers, they have access to the Commission. Still, they mainly lobby in Oslo, even to influence EU legislation. When lobbying in Brussels, they lobby early in the decision-making process and together with “good friends”, mostly European associations. A case study of the EU 2030 Framework on climate and energy illustrates this democratic challenge. [R, abr.]
65.7267 HABERMAS, Jürgen —
Can the process of European unification lead to a form of democracy that is at once supranational and situated above the organizational level of a state? The supranational federation should be constructed in such a way that the heterarchical relationship between the Member States and the federation remains intact. The author finds the basis for such an order in the idea of the EU constituted by a “doubled” sovereign — the European citizens and the European peoples (the States). In order to sustain such an order, reforms of the existing European treaties are needed. It is necessary to eliminate the legitimization deficits of the EU in a future Euro-Union — that is, a more closely integrated core Europe. [R, abr.]
65.7268 HADFIELD, Amelia —
The Commonwealth of Nations and the EU represent different facets of contemporary multilateralism, have a markedly different impact on their respective members, and yet are both formidable “hybrid” actors that can contribute to, and even constitute, global governance, while simultaneously defying easy description. Examining the concept of “soft power”, the structural and normative challenges facing both entities, the manner by which “house values” are used to define the home institution, and the specific role of development policy, this article offers a series of pragmatic policy reforms that both organizations must perforce undertake if each is to tackle successfully the 21st-c. challenge of maintaining both structural and substantive integrity. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The Commonwealth and the European Union: norms, partnerships, circulations”, edited and introduced, pp. 379–388, by Mélanie TORRENT and Virginie ROIRON. See also Abstr. 65.7241, 7323, 7337]
65.7269 HAMMERSTAD, Anne —
This article shows that in many ways India has been a humanitarian pioneer, and connects the norms and values of the international humanitarian regime with India's own philosophical, religious and democratic traditions. It also discusses how Indian policy-makers have critiqued the current UN-led international humanitarian regime and investigates how the government of an increasingly powerful and influential Commonwealth country from the South interacts with an international regime created in Europe. [R, abr.]
65.7270 HANEGRAAFF, Marcel, et al. —
This article explains varying levels of transnational advocacy initiated by domestic organized interests. Theoretically, we integrate the constraining and enabling impact of the domestic context with factors related to global opportunity structures. We test our hypotheses with an original data-set consisting of all national organized interests that attended the Ministerial Conferences of the WTO, in the period 1995 through 2011. Instead of viewing transnational advocacy as a reaction to a lack of domestic political attention and an attempt to compensate for domestic deprivation, our analyses actually show the opposite. Organized interests that originate from democratic, mostly wealthy countries, and that enjoy robust access to domestic resources, are much more responsive to shifts in the global policy agenda. [R, abr.]
65.7271 HEIDBREDER, Eva G. —
The article focuses on two flagship initiatives — the Open Method of Coordination and online consultations — in which the EU aimed to improve democratic legitimacy through collaborative governance. Offering an analytical framework to scrutinize the large body of existing theoretical and empirical research, the article concludes that not only were the high expectations on the effects of applied governance disappointed, the results also hint at larger, more general implications for the governance concept that, in contrast to the high expectations, appears to be indeed strongly dependent on government-like conditions to operate successfully. [R] [See Abstr. 65.6309]
65.7272 HENÖKL, Thomas; TRONDAL, Jarle —
Formulating and implementing public policy in Europe has historically been a core task of national administrations. This study suggests how this role has become challenged in a least likely policy field — foreign affairs. It reassesses the autonomy of the European External Action Service (EEAS) by examining actor-level autonomy of EEAS staff, while also suggesting key determinants thereof. Two conditions of actor-level autonomy are empirically illuminated: bureaucratic structure and the geographical location of the EEAS. Benefiting from two novel data-sets which include a survey and élite interviews of EEAS officials, [we conclude that] actor-level autonomy is not only profound, but largely supplied by in-house organizational factors. [R, abr.]
65.7273 HODSON, Dermot —
This paper [examines] the IMF's evolving relationship with the EU before and after the global financial crisis of 2007–2008. Prior to this crisis, the two sides operated on parallel tracks with little scope for mutual adjustment even during the economic turmoil of the 1970s. After the global financial crisis, the IMF emerged as a de facto institution of the EU thanks to European leaders’ delegation of supervisory powers to both the Fund and the European Commission. The reasons for, and consequences of, this dual delegation are explored here by means of a multiple supervisor variation on the classic principal-agent-supervisor approach. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7276]
65.7274 HOLLAND, Andrew —
In order to effectively solve the problem of climate change, we need a paradigm shift in how policy-makers discuss the issue. We should stop thinking of climate change as purely an environmental problem. That categorization allows national leaders to place it in a policy ghetto that only environmental campaigners like Greenpeace or the Sierra Club care about. Instead, policy-makers have to realize that climate change affects all areas of society — national security, economic growth, energy production, natural disasters, development, and agricultural production to name just a few. It is not an exaggeration to say that, if climate change is not addressed, solving each of these problems could become nearly impossible. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “Beyond Kyoto: policy implications of climate change”. See also Abstr. 65.6416, 7297, 7557]
65.7275 HOLT, Blaine D. —
A resurgent and aggressive Russia, refugee flows and terrorists, and rising anti-Semitism and xenophobia are all sitting on an economic house of cards with unity in Europe coming apart. Soberly stated, Europe is at the cliff's edge and the time for action is now. What action? A voracious 24-hour media cycle and rapidly developing crises seem to have leaders pinned in a caustic loop of act-react. Given that the top challenges of the day affect each of the European capitals differently, in terms of impact to national interests, it is little wonder that finding consensus, either at the EU or NATO, is difficult. [R, abr.]
65.7276 HOWARTH, David; QUAGLIA, Lucia —
This special issue has two main aims: to examine the contribution of political economy analyses of the sovereign debt crisis and to relate these findings to longstanding debates in the sub-disciplines of comparative political economy, international political economy and European economic governance. This introduction reviews the comparative political economy literature on national financial systems in order to account for the playing out of the crisis. It then examines the international political economy literature on the IMF and financial (sovereign debt) markets that played such a key role in the unfolding of the sovereign debt crisis. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title. See Abstr. 65.6815, 7239, 7273, 7293, 7321, 7572]
65.7277 IŞLEYEN, Beste —
This article [examines] the nature and operation of EU support for development following Arab mass movements. It examines the EU's Twinning instrument in Egypt and Tunisia through a neoliberal governmentality framework, with a major focus on visualizations, technologies and subject-formation. This approach enables us to observe the application of an agenda through which Twinning intervenes into non-economic domains of governance in the target countries and aims at shaping these spheres by economic rationalities and techniques. By constructing change around local governance capabilities, the Twinning program renders Tunisian and Egyptian socio-economic development open to enterprise-based, calculative and professionalized operations that make local conditions serviceable to neoliberal governing patterns, linkages and practices of business, capital production and investment. [R, abr.]
65.7278 JOHANSSON-NOGUÉS, Elisabeth —
Relations between the EU and the League of Arab States have seen a new impetus in recent years. A new meeting structure was adopted in 2012 and a new work program that encompasses the fields of energy, culture, empowerment of women, legal affairs, human rights, humanitarian assistance, crisis management and electoral processes has been launched. In 2014 the parties agreed to pursue deepened institutional contacts and cooperation through an EU-LAS Strategic Dialogue to discuss regional conflicts and terrorism. This Profile outlines the main traits of the new EU-Arab League dialogue. We note that the EU-LAS dialogue allows the EU to overcome some of the shortcomings of other frameworks of EU-Arab cooperation, although others still remain. [R]
65.7279 KACARSKA, Simonida —
This paper examines the conditionality in relation to fundamental rights during and after the visa liberalization dialogues that took place between the European Commission and national governments of the Western Balkans countries in 2009 and 2010. Conceptually, this paper uses the visa liberalization to study the interactions between the conditionality mechanism and securitization paradigm in the context of the EU justice, freedom and security area. Analyzing both the formal benchmarking process and data from stakeholders’ interviews, this paper demonstrates the securitization and side-lining of fundamental rights during and in the aftermath of the visa negotiations. As a result, this paper informs of unwanted effects of conditionality and questions the role of the EU in promoting fundamental rights. [R] [See Abstr. 65.6708]
65.7280 KAHN-NISSER, Sara —
The article examines whether European countries’ collective labor standards are converging and if so why. It presents new data on labor protection in 45 European countries and shows that the EU is a labor standards convergence club. It reviews the soft and hard instruments which the EU adopted in order to promote labor standards. The article models the competition, emulation and learning convergence mechanisms using a spatial econometric approach, and shows that EU countries learn from each other's successes and emulate one another. The article thus presents new evidence of the mixture of domestic and cross-national factors which shape labor standards in Europe. It provides evidence showing that soft co-ordination is an effective instrument which has had a positive impact on labor standards, and has led to horizontal convergence in the EU. [R, abr.]
65.7281 KAROLEWSKI, Ireneusz Pawel; MEHLHAUSEN, Thomas; SUS, Monika —
The point of departure of this article is limited systematic research on the rotating EU Council Presidency after the Lisbon Treaty. In order to assess rotating presidencies the paper proposes a three-tier approach which includes a functional, a behavioral and a contingency dimension. These dimensions are supplemented by the institutional changes of the Lisbon Treaty referring to the rotating presidencies. Next, the paper applies this evaluation framework to the Polish Presidency that took place in the second half of 2011. Finally, it draws conclusions from the Polish case for both the leadership capacity of the rotating Council Presidency in the post-Lisbon EU and the performance of Poland's EU Council Presidency. [R]
65.7282 KFIR, Isaac —
After reviewing the alliance's Military Concept Against Terrorism (MCAT), the deliberations of the 2012 Chicago and 2014 Wales Summits, and the EU's CSDP, this article explores two propositions: (1) that the vacillating commitment of alliance members who chose to address security issues through EU mechanisms or optional coalitions of the willing threatens NATO's relevance. If NATO's members are unclear about the alliance's agenda and identity, others cannot know what the alliance is willing to do to protect its interests. (2) Developing Military Concept against Terrorism and Smart Defense along a human security framework coupled with maritime operations would enable the alliance to better satisfy the needs of its European members, allowing them to employ NATO to support the EU's CDSP, and ensure a continued reliance on NATO. [R, abr]
65.7283 KINGAH, Stephen; ZWARTJES, Marieke —
Through increased cooperation, transatlantic policy networks have been able to sharpen the tools used to combat the laundering of funds used for illicit ends including terrorism finance. After the attacks on 11 September 2001, rules were adopted on both sides of the Atlantic to restrict the flow of funds for terrorist purposes. This article captures some of the recent trends in cooperation between the EU and the US in addressing the issue of money-laundering for terrorism finance. It assesses how the EU engages with the financial action task force whose mandate was modified after 9/11 to also cater for money that is laundered to fund terrorist activities. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7226]
65.7284 KNAUS, Gerald —
A few years ago, Europe's most important intergovernmental human-rights institution, the Council of Europe, crossed over to the dark side. Like Dorian Gray, the dandy in Oscar Wilde's story of moral decay, it sold its soul. And as with Dorian Gray, who retained his good looks, the inner decay of the Council of Europe remains hidden from view. [R]
65.7285 KNUTSEN, Bjørn Olav —
Taking a liberal-institutionalist approach, this article studies the relationship between NATO's core task of collective defense and the other tasks it has conducted since the end of the Cold War, primarily international stabilization operations. The article concludes that one of the main challenges to alliance solidarity, as we have witnessed in several NATO operations, is that NATO, which was initially established to ensure US commitment to European security, has been transformed during recent years into an alliance where the European allies have become more engaged in United States’ global engagements. I argue that if in coming years NATO is to be an effective alliance, the European influence within it must become stronger and its primary task must be a return to collective defense. [R, abr.]
65.7286 KUUS, Merje —
This paper investigates the workings of symbolic power in diplomatic practice. At the level of empirical observation, it focuses on the intangible and incalculable “feel for the game” that distinguishes a well-informed and relaxed insider from an ill-informed and ill-at-ease outsider in EU diplomatic circles in Brussels. By highlighting the play of social resources, such as reputation, presence, poise, and composure in these circles, I examine EU diplomacy from an angle — symbolic power — that is often overlooked in the existing work on that field. Conceptually, the analysis focuses on the role of informal social resources rather than formal institutional structures in diplomatic practice. It also outlines the potential synergies between the study of diplomacy in IR on the one hand and geography, anthropology, and sociology on the other. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6525]
65.7287 LARSSON, Anders Olof —
Although conceptual efforts have often suggested that the internet harbors considerable possibilities to revolutionize political participation, empirical studies have often presented rather limited impacts in this regard. Nevertheless, novel online services such as Twitter are still pointed to as having potential to be employed by citizens and politicians alike. Utilizing state-of-the-art data-collection methods, this study builds on the suggestions of previous research and gauges the degree to which EU parliamentarians make use of Twitter for so-called permanent campaigning. Specifically, the paper seeks to assess the degree to which Twitter use by EP representatives can be described as being characterized by permanence — a concept related to the professionalization of political campaigns. [R, abr.]
65.7288 LEAL-ARCAS, Rafael; RÍOS, Juan Alemany; GRASSO, Costantino —
The article looks at the creation of a single EU energy market through the integration of energy networks in the EU. It then examines various ways to diversify its energy supply, whether through increasing the import of liquefied natural gas or through its relations with the Eurasian Union. It then explores the International Energy Charter as an example of the EU's engagement with transnational policy networks. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7226]
65.7289 LEQUESNE, Christian —
Using interviews with officials from the EEAS, the European Commission, and national ministries of foreign affairs, this paper shows how the study of practice aids understanding of the nature of the EEAS. As a new institution, the EEAS lends itself particularly well to practice-based study because new institutions must develop new practices. The article first defines the notion of practice and shows the importance of historicizing the struggles around practices in understanding the creation of the EEAS. The second section demonstrates how agents’ practices shape professional cultures within the EEAS. The third section highlights the relationship between practices and rule-making. The conclusion focuses on the importance of analyzing actors’ practices for understanding the current evolution of diplomacy and international relations in general. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6525]
65.7290 LIAO, Steven; McDOWELL, Daniel —
China has promoted the international use of its national currency, the Renminbi (RMB). As part of these efforts, the People's Bank of China (PBC) has negotiated 25 bilateral currency-swap agreements (BSAs) with foreign central banks. These make it easier for firms in both China and its partner countries to settle cross-border trade and direct investment in RMB. We explain why China and these countries cooperate via BSAs. We theorize that trade and direct investment interdependence relate to dyadic BSA cooperation via two mechanisms: financing insulation from international liquidity shocks and reduced transaction costs of cross-border exchange for local firms. Our empirical analysis finds that both de facto trade interdependence and de jure economic integration via PTAs and BITs increase the probability of BSA cooperation between China and partners. [R, abr.]
65.7291 LITSKAY, Dmitry —
The issue of admitting new members has recently become one of the key priorities on the agenda of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). The adoption of crucial documents at the September 2014 SCO meeting has crowned a long and complicated process of forming a legal basis for expanding the Organization's membership, thus offering new opportunities for a consolidated political decision by member states which will allow starting negotiations with candidate members. If the SCO throws its doors open to New Delhi and Islamabad, and possibly to Tehran in the foreseeable future, it would automatically turn into a political structure that will be able to radically alter the Eurasian alignment of forces.
65.7293 MABBETT, Deborah; SCHELKLE, Waltraud —
For many political economists, the loss of monetary sovereignty is the major reason why the Southern periphery fared so badly in the euro-area crisis. Monetary sovereignty here means the ability of the central bank to devalue the exchange rate or to buy government debt by printing the domestic currency. We explore this diagnosis by comparing three countries — Hungary, Latvia and Greece — that received considerable amounts of external assistance under different monetary regimes. The evidence does not suggest that monetary sovereignty helped Hungary and Latvia to stabilize their economies. Rather, cooperation and external assistance made foreign banks share in the costs of stabilization. By contrast, the provision of liquidity by the European Central Bank inadvertently facilitated the reduction of foreign banks’ exposure to Greece which left the Greek sovereign even more exposed. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7276]
65.7294 MACIEL, Carolina T.; MOL, Arthur P. J.; BOCK, Bettina B. —
To understand the contemporary trade politics of animal welfare, an empirical investigation was conducted on the interplay between European and Brazilian actors in the context of livestock production. By drawing upon diplomatic studies and the global governance literature, this study identifies and analyzes initiatives that parallel the WTO approach and through which the development and implementation of mutually acceptable farm animal welfare measures have been pursued. Research findings indicate that a constellation of international non-diplomatic actors are currently engaged in influencing the future development of farm animal welfare measures. Among the initiatives that enable the alignment of European and Brazilian animal welfare policies and practices, there are soft instruments such as knowledge-sharing and private standards. [R, abr.]
65.7295 MARTINSEN, Dorte Sindbjerg —
In the examination of the interaction between judicial and legislative politics, scholars have disagreed on the degree of judicial power and the ability of politics to override unwanted jurisprudence. In this debate, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has become famous for its central and occasionally controversial role in European integration. This article examines to what extent and under which conditions judicial decisions influence EU social policy outputs. A taxonomy of judicial influence is constructed, and expectations of institutional and political conditions on judicial influence are presented. The analysis draws on an extensive novel data-set and examines judicial influence on EU social policies over time, between 1958 and 2014, as well as for case studies of working-time regulations and patients’ rights. [R, abr.]
65.7296 MATIÈRE, Jean-Pierre —
The consequences of the 2008 financial shock showed the Eurozone's weakness. The crisis is closely related to the zone's creation and is therefore of a structural nature. Thus the concept of optimum monetary zone, the analysis of the European policy mix, and the concept of normal economic convergence allow to show the Eurozone works as a machine to create economic unevenness between its members, nourishing and amplifying the external and budget balances of some of them, and how the successive enlargement of that monetary space helped increase those phenomena and the difficulty of their management. A number of lessons need to be learned from that crisis, by wondering about technical, institutional and political institutions, which could help reduce, if not solve, [its] acuteness. [R, abr.]
65.7297 MATTHEW, Richard A. —
As climate science has rippled through the symbolic orders of humankind and different groups of experts and non-experts have processed this cascade of information, it has become clear that the world's response to climate change has, to date, been remarkably weak. Our security, our welfare, our health, and our status as moral beings are all being compromised by this weak response. The climate negotiations scheduled for 2015, however, provide an opportunity to shift from weakness to strength. I argue that peace-building, which unites security, welfare, health, and justice into a framework for collaborative capacity-building, provides one viable platform for making this shift. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7274]
65.7298 MESA, Adela; MARTÍNEZ-MONJE, Pedro M. —
Digital inclusion has emerged as an institutional objective of European policies on information society since the last fifteen years in response to the potential risk of an increase in the digital divide with the European society. Content analysis of the European Commission plans and ministerial declarations — that constitute these policies — reveals a change in the treatment of the access to and the use of Information Technology and Communication (ICT), most clearly visible when these policies are associated with the development of e-Government. The main change is from the initial approaches focused on the social benefits of ICT access and its use to new approaches in which such social benefits are subject to technological development — mainly by extending broadband connections. This finding is especially relevant in the discussion of access to and the use of e-Government, more precisely the e-Administration services. [R]
65.7299 MEZZETTI, Petra; CESCHI, Sebastiano —
The article reviews selected initiatives undertaken at the UN and European level, whereby institutional representatives engage with CSOs in furthering migration policies. These initiatives and platforms may constitute transnational policy networks (TPNs). It explores signals towards the consolidation of more structured and “hard” forms of participatory policy-making on migration issues, as well as obstacles present in this engagement dynamic. The key question addressed is whether and how European institutions have engaged with the TPNs in the field of migration. The article also explores how some of the TPNs influence institutional policy-making at the EU level. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7226]
65.7300 NEUHOLD, Christine; DOBBELS, Mathias —
The Lisbon Treaty has substantially extended the co-legislative rights of the EP. This raises the general question of how the EP organizes itself internally in order to be able to maximize its input into the legislative process. In the quest of information processing, it is likely that officials inside the EP gain in importance. The article thus clarifies the conditions under which these EP officials impact on the EU policy process and as such can influence policy outcomes. The analysis is based on case studies from five different policy domains. The observations reflect that under certain conditions EP officials play a steering role in the EU decision-making process. [R, abr.]
65.7301 NOVÁKY, Niklas I.M. —
In December 2014, the EU launched its Advisory Mission in Ukraine (EUAM). Although its main purpose is to mentor and advise Ukrainian officials on civilian Security Sector Reform, this article argues that its deployment was driven by a broader geopolitical logic, i.e., to soft-balance Russia. Following Russia's annexation of Crimea in March 2014, international perceptions of Moscow's intentions turned increasingly ambivalent. Due to EU member states’ divergent interests vis-à-vis Russia and the union's lack of hard-balancing capabilities, the only feasible means available to the EU to deal with the situation in Ukraine were diplomatic and economic pressure, i.e., sanctions. However, whereas sanctions are designed to compel Russia to solve her ongoing conflict with Ukraine diplomatically, the EU is also undertaking soft-balancing measures that allow it to undermine Russia's interests in Ukraine without confronting her directly. [R, abr.]
65.7302 PACHECO PARDO, Ramon; RANA, Pradumna B. —
Three decades of financial crises culminating in the global financial crisis have prompted the development of multilayered global financial governance. This article examines the relationship between the global and regional layers by analyzing the case of the global and ASEAN+3 financial safety nets. Making use of regime theory, we examine the evolution of the characteristics, main institutions, goals, and behavioral expectations of these two nets. The article argues that the ASEAN+3 regional financial safety net, which was mostly developed following the East Asian financial crisis of 1997, complements rather than undermines the global financial safety net. Similar characteristics, goals, and behavioral expectations underpin this complementarity. [R]
65.7304 PAPASTAVRIDIS, Efthymios —
EUNAVFOR Operation Atalanta has been the first maritime operation of the EU and it has certainly been successful given the significant decrease of pirate attacks off the Somali coast. However, various issues have been raised concerning its legal basis under international law and its legal framework, including questions of responsibility. These issues are particularly interesting since the EU has a more integrated legal order than other organizations involved in such operation (e.g., UN, NATO). The article addresses these issues against the background of international and European law. [R. abr.]
65.7305 PARIZEK, Michal; HOSLI, Madeleine O.; PLECHANOVOVA, Běla —
Why does the Council of the EU continue to function without apparent problems, despite the increase in the number and heterogeneity of its members brought about by the Eastern enlargement? We argue that the reason why the Council has not become paralyzed lies in the increased delegation of its agenda load from the ministerial meetings downwards to the Committee of Permanent Representatives (Coreper). We assess our argument on the basis of quantitative analysis of the amount of the so-called A-points (decided by Coreper) and B-points (decided by ministers) on the Council agenda in the years 2000 through 2007. We argue that Coreper's permanent nature and its broad scope of agenda coverage enabled delegation from ministerial meetings and thus helped the Council cope with the larger and more heterogeneous membership. [R, abr.]
65.7306 PÉREZ BERNÁRDEZ, Carmela —
This study shows a complex and successful creation of synergies between the EU and the Council of Europe as exemplified by the activity of the European Union Agency of Fundamental Rights (FRA). The aim of the paper is twofold: first, it examines how the Agency has evolved since its inception a little less than a decade ago. In this sense, the analysis of recent improvement proposals presented by the FRA to the EC enables us to access the gradual overcoming of the low profile with which it was designed. Secondly, it outlines the system of institutional cooperation that has been established between the EU and the Council of Europe with a conventional base, complemented by the use of informal channels of relationships, allowing feedback from their respective policies. On this framework, the FRA and the Council of Europe have passed from their initial tension to effective collaboration, avoiding overlapping to enable both to perform their work in the field of human rights, with representatives of the Council of Europe contributing with strong participation in the organic life of the FRA and vice versa. Finally, in view of the growing role of the FRA, the study emphasizes the need to maintain a coherent European human rights policy to which both parties will have to make the necessary adjustments to maintain their synergies, introducing multilevel cooperation in the field of FRA's activity and choosing a more focused manner to implement joint projects. [R]
65.7307 PETER, Mateja —
Mandates of recent peacekeeping operations across Africa have shown substantial innovation in the thinking of the UN Security Council. The UN is entering a new era of enforcement peacekeeping, [seen] both in enforcement of political solutions through support of a government's state-building ambitions and its attempts to extend state authority in the midst of conflict and in enforcement of military victories through the offensive use of force. These developments further unsettle the basic principles of UN peacekeeping — consent, impartiality, and nonuse of force — resulting in a schism between the doctrine and practice. This contribution argues that such fundamental challenges, when not properly acknowledged, create a wall between operational activities and strategic considerations. They preclude a proper debate on the problematic externalities, in particular on political processes and peace-building. [R, abr.]
65.7308 PITAKDUMRONGKIT, Kaewkamol —
This paper studies the roles of co-chairs in international negotiations. It scrutinizes co-chairs’ effectiveness, defined as an ability to shape agreement details in one's direction, to better understand chairs’ and co-chairs’ influence in negotiations. I argue that a co-chair's effectiveness is not a function of resource-possession, but is rooted in its resource-management, or ability to convert the existing resources into bargaining influence. To validate my argument, I analyze the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization (CMIM) negotiation rounds from 2005 to 2010, focusing on the members’ financial contributions and vote-shares. [R]
65.7309 PITAKDUMRONGKIT, Kaewkamol —
This article studies the roles of ASEAN country coordinators in shaping negotiation outcomes. “Effectiveness” is the ability to shape outcomes in one's direction. This paper argues that a coordinator's effectiveness is rooted in resource-management, not resource-possession. To be effective, the coordinator must turn the resources at hand into bargaining leverage vis-à-vis the others. To validate the argument, this paper demonstrates how Thailand, taking advantage of its coordinator position, advanced the talks on the Code of Conduct of the South China Sea resulting in the first formal consultation in September 2013. [R]
65.7310 PLESSIX, Caroline du —
This article deals with the resistance of France, Germany and the UK (EU3) to comply with the EU norms regarding the (future) borders of Israel and Palestine. It focuses on the issue of Israel's exports to the EU originating from the settlements, and on EU companies operating in settlements in East Jerusalem. The EU3's reactions differ when it comes to ensure the implementation of the EU soft law regarding the two-state solution, and more particularly the issue of future borders. Yet, they all reflect the Member States’ resistance to directly enforce CFSP norms on this matter. This article argues that conflicting objectives related to this issue between Member States and the EU and among national actors account for the EU3's resistance attitudes. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7319]
65.7311 POMORSKA, Karolina; VANHOONACKER, Sophie —
The article discusses the resistance to norms in CFSP by focusing on the European External Action Service (EEAS). It defines the norms associated with the EEAS as: (1) close cooperation by the Member States with the EEAS, (2) sharing information and (3) abstaining from influencing staff of one's own nationality and Seconded National Experts (SNEs). We analyze the types of resistance and explain why the Member States choose to resist the norms related to the organization they had previously created. Even if soft rules may at first seem to be less costly than hard laws, their less constraining nature does not automatically imply less resistance. All three types of instruments identified by S. Saurugger and F. Terpan have been used for resistance with information and communication being the most commonly employed. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7319]
65.7312 RASHCHUPKINA, Yuliya —
The experience of the EU in promoting climate-change actions among its member states and in sustaining collaboration with private actors can serve as an exemplary and learning tool for transnational policy networks across continents. And the size of the EU's market together with its governance structure provides it with a common legitimate voice at the international arena for climate-change decision-making. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7226]
65.7313 REIN, Conrad —
Peace and security policy constitutes the main focus of cooperation between the EU and the African Union under the 2007 Joint Africa-EU Strategy and the current Roadmap 2014–2017. Peace and security is a major topic because, according to the Conflict Barometer 2014, Africa remains the most conflict-prone continent in the world. In the past two decades, various actors, including the UN, Africa's Regional Economic Communities, the EU, ad hoc coalitions and individual states have launched a large number of peacekeeping operations in Africa. Despite some successes, there have also been significant failures and challenges. Consequently, there is an ongoing debate about peacekeeping in Africa and the participation of the EU in supporting such operations. [R, abr.]
65.7314 ROLDÁN BARBERO, Javier —
The article analyzes the territorial application of EU Law from the International Law point of view. This approach is developed in two separate but interconnected parts, i.e. the internal and external dimension of the European integration. From the internal perspective, International Law is presented as the main regulator of the territorial limits and particularities of member states and the functional competence over the territory of the EU. At the same time, the spatial and material expansive strength of the Union puts into question well-established International Law concepts and relegates the application of this legal order. However, International Law appears as a humanitarian watchdog of the security goals of the EU, particularly in relation to its external borders. Concerning the external dimension, its variable geometry, as well as its unilateral, bilateral, regional and universal scope are highlighted, taking into account the subsidiarity principle as a guide and extraterritoriality as a possibility. The mutual influences between European and non-European legal orders, the neighborhood policy and the territorial peculiarities of the other party are also analyzed. [R]
65.7315 ROLLET, Vincent; AMAYA, Ana B. —
This article examines the nature of the engagement between the EU and the Global Fund created to combat HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. The authors reveal that in relations between the EU and the Fund, influence is reciprocal although asymmetrical with the EU commanding more leverage. They also contend that the EU considers its engagement with the Global Fund as successful to the extent that the success of this interaction is contingent on the Global Fund's capacity for implementation. They conclude that the relationship between the EU and the Fund will continue for the foreseeable future. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7226]
65.7316 ROSSER, Andrew; BREMNER, Sharna —
The World Bank's health sector projects in Timor-Leste have been among the few operations it has funded in that country that have achieved any sort of positive results. This paper examines the factors underpinning their relative success and considers the wider lessons for the delivery of effective aid in the context of peace-building operations in fragile contexts. We argue that political economy factors played an important role in shaping the relative success of these projects, extending and revising an earlier analysis by Rosser. In terms of wider lessons, we argue for a more political understanding of the determinants of aid effectiveness. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6381]
65.7317 RÜHLE, Michael —
Russia's new assertiveness forces NATO to put greater emphasis on reassuring its easternmost member states about the credibility of the Allies’ collective defense commitment. This is to be accomplished through the “Readiness Action Plan”, which foresees a greater rotational military presence in Central and Eastern Europe. However, the Allies will seek to ensure that this re-emphasis on collective defense in Europe will not come at the expense of expeditionary missions at Europe's periphery or beyond. Finding a compromise between collective defense and crisis-management, as well as between hedging against Russia and seeking ways to constructively re-engage, amount to a complex double balancing act. Hence, the idea that NATO could somehow be rejuvenated by the Ukraine crisis is underestimating the challenges that the Allies now confront. [R]
65.7318 SADIKI, Larbi —
It may be argued that there is an undeniable “Arab Spring effect”, which has unleashed a largely uncontrollable chain of events, stimulating or setting in motion the idea of change, civic and/or unruly. From this perspective, the Arab Spring can best be labeled as “midwife” to all kinds of aspiring actors, forces, voices and discourses whose quest for change had been put on the backburner when the uprisings erupted in 2011. States are no exception. To elaborate on this line of argument, I contextualize change, before and after the Arab Spring, addressing how politics is organized in the Arab region. Second, the GCC's “story” with the Arab Spring is disaggregated, with special reference to Qatar's bold new politics. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7528]
65.7319 SAURUGGER, Sabine; TERPAN, Fabien —
We consider the EU's CFSP as a policy producing norms [like] any other EU public policy. Drawing on the literature on soft law and the one on non-compliance with EU law, we focus on compliance with CFSP norms at the domestic level. [Our] approach allows us to explain why national administrations do — or do not — comply with CFSP soft law. Our model is based on four hypotheses pertaining to the presence or absence of (legal and non-legal) sanctions, the number of veto-players, the financial stakes and the normative distance between the European rule and the norm hitherto defended by the national administrations. We apply this model to Germany, Greece, Poland and the UK. Other examples are given by the other articles in this special issue. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 65.7248, 7310, 7311, 7320, 7336, 7476]
65.7320 SCHNELL, Fiona; TERPAN, Fabien —
The decision to create European Operational Headquarters (Ops Centre) was taken by the Council in December 2004. The Centre was to plan and run a specific operation, in particular where a joint civil/military response was required. [However], the Member States seem to be rather hesitant with regards to the use of the Ops Centre. In 2012, the Council activated the Ops Centre in order to coordinate and increase synergies between the three CSDP missions in the Horn of Africa. The article looks at how the Member States have/have not implemented the decisions on the EU Ops Centre, and why they have/have not resisted the norm consisting of activating the Operations Centre. We study resistance attitudes from the part of the Member States, and analyze the four hypotheses set out in the introductory article. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7319]
65.7321 SCHWARZER, Daniela —
Since the financial crisis hit the EU in 2007/8, the governance structures of the euro area have undergone significant changes, most of them incremental. There is, however, one substantial innovation: the euro area's building of its capacity to deal with liquidity crises in member states. This article explains why the governments, which initially seemed to converge on a euro-area-only approach, decided to shape their crisis-management structures around an external actor, the IMF. It argues that the concept of learning under severe time-constraints and external pressure helps to understand the sudden decisions taken on crisis-management and governance reform which embed the IMF in the euro area. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7276]
65.7322 SEEBERG, Peter —
Taking its point of departure in how specific regional organizations function and interact in the Mediterranean, this article shows to what degree this institutional setup has influenced the developments in the Arab Mediterranean states after the Arab revolts. The analysis is theoretically founded in the new institutionalism tradition. Furthermore, a regionalism perspective is applied, touching on discussions related to European normative ambitions. It is demonstrated that the regional organizations only to a limited degree have contributed to democratization processes or to democratic consolidation in a post-Arab Spring context, and it is argued that it seems unlikely that these organizations in the future will develop into tools for democratization in the Mediterranean region. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7171]
65.7323 SHAW, Timothy M. —
The continuing “global” crisis has accelerated divergences between regions, especially between the “rising” global South, the EU of the PIIGS (Portugal, Ireland, Italy, Greece and Spain) and Cyprus, which belongs to both the Commonwealth and the EU. This article studies the emerging “vertical” divergences between the EU and the global South, especially around the so-called Economic Partnership Agreements, and the parallel “horizontal” divergences among Anglophone, Francophone (the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie) and Lusophone (the Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa) Commonwealths, with their inheritance of emulation and competition. It focuses on the possibilities of enhanced human/citizen security to propose an analysis that challenges established perspectives and points towards prospects for Commonwealth “schools” of international relations/development. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7268]
65.7324 SLAUGHTER, Steven —
While debates about the legitimacy of the G20 are important and ongoing, they overlook the important observation that the G20 is also attempting to perform a key role in legitimizing global capitalism. This role of legitimizing global capitalism emphasizes the importance of the G20 to act, and be seen to act, to normalize global capitalism, to strengthen global economic governance, and also facilitate a political consensus with regard to key policy issues. This essay critically examines the role that the G20 plays in legitimizing global capitalism and contends that the G20 is not just a technical forum of international policymaking but also a political forum for creating and performing visible responses to problems which are seen to be socially responsive. [R, abr.]
65.7325 SOHN Yul —
Prime Minister Abe Shinzo's decision to enter talks on the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) has been a game-changer in the competition over Asia Pacific free trade agreements (FTAs). His move helped to create a space for multilateral, mega-FTA competition before South Korea could fully prepare and implement its “global FTA hub strategy” predicated on bilateral deals. I provide an overview of South Korea's evolving strategies toward FTAs and explore how it has responded to the “Abe effect”. My focus is on two challenges for South Korea in participating in the TPP: US geopolitical pressure once Japan entered negotiations, and the de facto FTA negotiations with Japan under the TPP. Dealing with Japan is an especially tall order given the troubled history of South Korea-Japan economic and political relations. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7473]
65.7326 STERNBERG, Claudia S. —
This paper addresses the relationship between political legitimacy arising from a link with the “will of the people”, and political legitimacy arising from beneficial consequences for them. Questioning the common assumption of an inherent trade-off between “input” and “output legitimacy”, it suggests that the two necessarily go together, and that their relationship is continuously reconstructed through discursive contestation. These claims are first substantiated conceptually, in reference to the legitimacy literature in EU Studies, which is situated in the broader fields of Political Theory and Comparative Politics. In a second step, the argument is developed on the grounds of empirical case material: an interpretive, non-quantitative reconstruction of the changing discourses on EU legitimacy by the European institutions from the 1950s to the early 2000s. [R]
65.7327 STÖCKEL, Florian —
Following K. Deutsch's transactionist framework (1953), this study tests the role of social interactions for community-building in Europe. Insights from social psychology and political science are used to derive hypotheses on the causal role of contact. Data come from a novel panel survey that includes a sample of about 1200 German students who were surveyed before, during, and after a study abroad as well as a control group. The results indicate that social interactions among a diverse set of Europeans is most effective in contributing to a collective European identity. However, social interactions have a very limited effect on attitudes towards the EU as a political institution. [R] [See Abstr. 65.6429]
65.7328 TAN See Seng —
This paper [argues]: (1) Japan has played an instrumental role in helping to define the shape and substance of multilateralism in Asia in ways deeper than scholarly literature on Asia's regional architecture has allowed. A key driving force behind Japan's contributions is the perceived utility of multilateralism in facilitating Japan's engagement of and/or balancing against China. (2) Japan has been able to achieve this because of the US's support for Asian multilateralism and Japanese security interests. (3) In the light of Japan's longstanding aim to become a normal military power and adopt a more assertive policy toward China, Japan-US security ties are likely to deepen with negative consequences for Asian multilateralism. How Japan balances its normalization with a continued engagement with multilateralism could be key to a stable and secure Asia. [R, abr.]
65.7329 THOMANN, Eva —
EU implementation research has neglected situations when member states go beyond the minimum requirements prescribed in EU directives (gold-plating). The top-down focus on compliance insufficiently accounts for the fact that positive integration actually allows member states to transcend the EU's requirements to facilitate context-sensitive problem-solving. This study adopts a bottom-up implementation perspective. Moving beyond compliance, it introduces the concept of “customization” to depict how transposition results in tailor-made solutions in a multilevel system. The study analyzes the hitherto unexplored veterinary drug regulations of four member states. Using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis and formal theory evaluation, this article assesses how policy and country-level factors interact. [R, abr.]
65.7330 VAN ESCH, Femke; SWINKELS, Marij —
The Greek announcement of its excessive debts led to one of the most severe crises the EU has faced since its inception. The crisis soon evolved into a full leadership crisis as European political leaders struggled to come up with a common solution to the challenges they faced. Theories of leadership and crisis-management identify several factors that may contribute to these differences. This article examines to what extent leaders’ personal traits and external pressure influenced how six political leaders made sense of the situation. The study finds that a leader's belief that they can control events, their self-confidence, as well as economic pressure provide a partial explanation of how European leaders make sense of the crisis. [R, abr.]
65.7331 VANNONI, Matia —
Although the EU provides valuable political opportunities for business, firms act at the European level in different degrees and in different ways. This variation in the Europeanization of business has so far been partially overlooked by the literature. I propose an institutionalist theory of the Europeanization of business by focusing on how national political institutions mediate the impact of the institutional structure of the EU on business behavior. Findings from a large-N analysis across several countries demonstrate that firms in decentralized countries tend to be more active at the EU level. National political institutions affect also how firms act at the EU level. Indeed, those firms that act individually at the national level tend to act collectively at the EU level. [R, abr.]
65.7332 VIVET, Emmanuel; COLSON, Aurélien —
The way in which bargaining mandates are granted to the Commission for the purpose of leading the EU's commercial negotiations make it a unique negotiator. Press coverage of the negotiation instructions has tended to play down their value and to report the actual oral instructions of the mandate, which are more complex to interpret. The contents of mandates revealed at the end of 2014 and the beginning of 2015 show a Commission that is concentrated on broad offensive goals to the detriment of its “red lines”. [R]
65.7333 WATSON, Iain —
The paper assesses the role and impact of the middle-power alliance of South Korea-Indonesia-Australia (KIA) in the region. KIA is a middle power and informal grouping. Its three constituents play a key role in the South Korean-based Global Green Growth Institute (GGGI). The paper identifies and discusses how KIA states, within the GGGI, and as a result of their intentions and middle-power strategies, represent a shift away from previous asset or attribute-based middle-power leverage. Instead, a strategic emphasis on issue-specific network positioning is emerging. These strategic and behavioral developments are impacting upon and reflect certain challenges to traditional understandings and expectations of middle-power activity and alliance building in the Asia-Pacific region, and, in the context of their specific responses to climate-change impact and governance in the region. [R]
65.7334 WEDGWOOD, Andrew; DORN, Walter —
Colonel M. Qaddafi's violence against the Libyan population in the face of a fledgling rebellion in March 2011 prompted an international intervention. The UN Security Council authorized the use of “all necessary measures” to protect civilians and enforce a no-fly zone. Following a preliminary American-led military intervention, NATO sponsored a seven-month campaign, “Operation Unified Protector”. Was the operation ethically justified? Through the lens of the Just War tradition, seven moral principles are assessed in both qualitative and quantitative fashion. The analysis applies the novel Just War Index to the 2011 case, concluding that it exhibited a moderate degree of justness overall. Still, significant flaws and ethical problems emerged. [R, abr.]
65.7335 WEISS, Thomas G.; WELZ, Martin —
Russia's challenge to the post-Cold War order, and the rise of Islamic State have resulted in a call for increased military spending among NATO members. Despite the increased demand for UN peace operations, any expansion is unlikely to benefit the world organization. Instead we see an increasing reliance upon regional organizations like the African Union, EU and NATO, in particular, for robust peace operations. An analysis of Western states (France, Germany and the USA) suggests that future investments in weaponry, technology and staff will primarily benefit NATO and the EU, but not the UN. [R]
65.7336 WESSEL, Ramses A. —
Studies on the (non-)compliance with CFSP norms often misinterpret the legal nature of those norms. Classifying CFSP norms as “non-binding” may help in distinguishing this policy area from other EU's policies, but does not do justice to the committing nature of the norms. Irrespective of the limited role Courts may play in relation to CFSP, the norms often intend to bind the Member States. This has been the case from the outset, but seems strengthened now, as the Lisbon Treaty streamlined procedures and consolidated the EU's external action. In studying resistance to CFSP norms, it is worthwhile to take their legal nature into account. In that sense, the broad definition of soft law used in the introduction to this special issue is helpful as it includes binding norms without enforcement mechanisms. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7319]
65.7337 WILHELM, Lola —
While the study of the role of international organizations in shaping a dominant model of humanitarian aid has recently gathered pace, few historians have focused on different, less successful models and interpretations developed by other international organizations. This article provides an overview of the origin and evolution of the Commonwealth's approach to humanitarian assistance since the 1960s. It documents this hitherto little-known aspect of Commonwealth assistance policies, and, based on an initial literature and archival survey, contributes to the identification of further research questions and gaps in this aspect of Commonwealth history. By exploring the links and discrepancies between, as well as within, the Commonwealth's and the EU's approach to humanitarian assistance, and by examining the initiatives of some of their member states, this paper highlights the plasticity of the definition of humanitarian assistance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7268]
65.7338 WILLIAMS, James H.; CUMMINGS, William C. —
Provision of education and other basic services in fragile and conflict-affected contexts can be an important means of building positive peace. However, service-provision suffers when government is absent or too weak to carry out this function. In such circumstances, the peace-building function of education may be lost unless other means of provision are developed. UNICEF supported education in Somalia in 1996–2010 as part of its mandate. Though it was not the only international agency working in education in Somalia, UNICEF took a leading role for much of the early crisis period. Facing variable instability and a lack of functioning government, especially in the south-west, UNICEF took advantage of shifting opportunities to educate thousands of children and adults. The agency's longstanding presence and focus on children, families and communities gave it unusual credibility. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6381]
65.7339 WISEMAN, Geoffrey —
This article considers the importance of informal, practice-based change as opposed to formal change at the UN. It shows that diplomacy and institutional change within the UN system are better understood as having evolved less from major, formal reform of the UN Charter than from minor changes in routine practices. I then examine what practice theory and diplomatic studies can learn from each other in terms of how each views the role of leading individuals, illustrating specific practice-based change in relation to the Secretary-General's role. Next, I show how the appointment process for a new Secretary-General has evolved through informal practice, and argue that UN diplomatic practices should be considered as part of an informal, wider diplomatic community of diplomats and non-state actors. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6525]
65.7340 WOLFF, Andrew T. —
Russian President V. Putin claims that his country's annexation of Crimea in March 2014 was partly in response to NATO enlargement. NATO leaders counter that eastern enlargement does not threaten Russia, but rather it creates stability for all of Europe. This article examines the history of NATO-Russian tensions over enlargement, considers how NATO's enlargement policy factored into the Ukraine crisis, and reviews options for the future of enlargement. Drawing on diplomatic history and geopolitical theory, the article explains Russia's persistent hostility towards NATO's policy of eastward expansion and highlights NATO's failure to convert Russia to its liberal world-view. The alliance's norm-driven enlargement policy has hindered the creation of an enduring NATO-Russia cooperative relationship and helped fuel the outbreak of conflict in Georgia and Ukraine. [R, abr.]
65.7341 YANG Yifan —
Public diplomacy is crucial for all actors in world politics; the EU is no exception. Under the support of the Jean Monnet Program, professors and researchers who teach college students become proxies for EU public diplomacy in their home countries via the educational process. Through studying the implementation of this program in China, we can see why and how it works. Although duplicating and implementing the successful experience of similar educational programs should take more factors into account, the program does have special advantages from the toolbox of EU public diplomacy. [R]
65.7342 YAZGAN, Hatice —
The European Neighborhood Policy — comprising the regions where the security threats have been concentrated — came to the forefront of the EU agenda due to the fading EU enlargement. This policy, which basically uses the enlargement policy's method and tools has been usually criticized with its current state. This article analyzes the problems of the European Neighborhood Policy through a theoretical framework. It argues that the ENP, which uses the same method and tools as the enlargement policy, cannot be fully explained through the widespread theoretical approaches used for explaining the latest EU enlargement rounds. Rationalist and constructivist theories — specifically rational and sociological institutionalism — have deficiencies in explaining the ENP developments and results. [R]
65.7343 ZHA Daojiong —
The paper notes that the lack of mutual energy dependence between the EU and China can place a limit to the attractiveness of the security dimension of energy as a topic for further dialogue. China's energy challenges require fast delivery of industry-level results, against ideational aspects associated with search for energy security on the global scale. Then, the article proceeds in four parts: (1) a review and analysis of European and Chinese energy security concepts; (2) an explanation of the rationale for EU-China energy security cooperation and policy coordination; (3) an overview of the past and current undertakings in the energy field between China and the EU; and (4) a set of ideas to consider in making this new layer of formal dialogue effectual. [R, abr.][See Abstr. 65.7226]
65.7344 ZIHNIOĞLU, Özge —
The existence at the European level of civil society organizations (CSOs), acknowledged nowadays as indispensable actors of both the integration process and the enlargement strategy of the EU, has a long history. This article examines the EU's initiatives towards CSOs, which could now be accepted as a policy on its own, and the development of this relation in terms of neo-corporatism and associative democracy models. It reveals the transformation of this policy from the one that initially has aspects of neo-corporatist model only and thus included a limited group of CSOs, to one that involves aspects of associative democracy comprising a larger group of CSOs, following European Social Dialogue, Civil Dialogue and the recent enlargement strategy of the Union. [R]
(b) Foreign policy and international relations/Politique étrangère et relations internationales
65.7345 ABDENUR, Adriana Erthal; PEREIRA DA SILVA GAMA, Carlos Frederico —
How do rising powers engage in norms-entrepreneurship on issues of global relevance? This article analyzes Brazil's efforts to mobilize support for international regulation of electronic espionage. More specifically, the article examines Brazil's reframing of electronic espionage as an issue of development and human rights (rather than merely a security one) as part of an effort to trigger a norms cascade that would significantly modify what is viewed as acceptable use of the internet by state agencies. Through this reframing, Brazil has begun to push for broader internet governance reform as a prerequisite for curbing electronic espionage. In assuming the role of norms entrepreneur, Brazil incurs both opportunities and risks to its role and image as an innovative multilateralist. [R]
65.7346 ABEGAZ, Berhanu —
Forty billion dollars of ODA over the past two decades has reduced destitution in post-socialist and post-conflict Ethiopia. It has also boosted the technocratic capacity of exclusionary state institutions, while doubly enfeebling the fledgling private sector and independent political and civic organizations. This aid-institution paradox is a product of an alignment of donor-recipient strategic interests. The five major donors pursued geopolitical and poverty-reduction objectives; and the narrowly based ruling elite sought total capture of the state, ownership of the development agenda and use of pro-poor growth to leverage large aid inflows and to seek domestic political legitimacy. By coupling poverty-reduction with adequate space for inclusive market, civic and political engagement, a farsighted coalition of donors could have complemented capacity-building with the promotion of state resilience. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6382]
65.7347 ABILOV, Shamkhal; ISAYEV, Ismayil —
Azerbaijan as the strongest state of the South Caucasus region leaped into the international arena by means of building extensive cooperation and integration. It has undertaken independent foreign policy toward Russia that could be characterized as quite pro-Russian with high loyalty, or/and even in some contrary cases, Russia was skillfully kept at bay. This study examines the foreign policy of Azerbaijan toward Russia with analysis of Azerbaijan's balanced foreign policy discussing whether or not Azerbaijan endeavors to preserve its national interests in relations with Russia through a balanced foreign policy. It scrutinizes the history of the relations between Azerbaijan and Russia from 1991 to 2013. It covers four major historical moments that caused turnovers in Russian-Azerbaijan relations. [R, abr.]
65.7348 ABU-HUSSIN, Mohd Fauzi; SALLEH, Mohd Afandi; NASIR, Badlihisham Mohd —
Economic and political changes at the global level have simultaneously shifted Malaysia's interests in the Arab Gulf countries. The economic liberalization and transformation agenda that emerged in these economies are argued to be contributing factors to Malaysia's interest in expanding its economic relationships with the countries. Although the current cooperation between Malaysia and the Arab Gulf countries is aimed at reaping economic benefits, religious values also constitute an important foundation for these relationships. This article [examines] why politics, economics and religion remain the key drivers in determining Malaysia's relations with the Arab Gulf countries. It also suggests a future direction for engagement between Malaysia and Gulf Cooperation Council countries. [R]
65.7349 ADOMEIT, Hannes —
P. Kennedy's classic The Rise and Fall of Great Powers [New York, 1987] states that the decline of great powers sets in when a gap emerges between a country's expenditures for internal and external security and its economic possibilities. The Soviet Union was one such case. Russia now runs the risk of repeating the Soviet Union's fate, given its internal and external militarization, its alimentation of neighbors such as Belarus, its subsidization of a growing number of non-viable separatist entities, and its costly annexation of the Crimea. Moscow runs again the risk of “imperial overstretch”. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7440]
65.7350 ALBERT, Éric —
Since the Islamist-oriented Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in 2002, [Turkey] has seen some spectacular changes. [Many] mosques have been built, the army has been taken off the streets, the Islamic headscarf may again be worn in schools, and freedom of speech has been curtailed. While still pursuing its application to join the EU, Ankara has also adopted a “neo-Ottoman” policy towards the Arab/Muslim world in general and a multilateral diplomacy towards Asian countries. This post-Kemalist Turkey sells itself as a champion of the Sunni masses. Wagering on the success of the “Arab spring” movements, it summarily ditched B. al-Assad of Syria, and [supported] the rebels seeking to topple his regime, even supporting certain jihadi Islamist groups, which it sees as useful allies in its fight against its Kurdish enemy. [R, abr.]
65.7351 ALEXANDROFF, Alan S. —
If power alone does not determine leadership in the revised global order, especially in the context of middle, secondary or emerging powers, is a diplomatic path to South African leadership at some level possible? Does South African politics today and in the near future permit such a path? In addressing these questions, the article provides analysis at the global level, setting out the changed and further changing global order. It then [considers] the role of middle or emerging and secondary powers focusing on the G20, as well as considering South Africa as a member of the G20 and the BRICS, its role on the African continent, and finally, the possibility and promise of South Africa bearing “multiple identities” in its foreign policy strategy going forward. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7478]
65.7352 AMER, Ramses —
The study analyzes disputes and dispute-management in the South China Sea. The progress made is outlined through an overview and analysis of formally settled disputes. The unsettled disputes are identified, analyzed, and assessed. The study concludes with a broader assessment from the perspective of dispute-management. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7504]
65.7353 ANAŠKINA, Ekaterina B. —
The article describes the main directions of US policy towards post-Soviet states during the presidency of B. Obama. Special attention is paid to the implementation of US policy during the political crisis in Ukraine and its consequences for Russian-American relations. The administration approaches to relations with the CIS states in the American political and academic community assessment as well as evaluation of American experts of the role and place of Russia in the post-Soviet space are analyzed. [R]
65.7354 ANSARI, Ali M. —
The July 2015 Vienna deal revealed the domestic political dynamics that framed Iran's room for maneuver in the negotiations. [R]
65.7355 ARDA, Mehmet —
Following the break-up of the Soviet Union, Turkey's interests diversified, although pursuit of membership in the EU stood out as a key goal. Indeed, compliance with EU criteria was behind liberal domestic reform. However, Turkey's non-interventionist and liberal stance has been gradually abandoned with a rise in Islamic references in both domestic and international politics, and a drift away from the EU is apparent. Turkey's leaders have vocally supported those [deemed] wrongly treated in the international arena. This emphasis on morality reflects the views of domestic religious conservative groups, which form the new centers of power in Turkey. However, an increasingly sectarian approach and repeated statements stressing Turkey's independence from the West reduce its effectiveness in the region and globally, contrary to Turkey's professed foreign policy objectives. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7478]
65.7356 AREL-BUNDOCK, Vincent; ATKINSON, James; POTTER, Rachel Augustine —
We argue that institutions can moderate bureaucrats’ incentives to act in accordance with an Executive's diplomatic preferences. Where the Executive can influence budgets or career paths, bureaucrats face incentives to adopt her diplomatic goals as their own. Where agencies are shielded from Executive influence, bureaucrats are free to act independently in a bid to enhance their autonomy and their reputation for competence. To test these expectations, we develop a new measure of bureaucratic independence for the 15 aid-giving agencies in the US government. We analyze how independence affects foreign-aid allocation patterns over the 1999–2010 period. Our results highlight limits on the diplomatic use of foreign aid and emphasize the importance of domestic institutional design. [R, abr.]
65.7357 ARMSTRONG, Shiro —
The Australia-US Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA) came into effect in 2005, the second preferential trade agreement that Australia signed, after its agreement with Singapore, and marked a departure from the primacy of Australia's previous trade policy of unilateral and multilateral trade liberalization toward preferential liberalization. This paper assesses the economic effects of AUSFTA by applying the Productivity Commission's gravity model of trade from its Bilateral and Regional Trade Agreements review. The evidence reveals AUSFTA resulted in a fall in Australian and US trade with the rest of the world — that the agreement led to trade diversion. Estimates also show that AUSFTA is associated with a reduction in trade between Australia and the US. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7515]
65.7358 ASATRYAN, Zareh; WITTE, Kristof De —
This paper studies the role of direct democracy in ensuring efficient and cost-effective provision of goods and services in the public sector. The sample consists of the population of municipalities in the German Land of Bavaria, where in the mid-1990s considerable direct democratic reforms granted citizens wide opportunities to directly participate in local affairs through binding initiatives. Using information on the municipal resources and the municipal provision of public goods, and applying a fully nonparametric approach to estimate local government overall efficiency, the analysis shows that more direct democratic activity is associated with higher government efficiency. [R, abr.]
65.7359 AUER, Stefan —
The protracted crisis in Ukraine has exposed fundamental political differences between leaders in western Europe and their counterparts in Russia. The very existence of the EU was meant to have refuted geopolitics as a useful theoretical lens through which to view power relations in Europe. And yet, geopolitics remains critically important — certainly for Europe's potential enemies, but also for Europe itself. To advance our understanding of this new constellation, we [might] turn to the insights of Carl Schmitt. What Europe needs is a more hard-nosed realist approach, which recognizes that Russia's expansionist ambitions can only be constrained by its own readiness and willingness to deploy power both politically and, if necessary, even militarily. [R, abr.]
65.7361 BACKHAUS, Benedikt; STAHL, Bernhard —
By examining US foreign policy toward Iran, this article assumes that the respective leadership traits of [US presidents] Bush and Obama play a central role for explanation. In order to find out whether “presidents make a difference”, M.G. Hermann's Leadership Trait Analysis (LTA) is employed to generate respective personality profiles by analyzing statements made in press conferences. These profiles allow for expectations of foreign policy behavior which are subsequently put to a congruency test with actual foreign behavior toward Iran. The empirical findings suggest that despite its limitations, LTA remains a valuable tool for foreign policy analysis. [R] [See Abstr. 65.6429]
65.7362 BAGDONAS, Ažuolas —
This article provides a critical analysis of popular claims that Turkey is a rising power by discussing Turkey's prospects of becoming a great power at global and regional levels. The article relies on concepts from Neorealist and Regional Security Complex theories to present and survey relevant data and argues that Turkey is not and will not become a global power pole in terms of capabilities, and that it is not a regional power in terms of influence. Turkey's position and prospects in Europe and the Middle East are discussed. [R]
65.7363 BAŞER, Ekrem T. —
This article examines Turkish national role conceptions in 1992–2012, identified based on leading Turkish foreign policy-makers’ statements. It contends that the notion that “shift of axis” arguments proliferated in the AKP era is misleading. The pattern of Turkish foreign policy roles expressed by the political elite in the period under examination suggests a gradual change toward an ambitious attitude rather than a shift of axis. A plausible explanation would be that the foreign policy roles under any government heavily reflect objective national interests and capabilities; thus a shifting of axis is unlikely to occur without a significant change in these variables. [R]
65.7364 BATJUK, Vladimir I. —
The political crisis in Ukraine has had far-reaching implications for military strategy of the US and NATO. Washington and Brussels had to seriously reconsider their assessment or real combat capabilities of the Russian armed forces, its nuclear strategy and the strategy of low intensity conflict. Obviously, this review for many years will determine military policy of the US and NATO toward Russia. [R]
65.7365 BAYRAM, Salih —
This article examines international news coverage of the Gaza flotilla and the Israeli raid on the ship Mavi Marmara in May 2010, which resulted in the deaths of nine Turkish citizens and created a long-lasting cooling of relations between Turkey and Israel. The two countries had different interpretations of what the flotilla represented and what happened during the raid, and used all the might of their respective public diplomacy apparatus to get their version of the events reported. This article looks at which country was more successful in this effort, four years into the dispute, using automated content-analysis. [R, abr.]
65.7366 BEARDSLEY, Kyle; GLEDITSCH, Kristian Skrede; LO, Nigel —
The fighting in some civil wars primarily takes place in a few stable locations, while the fighting in others moves substantially. We posit that rebel groups that do not primarily fight for a specific ethnic group, that receive outside military assistance, or that have relatively weak fighting capacity tend to fight in inconsistent locations. We develop new measures of conflict-zone movement to test our hypotheses, based on shifts in the conflict polygons derived from the new Georeferenced Event Dataset (GED) developed by the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP). Our empirical results provide support for the suggested mechanisms. We find that groups which lack strong ethnic ties and sufficient military strength to compete with government forces in conventional warfare fight in more varied locations. [R, abr.]
65.7367 BEHRENDS, Jan Claas —
The annexation of the Crimea and the undeclared war against Ukraine once again show the significant role violence plays in post-Soviet Russia. The forms of violence range from coercion to resolve economic conflicts to the 1993 coup and the shelling of the Russian Supreme Soviet, from the “war on terror” against its own citizens in the North Caucasus to open or hybrid wars beyond its own borders. The extraordinary role of violence is an expression of a deep structural crisis of Russian statehood and the deformation of politics. Russia's leadership acts in a friend-or-foe modus, using repression at home and aggression abroad. The stabilization and consolidation of Ukraine and its neighbors in Eastern Europe is the central task of European security policy and German Ostpolitik. In Russia, those social forces that advocate civil values deserve support. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7440]
65.7368 BING Ngeow Chow —
Malaysia and China upgraded their relationship to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in 2013 and signed a Joint Communiqué in 2014. Although the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership includes a pledge to strengthen cooperation between the armed forces of the two countries, so far, however, Sino-Malaysian defense ties have advanced only incrementally. This article focuses on the development of defense relations between the two-countries from 1991 until the first half of 2015. It examines several areas of defense diplomacy, including visits by senior officials, the exchange of military students, arms sales, defense and security consultations and combined military exercises. [R, abr.]
65.7369 BLANK, Stephen —
Russia has made systematic strategic efforts for the last few years to expand and enhance its strategic presence throughout the Middle East. It has used all the instruments of power available to it — arms sales, energy sales or buys, and diplomatic support — to gain a lasting position from which it can influence all of the states and issues in the Middle East while remaining unconstrained in its behavior. In other words, it seeks a position from which it can influence or obstruct events but not have any responsibility for arranging true peace settlements of a lasting nature. Indeed, even its attitude toward terrorists is of a strictly utilitarian nature. Hence, its Middle Eastern policies are ultimately and essentially negative and obstructive and cannot bring about a lasting settlement anywhere. [R]
65.7370 BOWMAN, Glenn —
The radical closure of Gaza serves here as an extreme example of a process of isolation and immiseration of national enemies that is deeply rooted in Israeli ideology and practices of state formation. I use encystation to reveal the dual meaning of the term — that of radical isolation of diseased elements and that of protecting a fetus within a womb — and to show how the two meanings connect with respective Israeli policies toward Palestinians and Jews. I suggest that the Oslo Accords have put in place mechanisms for the future imposition on West Bank Palestinians of the same containment currently afflicting Gaza. [R]
65.7371 BREWSTER, David —
It is sometimes claimed that India has ambitions to become the leading power in the Indian Ocean. This article examines the different streams of Indian strategic thinking about the Indian Ocean and how they will likely contribute to future Indian strategic behavior. It argues that although many among its elite aspire for India to eventually become the leading power in the Indian Ocean, there is little conceptualization as to what India needs to do to achieve this. For several reasons, including an attachment to ideas of non-alignment and strategic autonomy, Indian strategic behavior in the Indian Ocean will likely continue to be relatively reactive and constrained. [R]
65.7372 BROERS, Laurence —
This article draws on IR theory to attempt a reframing of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict in Nagorno Karabakh as an enduring rivalry (ER): a particular kind of interstate conflict known for its longevity and stability. The article identifies a number of conceptual deficits circulating around this conflict, notably the notion that it is a “frozen conflict”, before introducing the ER framework and its analytical dividends for this case. Different layers of the ER between Armenia and Azerbaijan are then explored at systemic, interstate, domestic, decision-maker, and temporal levels, with a view more toward identifying directions for future research than conclusive findings. [R, abr.]
65.7373 BROWN, Bernard E. —
Is the Ukraine crisis a new version of the classic tension between “political idealism” and “political realism”? By returning to the principles of Realpolitik espoused by H. Morgenthau, this piece explores the pitfalls and challenges confronting the United States and its allies in Ukraine. In short, to champion “realism” in contrast to “idealism” is simple in principle, but difficult in the practice of diplomacy and international affairs. The practice of diplomacy, like that of politics, is both science and, ultimately, an art. With that in mind, the assertion of strong political will by the American president, leaders of the major member states of the EU, and the president of the European Commission will be indispensable requirements in mediating any further crisis. [R]
65.7374 BROWN, James D. J. —
This article examines Russia's position on the Senkaku/Diaoyu dispute. It focuses particularly on the claim that Russia and China are forming an anti-Japanese territorial front. Looking closely at official statements and actions, as well as Russian-language media and scholarship, it finds that Russia, while retaining a position of formal neutrality, clearly considers China's claims more favorably. While this could be seen to have alarming implications by arraying China and Russia on one side against Japan and the US on the other, the article also finds that Russia's support is not without qualifications and that its place in the conflict is not yet entrenched. [R]
65.7375 BUBNOVA, Natalija I. —
US-Russian relations particularly exacerbated after the events in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine and led to the freezing of arms control negotiations and bilateral US-Russian cooperation in the military-political field. The Ukrainian crisis is likely to have long-term negative consequences, and in particular will increase hawkish tendencies in US politics. Nevertheless, instead of precluding all efforts, such an event actually increases the importance of seeking ways to strengthen stability, searching for possible measures for nuclear weapons limitations which would become applicable after bilateral relations improve. US-Russia cooperation remains essential for the resolving of key international challenges as well as major regional problems.
65.7376 BURT, Richard; SIMES, Dimitri K. —
There is a conspicuous gap between the complex challenges America confronts in the world arena today and our wholly inadequate conversation about international affairs. [R]
65.7377 BUTT, Ahsan I. —
As a poor, under-developed state, a nuclear Pakistan should have welcomed the opportunity to cease its arms race with India, and spend greater sums on its population's welfare. Instead, I show Pakistan has doubled down on its pre-nuclear conventional posture, mainly because of its revisionism over Kashmir. More generally, I show nuclear substitution should happen only rarely: when a state is satisfied with the territorial status-quo, and its security challenges are amenable to pure nuclear deterrence. An empirical overview of conventional postures in Britain, China, France, India, Israel, the Soviet Union and the US shows these conditions are met rarely, and never sustained. [R, abr.]
65.7378 CAPLING, Ann; RAVENHILL, John —
Economists have warned for many years that preferential trade agreements (PTAs) will not necessarily increase economic welfare in Australia given the relatively small size of the economy and the country's lack of negotiating coin. Political and security considerations have played an important role in shaping Australia's approach to PTAs. When politics trumps economics in negotiations of PTAs there is a risk of a rush to premature agreement that produces sub-optimal outcomes, that undermines broader plurilateral and global negotiations, and that introduces new and undesirable distortions in trade and public policies. Various theoretical approaches to trade policy-making provide insights into why Australian governments have been willing to conclude these sub-optimal deals. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7515]
65.7379 CHAKRAVORTY, Sandeep —
This paper spells out the need and rationale for energizing sub-regional cooperation among three major countries straddling the South and South East Asia axis namely India, Bangladesh and Myanmar. It argues that there is sufficient content and context in the three bilateral relationships, which of late have been witnessing upswings, to start working on various trilateral cooperation proposals. This will not only be a win-win formula for all three countries involved but will also propel greater cooperation in some other larger configurations of sub-regional cooperation, namely BIMSTEC or BCIM-EC as these three countries form the geographical kernel of other frameworks as well. [R, abr.]
65.7380 CHUN Ja-Hyun —
This study delves into the relations between South Korea and Japan. Even though reconciliation between South Korea and Japan is vital to achieve stable peace in Northeast Asia, the topic has not received sufficient scholarly attention. Former studies have focused on bilateral relations, but few have discussed the two countries’ path towards reconciliation. This study [analyzes] the ties between South Korea and Japan from an international reconciliation perspective, one which helps understand how the two nations have worked towards understanding and how much they have achieved to date. The study also suggests a roadmap to reach the final stage of reconciliation and identifies the policy changes needed to get there. [R, abr.]
65.7381a COICAUD, Jean-Marc —
Competing interests among big powers played a role in the making of World War II. But, another element had a serious impact: the sense of psychological insecurity experienced, each in its own way, by Germany and Japan in the context of their quest for recognition by other major powers — Britain, France, Russia, and the US — and the implications this had internationally. In connection with their material conditions (internal and international) compared to other great powers, this pushed Germany and Japan to embrace policies that were ultimately self-defeating. It led them to see and assess themselves, others, and the international environment in conflicting terms and, faced with the unwillingness of other big powers to accommodate them to the extent they wanted, to overplay their hand, with lethal outcomes as a result. [R]
65.7381b COOPER, Andrew F. —
This article examines Canadian diplomacy in comparative perspective with respect to the middle power model. This model — the foundation for Canada's role in the world for the post-1945 era — came under stress in the late 1990s. There was acceleration away from the fixed pattern of activity through a new mode of initiatives (e.g., land mines, the ICC) with an extended range of like-minded actors. On the other hand, there was a backlash to this process of shape-shifting. Conservative critics contested, in particular, the manner in which the middle power model deviated from the “main game” with a concentration on the bilateral relationship vis-à-vis the US. However, they also argued that the model allowed Canada to play below its weight with an emphasis on symbolism as opposed to delivery. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7478]
65.7382 COSTA NUNES, Carlos —
This article focuses the importance of gulf of Guinea's hydrocarbons, enhancing their attractiveness factors and risks, considering both regional features and the new phase of these industries and its impacts on investment decisions, international flows of trade and, specially, in what concerns the reduced amounts of oil rent. In this new context, the growing market share of the region crude oil's supplies to Portugal is the more important feature, situation created by the uneven importance of the commodity's imports from Angola. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7245]
65.7383 CURTIS, Devon E. A. —
Rwanda and Burundi have both emerged from civil wars over the past 20 years and foreign donors have provided significant contributions to post-conflict reconstruction and development in the two countries. Yet, although Rwanda and Burundi share several important characteristics, their post-conflict social, political and economic trajectories have been different. This article argues that the nature of the ruling parties in Rwanda and Burundi is key to understanding the countries’ relationships with donors. Rather than seeing aid as an exogenous factor, causing particular development outcomes, it shows how local party elites exert considerable agency over the aid relationship. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6382]
65.7384 ĆWIEK-KARPOWICZ, Jaroslaw; GODZIMIRSKI, Jakub; NOWAK, Zuzanna —
Russia uses its energy resources for geopolitical ends. Gazprom is an independent company pro forma, but de facto serves the Kremlin. This is seen in the fact that gas prices for neighboring countries are determined by political proximity to the Kremlin as well as in the crisis between Russia and Ukraine. Dependence on gas from Russia is a particularly sensitive aspect of Europe's energy security, as transport is bound to the existing grind. The EU would be well advised to look for alternatives in its energy policies. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7440]
65.7385 DADDOW, Oliver —
This article interprets the ideational underpinnings of the British Conservative-Liberal coalition government's foreign policy from 2010 to 2015. It uses qualitative discourse-analysis of speeches, statements and policy documents to unpack the traditions of foreign policy thought which informed some of the key foreign policy practices of the coalition government. The analysis centers on the British identity constructed by liberal Conservatives, and the values and interests flowing from this baseline identity that the government's foreign policy sought to express through its foreign policy. Liberal Conservative foreign policy [sought] to come to terms with the limits on Britain's international agency in the face of the legacy of the New Labour years, dramatically reduced economic resources in the “age of austerity” and an increasingly restricted capacity for Britain to exercise ideational entrepreneurship in the international community. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6290]
65.7386 DAGUZAN, Jean-François —
Having been formed in large part by the legacy of the post-independence diplomatic process, by forced withdrawal during the civil war and fixation on a few regional issues, Algerian diplomacy has to redefine itself in a rapidly changing world. Unrest at its doorstep (Libya and the Sahel, among others) and further afield (Near East) are bringing questions about Algeria's security to the fore at the very moment when its oil revenue appears to be on the decline. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7587]
65.7387 DANILOV, Dmitry —
NATO's defense planning is based today, very much as in the past, on collective defense against the “Russian threat” and includes deployment of forward-based forces and facilities near the Russian border, which makes Ukraine a potential theater of war. As a result of the 1991 and 2004 enlargements of NATO, Ukraine became a seat of instability and a borderland between a Europe split into two: the West and Russia. The West which then did not hesitate to push into the post-Soviet space, a zone of Russia's special interests, merely fanned the smoldering conflict. The color revolutions in Georgia in 2003 and Ukraine in 2004, however, revealed its depth and systemic nature.
65.7388 DELURY, John —
The severe deterioration in South Korea-Japan relations under Abe Shinzo and Park Geun-hye seems paradoxical given that Abe's grandfather, Kishi Nobusuke, and Park's father, Park Chung-hee, were “close friends” who helped forge Japan-South Korea normalization in 1965. However, Abe and Park are better understood as operating within the nationalist conservative logic that brought their families together but now drives their countries apart. [R] [See Abstr. 65.1214 7473]
65.7389 DEMYDOVA, Viktoriia —
This article analyzes the implications of the Crimean crisis of 2014 from the perspective of Ukraine's domestic policies. It is argued that despite the military intervention of Russia, it was Ukrainian governance that created the preconditions for domestic crisis. The weak political institutions of Ukraine, the inability of political actors to follow formal procedures, the capture of the presidential post by a political actor with a strong propensity for non-institutional behavior, and the low commitment to democratic norms and procedures characterized the political system in Ukraine, and it was therefore unable to solve the political crisis that began in November 2013. The lack of powers of Crimea and the absence of a clear delineation between the powers of the central government and the Autonomous Republic aggravated the situation. [R, abr.]
65.7390 DRULÁK, Petr; BENEŠ, Vít —
This article deals with the cleavage inside the Czech political elite regarding the Czech position on the EU, exploring the metaphors which two prominent political leaders, V. Havel and V. Klaus, used when they spoke about the EU. It is argued that the metaphors that were embraced by the former tended to be rejected by the latter and that Klaus spoke about the EU in increasingly negative terms. The study of the metaphors used in their texts and speeches elucidates not only the clash between the two politicians’ visions of Europe but also the nature of the split between two fundamental positions found on the Czech political scene. It is argued that the split goes back to the political debates in the early 1990s. [R, abr.]
65.7391 ETZIONI, Amitai —
It is time to lay to rest the 100-years-old drive to democratize the world. The US should focus on protecting its core interests. [R]
65.7392 FALLON, Theresa —
Chinese Communist Party Secretary and President Xi Jinping's foreign policy agenda can be characterized as rewriting the current geopolitical landscape. His announcement of the New Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st Century Maritime Silk Road lays out a vision which will include a population of over 4 billion people with one-third of the world's wealth, and a $40 billion dollar Silk Road fund, along with the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the New Development Bank, also known as the BRICS bank, to fund it. Xi's ambitious initiative has three drivers: (1) energy, (2) security, (3) markets. Like the silken strands on a loom, these drivers will weave together to create a fabric of interconnected transport corridors and port facilities that will boost trade, improve security, and aid strategic penetration. [R, abr.]
65.7393 FAUNCE, Thomas —
This paper explores the origins of investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) treaties and their implications for the Australian social contract. This analysis includes how and why ISDS emerged in NAFTA, was rebuffed with the failure of the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI), and became incorporated into most subsequent bilateral US trade and investment agreements. The paper considers Australia's exposure to ISDS — first through using it in bilateral investment agreements in nations with inadequate governance mechanisms to support the rule of law, then turning against it when a multinational tobacco company tried to use the mechanism to overturn scientifically endorsed, democratically approved and constitutionally validated tobacco plain packaging measures. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7515]
65.7394 FAWCETT, Louise —
This article [examines] Iran's place in the contemporary international system through a study of its place in the regional security architecture. Though Iran since the revolution often has been cast as a “revolutionary” state, or security spoiler, a study of its international relations over the long run suggests that it is better seen as a rising power in a complex and contested regional system. Its power aspirations — not least its nuclear program — have clashed over time with both regional and external actors, but ambition matched with pragmatism provide a continuous theme in foreign policymaking in both pre- and post-revolutionary Iran. The description of Iran as an aspiring regional power is demonstrated through a review of some of its major foreign policy initiatives. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7623]
65.7395 FERNANDES, Carla —
The Caspian Basin is one of the key regions for Europe's security of supply strategy given the projected growth in natural gas consumption in Europe in the coming decades and the growing energy dependence on Russia. This article examines the potential and the challenges that this region could play in the EU's security of supply, particularly with the construction of the Southern Gas Corridor. It also analyzed the opportunities for Portugal intervene in the Europe energy supply. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7245]
65.7396 FIELDS, Jeffrey R. —
American policy-makers and politicians present specious rationales for abjuring diplomatic engagement with adversarial regimes and actors. The conventional wisdom is that negotiating with adversaries is futile and a form of reward that the enemy will exploit. However, many of the objections for avoiding diplomacy are suspect when examined closely. In addition, though prominent adversaries like Iran have generally shunned the US, it has regularly engaged other hostile and adversarial regimes and non-state actors. The selective use of specious reasons contributes to an American foreign policy that often prefers the isolation and containment of “rogue states”. Additionally, myths like the futility of appeasing adversaries have taken hold, and practitioners rarely question it. The post-Cold War American “diplomacy allergy” is often counterproductive and stands in contrast to Cold War pragmatism. [R, abr.]
65.7397 FIKENSCHER, Sven-Eric; JASCHOB, Lena; WOLF, Reinhard —
This article analyzes whether decision-makers — as social psychological studies suggest — are less willing to cooperate when they perceive their country to be disrespected by external players. Two case studies on the behavior of India vis-à-vis the US and the German Empire vis-à-vis Great Britain have shown that Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi reacted as predicted to a seemingly derogatory conflict over the delayed shipment of food aid, whereas the Imperial Government also reacted emotionally to the Bundesrat affair, which, however, primarily had mid- to long-term implications as opposed to immediately causing a refusal to cooperate. [R] [See Abstr. 65.6429]
65.7398 FRIEDMAN, Max Paul; LONG, Tom —
In the aftermath of the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq, IR scholars debated how to best characterize the rising tide of global opposition. The concept of “soft balancing” emerged as an influential, though contested, explanation of a new phenomenon in a unipolar world: states seeking to constrain the ability of the US to deploy military force by using multinational organizations, international law, and coalition-building. Soft balancing can also be observed in regional unipolar systems. Argentina, Mexico, and other Latin American countries responded to expanding US power and military assertiveness in the early 20th c. through coordinated diplomatic maneuvering that provides a strong example of soft balancing. Examination of this earlier case makes an empirical contribution to the emerging soft-balancing literature and suggests that soft balancing need not lead to hard balancing or open conflict. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7403]
65.7399 FUADY, Ahmad Helmy —
This paper analyzes the role of foreign aid in assisting development in two oil-rich countries: Indonesia and Nigeria. It seeks to understand the way foreign aid provided assistance to transform Indonesia from a ‘fragile’ state in the 1960s into one of the “Asian Tigers” in the mid-1990s, and why it did not prevent Nigeria from falling into “African Tragedy”. The paper argues that foreign aid may help not only to finance development, but also to navigate policy-makers’ policy choices. It shows how foreign aid may or may not help policy-makers turn their policy preferences into action. [R] [See Abstr. 65.6382]
65.7400 GAENSSMANTEL, Frank —
This article examines why and how China upgraded its engagement with the EU between 2001 and 2004, with reference to pre-existing foreign policy traditions and practices in reform-era China. Most of the observed changes can be explained with reference to two dynamics. First, the changing international environment, mostly with regard to the roles of the US and the EU, challenged the established approach to foreign policy inherited from Deng Xiaoping. In this sense, the shift towards the EU was part of wider efforts to solve this dilemma. Second, differences in how various groups in the Chinese foreign policy establishment understood and implemented Deng's guidelines and their respective influence in policy-making can help to grasp some of the more specific developments in Chinese policy towards the EU in the early 2000s. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6290]
65.7401 GALANTUCCI, Robert A. —
Analysts generally believe that a weaker currency primarily benefits a country's manufacturing and primary goods sectors. However, many of these industries frequently oppose legislation designed to combat the dollar's overvaluation relative to the Chinese Yuan. I argue that legislators hesitate to take aggressive action on the exchange-rate issue because doing so could lead to a disruption of the broader US-China economic relationship. The threat of an economic conflict emerges as a particularly important consideration in the context of currency bills, where proposed legislation is linked to trade policy and other areas of international economic regulation. A Bayesian statistical analysis of legislative behavior on two recent exchange-rate bills in the US Congress provides overall support for my hypotheses. [R, abr.]
65.7402 GAUSE, F Gregory, III —
The issue of misperception is at the heart of one of the key debates in the IR literature about revolution and its effects on the international system. One potential plausibility probe is to look to the consistency of the policies of status-quo powers toward a revolutionary state as one indicator of the importance of misperception in their policies. If the status-quo leaders’ policies toward the revolutionary state changed over time, in reaction to both the behavior of the revolutionary state and the reverberations of the revolution in their own societies, the argument that the threats from the revolutionary state toward the status-quo states were real would receive at least partial support. This article uses the reactions to the Iranian Revolution in Iraq and Saudi Arabia as a preliminary test. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7623]
65.7403 GAVIN, Francis J. —
The US has gone to extraordinary lengths since the beginning of the nuclear age to inhibit the spread of nuclear weapons and, when unsuccessful, to mitigate the consequences. It has implemented a wide range of tools, applied in a variety of combinations. These “strategies of inhibition” employ different policies rarely seen as connected to one another, from treaties and norms to alliances and security guarantees, to sanctions and preventive military action. The US has applied these measures, often regardless of political orientation, economic system, or alliance status, to secure protection from nuclear attack and maintain freedom of action. Collectively, these linked strategies of inhibition have been an independent and driving feature of US national security policy for more than seven decades, to an extent rarely documented or fully understood. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Nonproliferation and proliferation: strategies and outcomes”. See also Abstr. 65.6284, 6399, 7398, 7479]
65.7404 GILLEY, Bruce —
This article is a contribution to recent literature on the shape of the polycentric world order. It argues that the Third World remains a valid concept for describing the interests and ideas that shape the foreign policies of many key non-Western states. However, the Third World has changed in a fundamental way. The article describes the historical emergence and contemporary manifestations of a “creative” Third World in contrast to the “protest” Third World of the past. It describes the nature of this shift and how it is reshaping Western leadership. It argues that the main challenge for the West is to create a coherent pluralism in international order that embraces this creative Third World. [R]
65.7405 GÖKSEL, Oğuzhan —
Ties between Baku and Tel Aviv have been directly interlinked with their relations with Iran. The nature of the Azerbaijan-Israel partnership must be analyzed in order to comprehend the balance of powers and energy security in the region. Even though there have been a number of works analyzing the relationship by focusing on its role in regional military security, there is a gap in the discourse in terms of understanding the economic drivers of relations and the implications of the ties for regional energy security. Particular attention is given to discussing Azerbaijan's emerging role as a major energy producer that has already made a profound impact on the region as an “alternative” to Iran in the aftermath of the recently imposed sanctions on Tehran's energy exports. [R, abr.]
65.7406 GOMPERT, David C.; LIBICKI, Martin —
The US should remain wary of offensive cyber-war, but also able to make it count when no choice remains. [R] [First of three articles on “Deter, defend, attack”. See also Abstr. 65.7446b, 7462]
65.7407 GÖTZ, Roland —
A trio of Polish authors is claiming that Gazprom, Russia's natural gas giant, is an instrument of Kremlin foreign policy. The scant “evidence” presented does not stand up to scrutiny. The price that individual states pay depends on the market, not servility to Moscow. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7420]
65.7408 GÖTZ, Roland —
After the mass protests in the Winter 2011–2012, the Kremlin feared a “color revolution” in Russia. In order to direct the rebellion towards an external enemy, circles close to the Kremlin brought Russia's anti-Western and illiberal intelligentsia together in the Izborskii Club in the Autumn 2012. The “mini-ideology” that emerged there is a mixture of Orthodox Christian, communist, and West European, radical right-wing ideas. What holds it together is anti-Americanism. Club members call for an even more authoritarian domestic policy and additional military expansion. This is not in line with the Kremlin's considerations of political power. If necessary, however, Russia's leadership can use the Izborskii Club's propaganda at any time. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7440]
65.7409 GRAMATIKOV, Martin, et al. —
Facilitadores Judiciales is a program run by the Organization of the American States and the Nicaraguan judiciary. In 2010, facilitators were recruited and trained in many but not all urban municipalities. This presented an opportunity for a natural experiment to assess the impact of the program. In our theoretical framework, the impact is related to improved access to justice which is one of the prerequisites for peace and development. Before and after quantitative and qualitative studies were conducted in intervention and control areas. The quantitative results show confirmation of some of the hypothesized effects of the program. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6381]
65.7410 GREENE, Toby —
This article presents a framework for categorizing the leading policy prescriptions currently advocated in Israel with respect to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, drawing on public statements by politicians and leading think-tanks, and surveys of public opinion. The most discussed Israeli policy options are presented as follows: maintain the status quo; proactively move towards two states through either a negotiated agreement (Plan A) or unilateral separation (Plan B); or entrench Israeli presence in the West Bank through settlement expansion and annexation. Various public opinion surveys show the extent to which the Israeli public is divided on the issues, and an analysis of Israel's 2013–2014 coalition demonstrates how all these approaches were being promoted simultaneously within the same cabinet, contributing to policy incoherence. [R, abr.]
65.7411 GROVE, Andrea K. —
Foreign policy scholars do not often approach understanding the conflict between Iran and the West over the nuclear issue in terms of identity politics. Many observers would argue that strategic issues take center stage and drive the positions of the leaders on both sides. However, such a position assumes that leaders in Iran and in the West have a unified approach to the conflict. While a strategic approach might suggest that the trial agreement signed in the fall of 2013 resulted from Iran's economic desperation brought on by tightened sanctions, there remain hardliners within Iran who did not want to see cooperation with the West despite the potential for Iran's economic gains. We continue to see mixed reactions to the April 2015 framework agreement. [R, abr.]
65.7412 GRYNAVISKI, Eric —
Under what conditions do individuals distant from institutional power shape international politics? I argue that intermediaries — key figures who broker deals between parties — are crucial for cooperation when information is low and contact between the parties is sparse. To demonstrate the argument that intermediaries matter, I investigate alliances between the US and its non-state allies — non-state political communities abroad and in North America — between 1776 and 1945. In each case, there are intermediaries who are uniquely suited to broker cooperation by identifying partners for cooperation, explaining others’ interests, providing reassurances, and managing identity issues. However, because they fill key information roles, they have unexpected sources of political power. Using four case studies, I test to see whether intermediaries’ performance of these roles matters in a diverse range of cases. [R, abr.]
65.7413 GUDKOV, Lev —
Anti-Americanism in Russia is part of a deep resentment and a collective negative identity. Its particular character lies in the historic conflation of anti-Western ideas with the communist ideology of the Stalin era and the final decades of the Soviet Union. In the current image of America, all of those layers that accumulated in the collective subconscious during the Soviet totalitarianism can be exposed. The Putin system's propaganda uses this with virtuosity. Ever since the demonstration against the rigged Russian elections in the winter of 2011, and especially after Russia's annexation of Crimea and the war in Donbas, anti-Americanism has become a core element of authoritarian rule. Anti-Americanism provides the basis for the mobilization of the population and the consolidation of the regime. [R] [First of series of articles on “Russia's image of enemies”. See also Abstr. 65.7428, 7619]
65.7414 GULINA, Olga —
More than two million people from eastern Ukraine have left their homes since the outbreak of fighting. One-third has fled to other locations in the Donbas; one-third has moved to other regions within Ukraine; and one-third has fled abroad, primarily to Russia. To a certain extent, Russia and Belarus have relaxed the legal regulations for entry, residence, and work. But Russia also uses the refugees and citizenship rights specifically in the pursuit of foreign policy. Mired in a difficult economic situation, Ukraine is trying to cope with more than one million internally displaced persons. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Ukraine's roads”. See also Abstr. 65.6835, 7599, 7634]
65.7415 GÜRBEY, Gülistan —
The ambitious Turkish policy in North Africa and the Middle East has come to a standstill in the course of the “Arab Spring”. One major reason is that the policy of the AKP government in the region is primarily guided by ideological principles focused on a pan-Islamic-Sunni agenda. The increased regional security dilemma accompanied by unforeseeable developments and rapidly changing alliances requires a practical political incentive in order to avoid far-reaching consequences. However, the unilateral ideological course of Turkish policy mirrored the consequences — among others — in the problematic relations to the neighboring countries Syria and Egypt. The relations have hit rock bottom along with an increasing isolation of the region as concerns foreign policy-making. [R] [See Abstr. 65.6946]
65.7416 GÜVENÇ, Serhat —
Turkey's contribution to NATO's collective defense has evolved in quantity and quality in step with changes in the ends and means of security. Two elements of continued stand out. First is Turkey's location. Its proximity to zones of risks and threats in NATO's assessments has turned Turkey into an asset. The other element is Turkey's ability to raise and maintain a large army at a relatively low cost. This has been considered Turkey's “competitive edge” in NATO. Its real estate value and its large army constituted the two main pillars of Turkey's contribution to NATO during the Cold War. Turkey has shifted its emphasis away from quantity to quality to meet NATO's evolving requirements for post-Cold War out-of-area collective security missions. [R, abr.]
65.7417 GUZANSKY, Yoel —
This article explores series of “red lines” issued over the years by the US and Israel toward Iran and Syria. It argues that the effectiveness of inflexible “red lines” in an environment that is given to rapid change is doubtful. They provide an adversary with the ability to determine when the deterring party will act and when they will not, a situation that is often undesirable. Moreover, their inflexible nature on the one hand opens the doors for circumvention while technically staying within their parameters. On the other hand, a strategy of more ambiguous “red lines” that allow flexibility in choosing the time, intensity, and nature of the response could also achieve a considerable deterrent effect, provided that they do not remain mere bluffs. [R]
65.7418 HAINE, Jean-Yves —
The transatlantic partnership needs to be reassessed. Since the end of the Cold War, Europe has chosen to bandwagon with the US and to outsource its security to Washington. Bandwagoning has serious consequences when the use of force is at stake: it may lead to entrapment, where weaker allies may be involuntarily dragged into a conflict. It may also lead to abandonment, where the dominant ally may choose to discard their vital security concerns. With the evolution of the international system towards a multipolar configuration, this strategy of bandwagoning is becoming increasingly costly for Europe while the dominant power, the US, is progressively confronted by other competitors at the systemic level. These classic dilemmas attached to an asymmetric partnership are exacerbated in a multipolar configuration. [R, abr.]
65.7419 HAMILTON, Caitlin; SHEPHERD, Laura J. —
Australia was the first UN member state to commit to the UN Peacebuilding Fund when it was established in 2006, and it has made annual contributions since then. Australia has also made significant contributions towards enhancing gender equality in peace and security governance, most recently during its 2013–2014 term on the UN Security Council, recognizing that gender matters in and to all aspects of peacebuilding activity. This article offers a discourse-theoretical policy-analysis of a range of Australian Agency for International Development guidelines and strategies addressing gender and peace-building issues, and reads these against the international framework to explore the discursive construction of gender-sensitive peace-building in Australia. The representations of peace-building in the documents they analyze shape how Australia engages in peace-building-related activities and inform how Australia is positioned internationally as a peace-building actor. [R, abr.]
65.7420 HEINEMANN-GRÜDER, Andreas —
Russia's policy in Ukraine is interpreted in very different ways. Some see it as offensive and strategic foreign policy, others as defensive and situational, driven by domestic considerations. Each interpretation brings with it a different argument as to how the West should respond to Russia: by détente, by containment and deterrence, or by promoting regime-change from within. The EU, the NATO, and the US must agree on what they want to achieve in their policies towards Russia, Ukraine, and other post-Soviet states and to what extent they commit themselves to those goals. The key to regime-change in Russia lies in the success of Ukraine's transformation. The conflict in Ukraine teaches us how necessary it is to agree in advance on the consequences of breaking the rules. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Friends and foes in Eastern Europe”. See also Abstr. 65.6457, 7214, 7258, 7407]
65.7421 HELLQUIST, Elin —
The Organization of African Unity (OAU) and ASEAN were both born to stabilize vulnerable state borders by practicing non-interference in domestic affairs. Today, the OAU's successor, the African Union (AU), uses sanctions against unconstitutional changes of government, while ASEAN continues to rule out any collective punitive action against members. To explain these divergent trajectories, this article first shows how different traditions produced different ways of engaging with sanctions in the early formative cases of South Africa and Vietnam. Thereafter, it examines how these traditions were selectively re-thought when confronted with the dilemmas of international sanctions against Libya and Myanmar. The interpretive approach enables a nuanced account of continuity and change in beliefs about sanctions. [R] [See Abstr. 65.6290]
65.7422 HØISETH, Seline —
Iran is generally considered to be seeking nuclear weapons, based on the country's adoption in the mid-1980s of a covert nuclear acquisition strategy combining clandestine activity with a rise in sensitive assistance from states and black-market providers. Why Iran chose an uncompromising nuclear path under the global radar remains contentious. This article re-examines changes in Iran's nuclear behavior since 1985 and argues that the change of course toward secrecy was influenced by factors other than a possible nuclear weapons aspiration. Important but sometimes neglected explanatory factors include the isolation of post-revolutionary Iran from the international nuclear marketplace and the move toward stricter export controls in the international non-proliferation regime. By emphasizing these factors, this article creates a more nuanced understanding of a crucial phase in Iran's nuclear past. [R, abr.]
65.7423 HONG Seak-Hyun —
With efforts to engage North Korea stalled, it is time to broaden the paths towards engagement [by the US]. [R]
65.7424 HORIUCHI, Yusaku; MAYERSON, Asher —
What would Israel's economy have looked like without the 2000 Palestinian Intifada? This article examines this counterfactual question by statistically comparing the economic growth trajectories of Israel and a “synthetic” Israel, which is constructed by applying a method proposed by Abadie and Gardeazabal (2003) and Abadie, Diamond and Hainmueller (2010, 2014). The results of the analysis suggest that Israel's per capita GDP during the Second Intifada was reduced by an average of about $2,003 per year (in 2005 US dollars). This amounts to about 8.6 percent of the 2000 baseline level. In the case of the Second Intifada, the opportunity cost of conflict was indeed substantial and significant. [R]
65.7425 HUSSAIN, Nazir; ZUBAIR, Bilal —
In the presidential debate of 2012, both President B. Obama and his Republican opponent M. Romney were convinced that drone attacks as well as other military measures should continue as vital component in the American approach to Pakistan. In a unilateral world, the only super power extending its military muscles in Pakistan has serious security implications for Pakistan. It is therefore necessary to analyze the US Smart Power Strategy in Pakistan and its impact on Pakistan's national security by discussing hard and soft power elements employed by the US over the past decade.
65.7426 HWANG Jihwan; KIM Sung-han —
It is often said that the functionalist approach has failed in explaining inter-Korean relations and the road to Korean unification. It has thus been regarded by many scholars and policy-makers as an invalid theory in proposing any good foreign or North Korea policy. This is mostly because the Sunshine Policy, or South Korea's engagement policy toward North Korea under the Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun governments, had been based on the functionalist approach to regional integration. However, this paper argues that we can still find validity of the functionalist approach's towards the Korean peninsula by paying attention to the roles of international organizations (IOs) and NGOs. [R, abr.]
65.7427 INDURTHY, Rathnam —
US-Indian relations, which had been fundamentally cool with occasional improvement during the Cold War era, became friendly in the post-Cold War era in the late 1990s and culminated into a strategic partnership in the mid-2000s. The article first briefly discusses the evolution of US-Indian relations from friction to friendly relations during the Clinton administration. Second, it examines the evolution of relations from friendly allies to a strategic partners and its consolidation and expansion under the Bush-Obama administrations. Finally, the article discusses the implications of US-India strategic partnership for Asian security with attention to South Asia and the Asia-Pacific region in the context of China's assertive stand and its growing threat to the Southeast Asian nations and India. [R]
65.7428 JABLOKOV, Ilia —
For a long time, conspiracy theories were considered “religion for the mentality ill”. Formerly prevalent above all in marginalized social milieus, they have in Russia moved to the center of politics, publishing, and society. This can be seen in the response to the Ukraine crisis. The Putin system systematically constructs conspiracy theories and uses them as an instrument of power. They serve to polarize society, to integrate the majority, to stigmatize the minority, and to mobilize against opponents as well as supposed traitors and enemies. They are supposed to lend legitimacy to the regime. That this succeeds and conspiracy theories meet with credulity and a ready following shows that fewer and fewer people are capable of soberly analyzing events. The propaganda is working. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7413]
65.7429 JAHN, Egbert —
Russia's covert war in Ukraine triggered a civil war in the country's east. This military expansion has its roots in the political split in Ukrainian society and a profound crisis between the West and Russia. However, this is not a return of the East-West conflict, but a new kind of conflict between Moscow and Brussels, which had already assumed bellicose dimensions in Kosovo in 1999 and in South Ossetia in 2009. The war in Ukraine and the deep crisis in relations between the West and Russia can be overcome only if a pan-European economic and security cooperation structure is created that regulates the integration competition between Moscow and Brussels, between eastern autocracy and western democracy. To this end, a compromise between the warring factions in Ukraine is also required. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7440]
65.7430 JONES, David Martin; SMITH, M. L. R. —
Twenty-first-century political crises have undermined the worldview that governed post-Cold War western thinking about a liberal end of history. This worldview assumed that shared norms and transnational institutions would transform the state-based order. In this context, the use of force is considered appropriate only for humanitarian ends meeting a set of predetermined axioms laid down in chapter 7 of the UN Charter. Yet for any strategy to be effective, a clear political aim is required, which might deviate from the general rule. Preoccupied with universal postulates, legal normativism has lost sight of the particular. This article argues that the failure of contemporary western foreign policy in the 21st c. to address this limitation or to prioritize political ends has led to strategic confusion from Afghanistan to Syria and Ukraine. [R, abr.]
65.7431 KANET, Roger E. —
The current crisis in Russia's relations with the West has more often than not been blamed in the West on Russia itself and the authoritarian policies pursued by V. Putin. As reprehensible as many aspects of Russian policy might be, the West has contributed to the deterioration in the relationship by ignoring Russian policy concerns and attempting to take advantage of Russian weakness. By acting thus the West has not only created major problems for itself. It has also made any diplomatic solution to the Ukraine tragedy increasingly unlikely. [R]
65.7432 KASIM, Kamer —
I analyze the Turkey-Taiwan relationship through its place in Turkey's Asia-Pacific policy, in the context of changes in Turkish foreign policy in the post-Cold War international environment. Since Turkey's policy towards Taiwan and mainland China, particularly in the Cold War era, was in parallel with the US's regional policy, the US policy is also dealt with. The situation in Taiwan-mainland China relations was a factor impacting Taiwan's relations with many countries, and Taiwan-Turkey relations were not an exception. Despite Turkey's lack of expertise regarding Asia-Pacific region, the new international environment has opened new prospects for Turkey to be involved in Asia-Pacific affairs. [R]
65.7433 KATSARIS, Angelos —
This Profile analyzes the challenges of interregional coordination for the Secretariat of the Union for the Mediterranean regarding climate-change mitigation and adaptation. Mediterranean climate-governance is structured around complex governance arrangements, where multiple actors attempt to integrate the issue of climate change. Two key projects offer several opportunities for integrated climate-governance in the Mediterranean: the Mediterranean Solar Plan and the Depollution for the Mediterranean. However, the lack of financial commitments for long-term infrastructure investments and bilateral differentiation under the EU's Neighborhood Policy undermine region-wide cooperation. As a result, fragmentation challenges the Secretariat's efforts to govern each climate sector. [R]
65.7434 KATTAN, Victor —
With the re-election of Likud leader B. Netanyahu for another four-year term as prime minister of Israel, there is a real danger that the peace process has reached an irrevocable impasse. It is argued that bold moves must be considered by the international community to breathe life back into the peace process. To coax Netanyahu into negotiations, real pressure must be brought to bear on his government to respect the international consensus on Palestinian statehood and to halt settlement activity in occupied territory. To coax the Palestinian leadership back into a negotiation process with Israel, membership in the Commonwealth should be considered as a stepping stone to membership in the UN, to be followed by Israel's membership in the Commonwealth — but on condition. [R, abr.]
65.7435 KELLEY, Judith G.; PEVEHOUSE, Jon C. W. —
Most IR theory expects states to join treaties as long as the benefits outweigh the costs. Domestic theories modify this with the constraints of institutional veto-players. Yet, sometimes neither of these arguments explains the delay or absence of US participation. We supplement these explanations with an opportunity-cost theory. We argue that the advice-and-consent process sometimes slows or stalls because it imposes costs in terms of legislative time and political capital. These costs alter the calculus of key players and may obstruct the process. Statistical analysis supports the argument. The priority the Senate and President give to treaties depends not only on the value they assign to the treaty, but also on the value of the time needed to process the treaty. [R, abr.]
65.7436 KEYMAN, E. Fuat; SAZAK, Onur —
H. Rouhani's victory in the 2013 Iranian presidential elections and the signing of the interim Geneva nuclear agreement between Iran and the “P5+1” shortly thereafter warrant an overhaul of the conventional policies concerning the Islamic Republic. Coupled with the Arab uprisings, recent developments will significantly impact not only the way Turkey and Iran approach each other but also their regional policies. This paper [examines] the two different modes of engagement that Turkey and Iran have employed vis-à-vis their approach to their shared neighborhood. While Turkey is positioned to utilize this breakthrough on a global scale to improve its relations with Iran and other countries through “humanitarian diplomacy”; on the regional level, Tehran's hegemonic and interest-based ambitions will stoke the subtle rivalry with Ankara. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7528]
65.7437 KHAN, Raja Muhammad —
How are India's strategic culture and strategic predispositions interpreted by Pakistan? In order to address this question, it is necessary to examine the dominant symbolic discourse of India's strategic culture as interpreted by Pakistan under its own set of dominant strategic cultural assumptions. India's prevailing discourse can be deconstructed by applying a Derridean two-layered reading to it. The first reading examines Indian assumptions and is a faithful reproduction of the dominant discourse through its original set of argumentation. It allows to see how this kind of discourse has achieved stabilization. The second reading focuses on Pakistani assumptions and targets cover-ups and exclusions that impede the dominant discourse from achieving full coherence.
65.7438 KIM Ji Young —
What explains the Japan-South Korea security relationship in the post-Cold War period? This article highlights the impact of the conflict and convergence of identity factors vis-à-vis external factors (such as the North Korean military threat, the regional presence of US forces, and growing Chinese power) to offer a more comprehensive explanation of the ebb and flow of security cooperation between Japan and South Korea. This article argues that in some cases, the identity factors affect security cooperation more than external strategic factors. Based on three in-depth case studies, the article provides an empirical examination of how identity factors have affected the overall pattern of Japan-South Korea security relations since the 1990s. [R, abr.]
65.7439 KOLDUNOVA, Ekaterina —
Russia is represented in two competing traditions of defining Russia's position in the world. While some parts of society view Russia as a part of Europe, others believe that it is a distinct Eurasian power. An academic view defines Russia as a Euro-Pacific power possessing vital interests in Europe and the Asia-Pacific. This article examines recent developments in Russian foreign policy decision-making with a view to interpreting how contemporary dilemmas have featured in the adaptation and rearticulation of the two predominant identity traditions by Russian foreign policy actors since 1991. It also analyzes how the beliefs of the situated agents, namely, political elites and bureaucratic, intellectual and business actors at various levels, have contributed to Russia's interpretation of recent global power shifts. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6290]
65.7440 KRZEMIŃSKI, Adam —
The new Ukraine recalls the old Polish Republic not only in its multiethnic and multi-religious character. The Euromaidan's struggle for Western values also stands in the republican tradition. What was the “Polish question” in the 19th and 20th c. is today “the Ukrainian question”: the drive of a patronized people for emancipation and self-assertion. The question whether a democratic Ukraine governed by rule of law is more important than raw materials from Siberia, is a test case for the West. The much-maligned EU has withstood the test and proven more capable of acting than expected. Those who believe in a revival of the Tsarist-Stalinist empire have the short end of the stick. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Alienated; Russia and the West in 2015”. See also Abstr. 65.6812, 7126, 7247, 7349, 7367, 7384, 7408, 7429]
65.7441 LAWSON, Fred H. —
Iran's relations with surrounding states exhibit a shift from unremitting radicalism to pervasive moderation, a transformation that is usually explained in terms of changes in the Islamic Republic's domestic affairs. Yet the marked turn toward moderation may equally result from the dynamics of entrapment and pre-emptive realignment, which are inherent in alliance politics under conditions of anarchy. Attempts by Syria to strengthen ties to Iran set the stage for the 2006 Hezbollah-Israel war in Lebanon. Policy-makers in Tehran recoiled from the fighting, opening the door to rapprochement with Ankara. Ongoing Turkish initiatives in the Caucasus have created unpalatable strategic choices for the Islamic Republic, which put Tehran's continued commitment to external moderation in jeopardy. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7623]
65.7442 LEE Chee Leong —
This paper explores Japan's overall rare-earth (RE) diplomacy through an integration of both empirical findings and theoretical grounds. It covers the period from 2007 to 2012 in which the greatest fluctuation of Chinese RE exports to Japan and Tokyo's most active pursuit for RE resources in other countries, have been demonstrated. It first explains the neoclassical realist perspective and argument for the formulation of a state's foreign policy. It utilizes G. Roses’ causal logic model [“Neoclassical realism and theories of foreign policy”, World Politics 51(1), Oct. 1998: 144–172; Abstr. 49.182] to examine the indirect relationship between the independent variables of systemic pressures (external factors), the intervening variables of internal factors (domestic reasons) and the dependent variables, that is, the foreign policy of an individual state. [R, abr.]
65.7443 LEE Hyun-Song —
I demonstrate that the traditional frame of pro- versus anti-American approach is not appropriate for figuring out Korean's way of thinking towards the US. When Korea's economy has reached some level of affluence, her politics has been matured with democratization, and many Koreans have better knowledge of the US and Americans, Korean's way of thinking toward the US has changed accordingly. Nowadays, Koreans tend to approach the US and Americans on equal terms and take more objective attitudes without much emotional involvement. I propose an alternative frame to capture such Korean's attitude. [R, abr.]
65.7444 LEE Seungioo —
In the face of rising China, B. Obama administration's trade policy has become multilayered. First, at the multilateral level, while placing high priority on the multilateral trade liberalization led by WTO, the Obama administration actively attempts to engage in sectoral trade negotiations such as information technology and services. Second, at the regional level, the Obama administration ambitiously promotes mega FTAs such as the TPP and the TTIP to take advantage of them as a model for 21st c. trade governance. Finally, at the bilateral level, the Obama administration has been active in signing bilateral FTAs with about twenty countries in responding to China's bilateral FTA strategy. By strategically linking multilateral, regional, and bilateral trade forums, the Obama administration [seeks] an advantageous position in creating the global trading order that facilitates China to join. [R, abr.]
65.7445 LEE, Terence; McGAHAN, Kevin —
Given competing interests among the three littoral states of Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia, what explains the nature and timing of their cooperative arrangement in combating maritime piracy in the Straits of Malacca in the post-2004 period? This observation is especially puzzling because the material and strategic interests of these actors generally did not change during the time period that witnessed increased cooperation. We argue that key developments of the anti-piracy regime in the Straits of Malacca cannot be fully explained by rationalist approaches, which traditionally stresses material and national interests of states. By critically engaging constructivist approaches, this paper posits that Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia engaged in a process of norm-subsidiarity, [whereby] relatively weak states develop their own rules to prevent their exclusion or marginalization from institutions of global governance by more powerful actors. [R, abr.]
65.7446a LERNER, Mitchell —
Recent years have seen growing call within the US for dramatic action to be taken against North Korea. This essay argues that the best course of action is instead a policy of strategic patience, one that would allow for the growing forces of popular culture, technology, and open markets to help weaken the hold of the Kim family in the North. Such soft power tools, it suggests, have already begun to penetrate the North, and stand a better chance of fostering changes within the nation than does more immediate and direct action. [R]
65.7446b LEWIS, Jeffrey; TERTRAIS, Bruno —
Western nuclear deterrence could benefit from closer cooperation “at three”. The US, UK and France should take care, however, to do no harm to their existing bilateral relationships. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7406]
65.7447 LIN Chong-Pin —
Rising East Asian maritime tensions between China and its neighbors since 2009 without military conflict are explained by compelling factors including China's assertiveness, the expanding US regional presence, territorial defiance by China's neighbors, and restraining factors including Beijing's “struggle without breaking” policy guideline, the US accommodation school, and neighbors’ hedging strategy. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7504]
65.7448 LINDSEY, David; HOBBS, William —
We identify and test an implication of the claim that chief executives are uniquely effective diplomatic actors. To the extent that a leader's time is valuable and nonsubstitutable, there will always be more diplomatic problems that could benefit from a leader's scarce time than he or she can possibly address. This executive bottleneck should tighten when the opportunity cost of spending time on diplomacy rises, leading to decreased time spent on diplomacy and a consequent reduction in outcome quality. Using newly collected data, we test for the existence of this bottleneck in American foreign policy. We demonstrate a large, persistent decrease in presidential time spent on foreign policy immediately prior to presidential elections and show that this corresponds to a substantial increase in the level of conflict within the American bloc. [R, abr.]
65.7449 LITVINOVA, Elena —
The issue of Palestine is unique, and not only because it is part and parcel of the Middle East conflict and attempts to solve it. The study of the experience of the political institutionalization of the Arab Palestinian territories, of the structuring of Palestinian political processes, of the activities and split of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA), and of the record of the international community as the “architect” of modern Palestine makes it possible to evaluate the roles of Palestinian domestic actors and political elites, understand internal and external factors in building new states in the Middle east, and assess the effectiveness of proposed systems of political organization. [R]
65.7450 LOPEZ-LUCIA, Elisa —
The study of regional powers has become an increasingly prominent part of debates in IR, particularly regarding their role in creating the conditions for international security. While the IR literature tends to focus on the causal effect of material and ideational factors to explain the policy of regional powers, this article uses an interpretive approach, centering on the study of historical representations. Through a comparative analysis of the foreign policies of Brazil and Nigeria since the 1990s, it argues that a focus on the traditions and dilemmas of regional powers enables a better explanation of their policy, one which illustrates how material factors are refracted through the representations of foreign policy elites in the two countries and expressed in their foreign policy practices as regional powers. [R] [See Abstr. 65.6290]
65.7451 MALTBY, Tomas —
Considering the development of the Bulgarian energy security strategy this article analyzes how the country has adapted to EU membership and to energy security challenges, such as disruptions to Russian gas supplies in 2006 and 2009 and rising gas prices. Utilizing a conceptual lens which synthesizes Regional Security Complex Theory and Europeanization, the article offers an explanation of energy policy changes. It concludes that conceptions of Russia as an energy security guarantor have changed since Bulgaria's EU accession and that Bulgarian energy policy has undergone a qualified reorientation away from a positive dependence on Russian energy sources, towards a convergence with EU priorities of diversification and a single energy market. [R]
65.7452 MARGULIS, Matias E.;, —
This article examines the Government of Canada's behavior at two leading institutions for global food security governance, the Group of Eight (G8) and the UN Committee on World Food Security (CFS). I argue that the government has engaged in a forum-shifting strategy between these two institutions that has enhanced its reputation among a small group of peer states at the G8 but diminished its reputation and influence at the CFS. With the CFS emerging as a key institution for agenda-setting, norm-building and rule-making in global food security governance, Canada's marginal influence and peripheral status at this body undermines the government's claims of global leadership. [R, abr.]
65.7453 MAULL, Hanns W. —
German foreign policy since 1990 has been guided by the foreign policy role concept of the old Federal Republic. This concept of a civilian power has been modified in detail, but continues to guide German foreign policy despite far-reaching changes in its foreign policy environment. This paradoxical continuity increasingly has produced unease and criticism both among Germany's partners and within Germany itself. The present government has responded to this by a thorough review of German foreign policy and a declared willingness to assume greater international responsibility. Both in dealing with Euro-crisis and the struggle over the future of Ukraine, Berlin has indeed so far shown considerable leadership and thus has lived up to the expectations it created. In the future, however, the “civilian power 2.0” will have to tackle difficult challenges. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7566]
65.7454 McDOUGALL, Derek —
The Abbott Coalition government, elected to office in Australia in September 2013, has been engaged with a number of issues that relate to, or have implications for, the developing world. At a general level these issues concern development cooperation, refugees and asylum-seekers, and climate change. At a regional level, Australia has had particular concerns relating to Indonesia and the Pacific island countries; there has also been some focus on India and Indian Ocean regionalism. The government's approach to issues concerning the developing world reflects its pragmatism based on a perception of Australian interests and an identification with the countries of the developed world as led by the US. [R, abr.]
65.7455 MEIJER, Hugo —
In light of the intertwining logics of military competition and economic interdependence at play in Sino-American relations, this paper examines how the US has balanced conflicting national security and economic interests in the making of US export-control policy on defense-related technology toward China. It contributes to the understanding of this strategically sensitive yet neglected area of Sino-American relations. As a consequence of the erosion of the US capacity to control the diffusion of defense-related technology to China in the post-Cold War era, a growing set of actors within the US has reassessed the security/economic calculus in Washington's relationship with Beijing. Specifically, this coalition advocates the streamlining of export controls to sustain the defense and technological industrial base and thereby maintain American military/technological preeminence vis-à-vis a rising China. [R, abr.]
65.7456 MENDES LEAL, Catarina —
In the 21st c., energy security is a challenge of great importance given the imbalance in the global distribution of oil and natural gas reserves, the increasing supply constraints of fossil fuels worldwide and due to the turbulence that features some of the producing regions. Portugal is a country with limited indigenous energy resources in particular those which provide the majority of energy needs. Portugal depends on external supply, especially from the countries of North Africa and from the West Africa Basin. Currently, these two regions are confronted with an increasing asymmetry and long-term security risks that are becoming worst with the increasing interconnection between them. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7245]
65.7457 MIDFORD, Paul —
This article addresses Japan's role in maritime security in the South China Sea. It identifies Tokyo's three main policy tools: regional multilateralism, ODA, and JCG aid to littoral states in the form of equipment and capacity building. Barring a major external shock Tokyo will continue playing a more active but low-key role. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7504]
65.7458 MILLAR, Katharine M. —
Since the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, over 150 female American military personnel have been killed, over 70 following hostile fire. Given Western society's long-standing practice of reserving the conduct of collective violence to men, these very public deaths are difficult to encompass within the normative and ideological structures of the contemporary American political system. This study examines the ways in which the public duty to commemorate the heroism of soldiers — and the private desire to accurately remember daughters and wives — poses a significant challenge to coherent discursive representation. It employs hermeneutical interpretation to analyze public representations of female soldiers and their relation to death in US popular culture. These representations are examined via J. Butler's concept of grievability — the possibility of receiving recognition as a worthy life within the existing social imaginary. [R, abr.]
65.7459 MOHAMAS, Husam —
This article seeks a historically grounded critical understanding of US policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It also reflects slightly on signs of continuities and/or changes experienced during B Obama's presidency with regard to the Middle East region. [R, abr.]
65.7460 MOIR, Hazel V. J. —
The US has been a major force behind the extended reach of patent monopolies using preferential trade agreements. The patent and data exclusivity provisions of the AUSFTA were proposed by the US. This paper provides detailed evidence about how such “TRIPS+” policies compare to a balanced patent policy — one equally favoring creators and users of technology. Australia has never had an active patent agenda, but since AUSFTA has been willing to accept in its bilateral and regional trade deals highly prescriptive rules that tie the hands of future governments. The overall trend has thus been toward increasing imbalance, with Australian patent policy now having a very broad reach and very low eligibility standards. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7515]
65.7461 MOKHEFI, Mansouria —
During the Cold War, Algeria was one of the Soviet Union's favored partners. Ties between the two countries deteriorated during the 1990s before going through a renewal around fifteen years ago. Although the trade relationship remains rather weak, this is not the case in terms of military and energy cooperation. Algeria is the second largest importer of Russian arms and has called on Russia to build its first nuclear power station. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7587]
65.7462 MOUNT, Adam —
It is manifestly in the American interest that nuclear weapons are never again used in war — but if they are, should the US retaliate in kind? [R] [See Abstr. 65.7406]
65.7463 MÜLLER, Harald —
European peace order needs a new start after the Ukraine war. It is necessary to recognize the new division of Europe through a systemic conflict between democratic and non-democratic systems of rule which have to live together despite their differences. The experiences from past détente policy offer important lessons. To avoid undesirable surprises, the West, decisively superior to its rival, must understand its past mistakes in treating Russia without excusing Moscow's breach of international law. The revival of OSCE and the NATO-Russia Council, the constructive engagement of the proposal of a European security treaty, and regular cooperative relations between the western institutions NATO and EU and the smaller regional organizations led by Russia are appropriate pillars of a new order. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7566]
65.7464 MURAD, Ali; BANKS, Glenn; PARSONS, Nigel —
Data from the US Agency for International Development (USAID) shows that the US has allocated substantial economic and military aid to Pakistan over the period 1948 to 2013. What have been the motives for this sustained US bilateral aid? To what extent have the US political, security, and geo-strategic orientations determined the provision of the US aid to this single Muslim state with nuclear capabilities? Pakistan's instrumental role in the Sino-US rapprochement in the 1970s was followed by the demise of the US-Pakistan alliance with the collapse of the Soviet Union. As a result of the events of 11 September 2001, Pakistan made a complete U-turn in its Afghan policy and once again became a frontline US ally, this time in the campaign against terrorism.
65.7465 NAKANISHI, Hiroshi —
I [examine] the major security and defense changes achieved by the second Abe Shinzo cabinet and analyze why Abe was reasonably successful. Based on analysis of the major Japanese strategic guidelines, the new National Security Council, and legal arguments on interpretations of the constitution, I argue that Abe's security and defense reforms are not unique to his ideology or political stance but follow the general trend Japan has pursued in the last two decades. What is unique about Abe is his drive and political tact to ram through these reforms. These reforms are also suited to shift Japan's geopolitical focus away from the Asian continent and toward the Eurasian littoral and maritime areas, where Japan sees more economic and political opportunities without the historical controversies it faces in East Asia. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7473]
65.7466 O'SHEA, Paul —
Despite frequent talk of conflict and even war, economic and strategic factors suggest that the Sino-Japanese dispute over the East China Sea will not erupt into hot conflict, at least for the time being. However, for domestic reasons, overt cooperation remains a distant prospect. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7504]
65.7467 OBI, Cyril —
This paper adopts a Nigerian perspective to South Africa's position in global economic governance, particularly in relation to its role in the BRICS and G20. It is informed by the challenge of transforming Africa's current marginal role in global economic governance, and the kind(s) of regional partnerships that Africa's largest economies can strategically develop and use to place the continent on a higher economic pedestal globally. The paper places challenges confronting Africa in context, exploring how South Africa, by negotiating a strategic partnership with other continental economic powers outside of the BRICS, such as Nigeria, stands to leverage Africa's role and global position on a “win-win” basis. It notes the costs and potential benefits of such a partnership, and offers some suggestions on the way forward. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7478]
65.7468a ÖKTEM, Kerem —
The paper reflects Turkey's foreign policy under the Justice and Development Party (AKP) from 2002 to 2015, a period bracketed by the rise and fall of AKP power. Four phases mark the evolution of this policy stretching from a promising start with constructive modes of global engagement in the early 2000s to overreach, isolation and the fragmentation of foreign policy today. Following the “liberal pragmatism” of the first seven years from 2002 to 2009, there is a shift to the ideologically inspired foreign policy of A. Davutoglu. His more than a half-decade in shaping Turkey's relations with the world and particularly in the Middle East is further distinguished into a “pan-Islamist” phase of relative success and a “sectarian” phase of demise. They both end with Turkey's loss of reputation in the world. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6946]
65.7468b OKYAR, Onur —
This study investigates the rhetoric and practice of two actors (public and regime) involved in the foreign affairs of Iran. I discuss the foreign policy of the current regime, and the factors influencing its direction in the context of the Arab Spring. [Then], the response of the public to both the Arab Spring and the Iran's foreign policy is analyzed. I conclude that the foreign policy of Iran is dominated by a Realpolitik-based, opportunistic approach with a strongly theopolitical bent in favor of the status-quo, which is contrasted by the public support for movements based on freedom and participation. Finally, I suggest that, in order to prevent the widening of the gap between the regime and the public, the regime should reinforce the conditions for basic rights and freedoms. [R]
65.7469 OLIVEIRA MARTINS, Bruno —
In the aftermath of the July-August 2014 war in Gaza, the Swedish government officially recognized the state of Palestine. This decision triggered a cascade of resolutions adopted in national parliaments of EU member states and, eventually, led to the adoption of an EP resolution supporting in principle the recognition of Palestinian statehood. Understood collectively, these efforts constitute a multifaceted European attempt to break with the status quo of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This Profile critically analyzes these developments and sets the context in which they unfolded, arguing that they are indicative of a complex yet growing European impatience with Israel's policies towards the conflict and with the stalemate of the peace process. [R]
65.7470 OSTERMANN, Falk —
This article investigates the Franco-British rapprochement in security and defense cooperation under N. Sarkozy, G. Brown and D. Cameron from 2008 to 2012. While in the past, British Atlanticism and the French Europeanist tradition had stood in the way of close bilateral cooperation, the conclusion of several treaties of defense cooperation in this period delivered closer ties. By adopting an interpretivist perspective on events, this article argues that the rapprochement can be explained with reference principally to changes in the French tradition, which took it closer to the British Atlanticist tradition. Drawing on parliamentary and executive statements, the article traces the influence of, and changes in, the balance between Europeanism and Atlanticism in the defense policy traditions in the two countries. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6290]
65.7471 ÖZDAL, Habibe —
This study analyzes the interaction of domestic-regional-global dynamics of the Ukraine crisis. It argues that the Ukraine crisis is the offspring of the interaction between the domestic social structure of Ukraine; Russia and the EU's regional policies towards their shared neighborhood; and the global dimension of Russia-West relations. In this context, the article first considers Ukraine's internal political structure, the convergent and conflicting policies of the Russian Federation and the EU concerning Ukraine, and finally the developments in Russia-West relations from the viewpoint of arguments that contend the Ukraine crisis points towards an emerging new Cold War environment. [R, abr.]
65.7472a PALA, Özgür; ARAS, Bülent —
As a regional power, Turkey aspires to become an influential international actor. As a small state, Qatar seeks to enhance its security and sovereignty and become an indispensable regional middle power. The Arab Spring protests have created an ideal context for both actors to realize their geopolitical goals. However, adverse political developments have turned most Arab Spring countries into battlegrounds wherein old geopolitical rivalries deepened and new regional alliances were constructed. Taking Gaza, Syria and Egypt as cases in point, this paper investigates how Ankara and Doha's evolving practical geopolitical reasoning and its domestic and international representations converged to create venues for cooperation and promotion of relations to a level of political alignment. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7528]
65.7472b PARK Young Hwan —
This article explores how peace agreements facilitate democratization. It utilizes the concept of legalized institutions to develop the thesis of the influence of the peace agreement on democratization. Through the help of their functions such as obligation, precision, and delegation, legalized institutions promote cooperation among the actors. I hypothesize that the peace agreement serves as the legalized institution after armed conflicts and, in turn, the legalized institution by the peace agreement contributes to democratization. With this concept in mind, I use Conflict Termination data, peace agreement data, and POLITY IV data to examine if the peace agreement enhances democratization. The empirical findings support that the legalized peace agreement facilitates democratization. [R, abr.]
65.7473 PEMPEL, T. J. —
“Is Japan back?” Economically, the evidence is mixed at best due largely to slowness in carrying out vital structural reforms. In electoral terms, the Liberal Democratic Party has regained much of its prior dominance under Abe Shinzo. Most problematic of all, Japan is not back at all in regaining a commanding position within East Asia, in part due to its slow economic transformation, but due also to the atavistic positions taken by Abe's government on the historical interpretations of Japanese behavior in World War II. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “The Abe effect in regional international order: Japan and Asia”. See also Abstr. 65.6850, 7325, 7388, 7465, 7524]
65.7474 PIEPER, Moritz —
This article [examines] Russia's foreign policy towards the Iranian nuclear program and analyzes to what extent Russia's Iran policies are indicative of a security culture that resists hegemony. Following a two-level model between a discursive and a behavioral level of foreign policy, it shows how Moscow advocates a non-hegemonic security culture discursively, but still displays a level of behavioral convergence with hegemonic power structures. Process-tracing Russia's positioning on the Iranian nuclear dossier as from the disclosure of Iran's nuclear program in 2002, the article carves out Russian normative conceptions in international relations and material considerations that let Russia partially fall short of acting upon its own discourse. It will be argued that Russian Iran policy is the outcome of a balancing act between resistance to hegemony and hegemonic accommodation. [R]
65.7475 POLLMANN, M. Erika; TIDWELL, Alan —
This article focuses on Australian motivations regarding the recent proposal for submarine cooperation with Japan, and places it in the context of longer trends that poise the US, Australia and Japan for even greater trilateralism in the future. Australia's proposal to buy submarines from Japan, should it go through, would cement Australia and Japan's fledgling security relationship in steel and coin. For Australia, it would help it to overcome its undersea capability gap, and Japan could set a precedent to re-enter the global weapons market if all goes well. Furthermore, Australia can use defense-technology cooperation with Japan to signal to the US the seriousness of its commitment to burden-share in pursuit of regional security and determination to politically support the US's “Pivot” to the Asia-Pacific. [R, abr.]
65.7476 PORTELA, Clara —
EU sanctions are agreed in the CFSP, a framework where the unanimity rule prevails and where individual Member States have a formal veto. Thus, Member State compliance with sanctions can be expected to be optimal: If Member States have serious objections to the imposition of sanctions, they can veto their adoption in the Council. Yet, while implementation is comparatively satisfactory, Member States have availed of opportunities to undermine the application of EU sanctions regimes at various levels. On the basis of the theoretical framework provided by S. Saurugger and F. Terpan, the article explores various ways in which Member States attempt to resist EU measures, categorizes them and explains Member States’ choice of resistance techniques. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7319]
65.7477 PORTER, Geoff D. —
Given its colonial history, Algeria does not want foreign powers involving themselves in internal affairs. Likewise, Algiers refrains from military intervention outside its borders. Non-interventionism has even been written into the country's constitution. However, given how serious the region's situation has become, marked by the rise of different jihadist groups, this principle could be reconsidered. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7587]
65.7478 QOBO, Mzukisi; DUBE, Memory —
South Africa's foreign policy has evolved through various presidents, from N. Mandela to J. Zuma. One characteristic lacuna through the various administrations has been the weak linkage between foreign economic strategies and domestic economic objectives. There is a gap between what is expressed in rhetoric and the actual execution of foreign policy. Further, there has also been a gradual shift from a foreign policy that exhibited strong normative expressions, inclined to the West, to a more pragmatic foreign policy aligned with the new rising powers. This paper [examines] these changes in South Africa's foreign policy, with particular focus on foreign economic strategies as played out in the country's role in multilateral economic processes such as the WTO, the G20 and the BRICS. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Alliances beyond BRICS: South Africa's role in global economic governance”, edited and introduced by Maxi SCHOEMAN. See also Abstr. 65.7351, 7355, 7381b, 7467, 7567]
65.7479 RABINOWITZ, Or; MILLER, Nicholas L. —
How has the US behaved historically toward friendly states with nuclear weapons ambitions? Recent scholarship has demonstrated the great lengths to which the US went to prevent Taiwan, South Korea, and West Germany from acquiring nuclear weapons. Yet seemingly on the other side of the ledger are cases such as Israel, South Africa, and Pakistan, where the US failed to prevent proliferation, and where many have argued that the US made exceptions to its nonproliferation objectives given conflicting geopolitical goals. A reexamination of the history of US nonproliferation policy toward Israel, South Africa, and Pakistan, based on declassified documents and interviews, finds that these cases are not as exceptional as is commonly understood. In each case, the US sought to prevent these states from acquiring nuclear weapons, despite geopolitical constraints. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7403]
65.7480 RANJAN, Amit —
The political tensions over water are duly aided by the growing supply-demand gap, phenomenon of climate change and predominant use of supply-side management system. Though the water conflicts are bilateral, it has regional implications. Realizing this fact, in most of the regions, the regional organizations have taken steps to mitigate differences among the riparian states and have helped them to enter into a cooperative arrangement. In South Asia, this is difficult to attain because the South Asia Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is not a very effective body. [R, abr.]
65.7481 RIGOULET-ROZE, David —
For the past 70 years, the US and Saudi Arabia have had a special relationship based on an agreement signed in 1945 by President F.D. Roosevelt and King Ibn Saoud, exchanging Saudi oil for US protection. This relationship has been seriously shaken in the past 15 years. Following the events of 11 September 2001, Riyadh was accused of having spared Osama Bin Laden and of not having been effective in combating Islamic terrorism. During the Arab Spring, the Saudis were distraught to see Washington abandon their Egyptian ally, H. Mubarak, while the Americans criticized the Saudis for supporting the most extremist groups in the Syrian conflict. Last, the US's recent energy independence has radically reshaped the playing field. Now that America has its own oil, will it still need Saudi Arabia? [R]
65.7482 RIOUX OUIMET, Hubert —
Many of the most active regions in terms of commercial paradiplomacy are home to influential nationalist movements: Scotland and Quebec are cases in point. Conversely, many rich and export-oriented regions, such as South East England in the UK or Ontario in Canada, remain less active, if at all, in this domain. This article describes the development of autonomous commercial paradiplomacy apparatuses in Quebec and Scotland by focusing on nationalism as a crucial motive, which is also partly responsible for the way such apparatuses developed, through the establishment of organizations and strategies institutionally distinct from those of the “rest” of Canada and the UK. [R, abr.]
65.7483 ROLLAND, Nadège —
China's “One Belt, One Road” project, also known as the “New Silk Road”, aims to create a vast infrastructure network connecting three continents, with China playing the central role. It constitutes a central element of Beijing's regional diplomatic strategy and will be used as a laboratory for a future new Asian order. It has been presented as a purely economic initiative, yet this project has an underlying strategic side to it that aims to weaken America's presence in Asia. [R]
65.7484 RYWKIN, Michael —
The official Russian position in the Ukrainian crisis is based on a reversal of reality: Ukraine is accused of deceit, the EU of aggression, and the US of pulling the strings behind the scenes. Russia is presented as a victim, and its agents in Donbass as freedom fighters. Moscow does not care if its arguments are believable or not and appears ready to sever its historic ties with Europe in order to adopt a Eurasian identity whose only characteristic seems to be the rejection of Western ties. While Moscow managed to recover Crimea, it drove itself into political isolation and revived the Cold War. Having cornered itself while simultaneously [suffering] a serious economic downturn, the Kremlin can see no possible way out and risks becoming more and more aggressive. [R, abr.]
65.7485 SAKWA, Richard —
The Russian myth of Yalta became a way of permanently confirming Russia's status as a great power, an equal in deciding global issues. It is this status that V. Putin has tried to restore. The Yalta conference came to symbolize the failure to build constructively on the foundations of the end of the Cold War, and thus signaled the onset of the 25-period of the cold peace, which ended in a new Cold War. Instead of “engaging” Russia, the “hedging strategy” was adopted, aimed at strengthening and enlargement of Western institutions, while trying to mitigate the effects on Russia and other neighbors. In the “cold peace” period, two principles came increasingly into conflict — transdemocracy and “sovereign democracy” — and this ultimately is the context in which the Ukraine crisis unfolded. [R, abr.]
65.7486 SALTZMAN, Ilai Z. —
While the role of honor as a war-generating factor has been widely discussed in IR scholarship, there is insufficient theoretical and empirical research that identifies and conceptualizes the influence of honor on foreign policy decision-making. This article argues that honor plays a dramatic role not only in causing conflicts but also in negotiations to resolve them. To illustrate this point, it examines the way Israeli Foreign Minister A. Lieberman's conception of honor shaped Israel's foreign policy toward Turkey following the Mavi Marmara flotilla crisis of May 2010. [R]
65.7487 SCOTT, David —
During Hu Jintao's period of leadership, careful public diplomacy language was deployed by China from 2000–2012 to describe the international system and China's role within it. I analyze the terms introduced in the 2000s to recalibrate the “multi-polarity” [shijie duojihua] emphasis of the 1990s. These terms have been deployed within a general “reassurance diplomacy” that emphasized concepts like “responsible Great Power” [fuzeren da guo], “multi-lateralism” [duobian zhuyi], “good neighborhood policy” [mulin zhengce], “democratization of international relations” [Guoji Guanxi Mingzhuhua], “peaceful rise” [heping jueqi], “peaceful development” [heping fazhan] and “harmonious world” [hexie shijie]. Ambiguities, implications, impact, and tensions surrounding these terms are considered, and China's deliberate adjustments pinpointed. China's soft-power intentions emerge from its instrumentalist use of diplomatic rhetoric, though a credibility gap also emerged between actions and words by 2012. [R]
65.7488 SHABAN, Omar —
Despite the stated position of Israel towards Hamas and vice-versa — Hamas does not recognize Israel and Israel considers Hamas a terrorist organization — both have not stopped exchanging messages. Since Hamas took over Gaza in June 2007, there have been three major confrontations and four truces, either written or non-written. Recently, there have been strong signals that both sides are not interested in a confrontation, and even that they are more interested than before in a long-term truce. This analysis examines the proximity communication between the two parties. [R]
65.7489 SHEN, Simon —
Beijing's former arch-rival Taipei maintains, arguably, considerable influence over the Asia-Pacific region. Why is this status quo tolerated by Beijing? Drawing on empirical sources in relation to communication between Beijing, Taipei and these island states, by focusing on how Beijing handles the South Pacific region in general and the six non-recognizing states in particular, this article distinguishes the difference in Beijing's mentality today from that of 30 or 40 years ago. It argues that the zero-sum mentality of fighting against Taipei in the region has now been replaced by a positive-sum assumption to engage Taipei, as well as the pan-Chinese community in the world, via the PIS [Pacific Island states], regardless of whether they establish formal ties with Beijing or not. [R, abr.]
65.7490 SILVA RELVA TELES FAZENDEIRO, Bernardo da —
The manner in which President I. Karimov's roles were recognized in the global arena affected how Uzbekistan's international relations developed — a perspective that highlights both the form and the content of bilateral relationships. While mutual interests are crucial to beginning a relationship, it is also important to understand how those relations were recognized in public and dealt with in private. If partners managed to recognize Karimov's agenda publicly, or at least act with discretion, this tended to create an atmosphere favoring cooperation. As such, recognition and discretion reveal much about Karimov's concerns with international equality and self-reliance, pointing to the reasons why Uzbekistan's relations fluctuated more with some actors than others. The US and Germany are ideal examples of that ambivalent situation. [R, abr.]
65.7491 SIMON, Sheldon W. —
This article assesses Southeast Asian views of the US “rebalance”, examining reactions to US military deployments, military assistance to partners, and support for Southeast Asian diplomacy on South China Sea conflicts. Although not ostensibly designed to contain China, the rebalance provides Southeast Asia with hedging options against more assertive PRC actions in the South China Sea. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7504]
65.7492 SIMÓN, Luis —
This article examines how, in a global strategic context presided by the rise of Asia and the US rebalance towards that region, Europeans are contributing to transatlantic burden-sharing. Particularly important are the “middle spaces” of the Indian Ocean, central Asia and the Arctic, the main avenues of communication between the Asia-Pacific and the European neighborhood. The article [examines] how evolving geostrategic dynamics in Europe, the “middle spaces” and the Asia-Pacific relate to each other, and how they might impinge on discussions on transatlantic burden-sharing. A number of factors stand in the way of a meaningful European engagement in the “middle spaces” and the Asia-Pacific, including divergent security priorities among Europeans, the impact of budgetary austerity on European defense capabilities and a tendency to confine foreign policy to the immediate neighborhood. [R, abr.]
65.7493 STEINBERG, Gerald M. —
The author examines the recent developments in Israeli foreign policy. He particularly emphasizes how the relations between Washington and Jerusalem have soured over the past years. In a second step, he sheds light on the regional developments since 2010 and their impact on Israeli foreign policy and the country's role in the region. [R]
65.7494 STRONG, James —
This article presents three distinct interpretations of how parliamentary war powers affect British foreign policy more generally, based on a detailed analysis of the debate preceding the vote in parliament in August 2013 on whether Britain should intervene in the Syrian civil war. The first interpretation treats parliament as a site for domestic role-contestation: parliamentary war powers raise the significance of MPs’ doubts about Britain's proper global “role”. The second interpretation treats parliament as a forum for policy debate: parliamentary war powers make British foreign policy more cautious and less consistent, even if they also make it more transparent and (potentially) more democratic in turn. The final interpretation treats parliament as an arena for political competition: parliamentary involvement exposes major foreign policy decisions to the vagaries of partisan politicking. [R, abr.]
65.7495 SUN Degang; ZOUBIR, Yahia H. —
Since the outbreak of the Arab revolts in late 2010, China has adhered to its “business-first” economic diplomacy towards the Arab countries, a policy driven by China's ongoing geo-economic interests. The ten-year-old China-Arab States Cooperation Forum serves as the nucleus for China's economic diplomacy in the region. The Chinese authorities have also initiated interagency coordination and central-local governments’ power-sharing in order to pursue this diplomacy successfully. However, while its economic diplomacy may be evolving, China seems to have failed to develop strategic, political and cultural exchanges with its Arab counterparts. The intertwined geopolitical and geo-economic factors that have emerged since the Arab revolts might make it harder for China to reap economic benefits while shelving political entanglement to sustain this economic diplomacy in the longer run. [R]
65.7497 TEJA, Jaskaran —
This article reviews recent trends in Indo-Iranian relations against a backdrop of diplomatic or strategic moves by global and regional players that affect security, stability, and regional energy links. The growing convergence of India's interests with those of the US — as seen in the recent Modi-Obama summit in New Delhi — is a good start for expanded cooperation in energy, trade, and expatriate manpower in a stable and peaceful Middle East. Iran would benefit from a stronger and prosperous India (with its huge market) next door. Also discussed are the implications of a potential — but not necessarily imminent — thaw in US-Iran relations or a potential breakdown of negotiations. [R, abr.]
65.7498 TEORELL, Jan; ROTHSTEIN, Bo —
How and why some countries were able to make the historical transition from a patrimonial, nepotistic and corrupt bureaucracy to a clean, Weberian and professionalized one is still an under-studied topic in the literature on corruption. This article presents original data on such a transition in the case of Sweden, drawing on court hearings of cases of malfeasance among public officials in the period 1720–1850. An important explanation for why the Swedish bureaucracy was able to break out of the collective-action trap of corruption relates to Ch. Tilly's theory of the importance of war for state-making. Rather than viewing war-making in itself as a driver of change, however, this article pinpoints the importance of having lost a significant war — in the Swedish case, the war against Russia in 1808–1809 — and the constitutional and regime changes this set in motion. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 65.6827]
65.7499 TERHALLE, Maximilian —
This article re-examines earlier explanations as to why Iran's foreign policy had remained revolutionary for so long. In light of Iran's fundamental policy shift in 2013, this article argues that structural causes, such as financial and economic sanctions, have forced the hand of Tehran's leadership to dramatically alter its long-held foreign policy attitude. It assesses recent literature conceptually and empirically. It finds that Solingen's stressing that the design of any sanctions should look closely at the domestic politics of the target-state needs to be recalibrated. Instead of looking at winners and losers (as the result of sanctions), which turned out not to fit with the Iranian case, this article finds that meticulously studying the design of a given state's economic structure and, thus, its pressure points, leads to much more effective results. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7623]
65.7500 THOMAS, Nicholas —
This article examines Sino-Australian economic relations, and their impact on US-Australia ties. First, drawing on power-transition theory, it is argued that in a post-Cold War environment, economic ties play as great a role as strategic relations in determining the orientation of third-party states. Second, it is also argued that Australia's deeper economic and commercial ties with China have usurped a role previously held by the US. This has forced Australia to pursue a bifurcated foreign policy — one split between its economic and national security needs. Third, these deeper ties with China have generated a degree of alliance drift between Australia and the US. As a result, there is now a significant debate in Australia over the future of both bilateral relations — even as its space for policy innovation remains limited. [R]
65.7501 THURBON, Elizabeth —
I examine the extent to which preferential trade agreements (PTAs) limit the Australian government's ability to use public procurement for local industry development ends. I examine Australia's PTA obligations, but also how other governments with similar obligations — such as Korea — are using public purchasing policies to promote local industrial advancement. I find that the PTA obligations of the Australian and Korean governments leave them both significant scope to use public purchasing strategically. Interestingly, however, Australian policy-makers have been standing still in the room that remains, and even abandoning PTA-compliant procurement-linked development policies. South Korean policy-makers on the other hand have been capitalizing on every inch of space left open to them — and even experimenting with new forms of strategic public purchasing that nonetheless comply with their international obligations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7515]
65.7502 TIESSEN, Rebecca; CARRIER, Krystel —
An important discursive shift took place in 2009 when government staff in the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT) and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) — now the Department for Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development (DFATD) — were instructed to replace the term “gender equality” with “equality between women and men”. We document Canada's role as a self-proclaimed leader in the promotion of gender equality prior to 2009, and feminist critiques of Canadian foreign policy over time. We draw on feminist theory and critical foreign policy scholarship as well as interviews with mid-level bureaucrats to understand the reasons for — and implications of — the change in discourse from “gender equality” to “equality between women and men”. We argue that the shift in language was significant for several reasons. [R, abr.]
65.7503 TITARENKO, Mikhail; PETROVSKY, Vladimir —
It was the US that orchestrated and provoked the conflict in Ukraine, the aim being to isolate and weaken Russia. Russia, however, does not see a potential reconciliation between the US and China as a threat to its economic or geostrategic interests, but in fact believes that such a rapprochement would create a new, and ultimately more favorable, environment for the defense and promotion of these interests. Any multilateral framework for dialogue and cooperation, either within or outside the Asia-Pacific, with the participation of China and the US, would serve to consolidate the positions of Russia and enrich its diplomatic arsenal, provided such a framework has a role for Russia.
65.7504 TØNNESSON, Stein —
The article looks at three ways in which international law has affected government behavior in the South China Sea. It has exacerbated disputes. It has probably curtailed the use of force. And it has made it difficult to imagine solutions that violate the law of the sea. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “China's maritime embroilments”, edited and introduced by the author and Mikael WEISSMANN. See also Abstr. 65.7352, 7447, 7457, 7466, 7491, 7510, 7514]
65.7505 TORUN, Abdullah —
Russia, having overcome its brief state of confusion after the Cold War, has regained its influence over old lands of the USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics). This article contends that Russia instrumentalizes the CSTO as an instrument to promote its regional hegemony, in addition to engaging in other forms of politics to the same end. Here, the reason for the foundation of the CSTO and the efforts that have allowed it to remain a functioning organization since the 2000s stem from Russia's desire to retain regional hegemony. Russia's efforts to activate and militarize the CSTO as well as the consent of other countries throughout the region to Russia's role as a regional hegemon, excluding conjunctural deviations from this trend, support the basic argument. [R]
65.7506 VERBITSKY, Jane —
Although South Africa is a founding member of the Antarctic Treaty, the southernmost continent has played little part in its post-apartheid foreign policy. This article, however, argues that vigorous engagement with Antarctica and Antarctic politics represents an unparalleled opportunity and means for South Africa to simultaneously assert leadership in an increasingly important area of global politics and to address some of its most critical socio-economic problems. Due to its founding member status, the paper suggests that South Africa is uniquely positioned to be able to advocate for and champion reform of the Antarctic Treaty to achieve greater democratization of Antarctic governance. [R, abr.]
65.7507 VIRCOULON, Thierry; TOURNIER, Violette —
Piracy and armed robbery at sear are a threat to security in the hydrocarbon-rich Gulf of Guinea. None of the states in this region have the means to take action alone. A framework of maritime security is being drawn up in the region, but there are still plenty of obstacles. Western countries and China are trying to bolster the capacity of local navies and coast guards. However, this is avoiding the deal source of the problem, which is of a socio-economic nature. [R]
65.7508 WANG Fang —
As political factors affect trade activities greatly, this paper considers whether a series of political events have had a negative impact on Sino-Philippine trade relations. Of particular concern is the influence on bilateral relations and the Philippines’ domestic economy from political and diplomatic tensions between China and the Philippines caused by territorial disputes in the South China Sea. Political events are divided into two levels, general conflicts and serious conflicts, which are analyzed from the perspectives of both overall level and product level to present their final impact on trade. This research finds that territorial disputes between the two countries deteriorated trade, as the volume of trade usually decreased distinctly after conflicts. [R, abr.]
65.7509 WANG Hongying —
China's expanding economic relations with other developing countries have generated both positive and negative reactions. Many believe that the increasing economic ties between China and these countries will enhance China's political influence and encourage political cooperation between China and other countries in the Global South. How strong is the economic-political link? This article examines this question in the context of Sino-Latin American relations in recent years. It finds that thus far China's expanding economic relations with the region have not had a significant spillover effect into the political realm. The article provides preliminary explanations of the missing link between the economic and the political. It calls for more nuanced ways to apply familiar international relations paradigms to understanding the implications of the rise of China. [R, abr.]
65.7510 WANG Zheng —
This article surveys the discussion and debate in China over the nine-dashed line in recent years, with special focus on the efforts of scholars and think-tank experts to legitimize the nine-dashed line and their interactions with the Chinese public and policymakers through public media. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7504]
65.7511 WARREN, Aiden; BODE, Ingvild —
This article first considers the apparent continuum of use-of-force policies from the G.W. Bush to the B. Obama administration, specifically: the American conflation in the line between pre-emptive and preventive self-defense options; the sustained post-September 11 [2001] legacies that continue to lower thresholds towards using military force; and how this ultimately contributes to the erosion of international law in this area. Second, this article presents a critical contextualization of Obama's drone program and its legal arguments in relation to his administration's overall use-of-force policy, focusing on jus ad bellum standards. [R, abr.]
65.7512 WEATHERALL, Kimberlee —
The Australia-US Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA) required extensive changes to Australian copyright law. This paper assesses the impact of these changes one decade on. It considers, first, whether the costs and/or benefits predicted in 2004 have eventuated, finding clear evidence that AUSFTA has undesirably constrained domestic copyright policy, but no clear evidence either of the feared financial costs to society, or, importantly, the touted benefits to copyright owners. The most significant impact of AUSFTA's copyright provisions, however, appears to have been on Australia's copyright trade policy. Pre-AUSFTA, Australia promoted multilateral standards and mostly sought to comply with, but not exceed, international IP standards. Post-AUSFTA, Australia has pursued an approach akin to that of the US: endorsing international copyright rules that are significantly stronger, and more detailed. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.7515]
65.7513 WEISS, Martin —
Turkey's ambitious political aim to have “no problems with the neighbors” has dramatically changed: today, Turkey is no longer a stronghold of peace and stability, but a source of trouble and conflicts. This situation has its reasons mainly in the problematic relationship between Turks and Kurds. The failure of Turkish politics to give recognition and minority rights to the Kurdish population caused the emergence of PKK and the long bloody war between PKK and the Turkish security forces. After PKK spread to other countries with an ethnic Kurdish population, Turkey soon came into conflicts with neighboring countries. In the case of Syria, Turkey's [goal] is to prevent the development of a PKK-dominated Kurdish state south of the Turkish-Syrian border. [R] [See Abstr. 65.6946]
65.7514 WEISSMANN, Mikael —
Using a conflict-transformation framework, this article demonstrates that positive transformations have taken place in the South China Sea between 1991 and 2007. Even though these transformations have been weakened in recent years, particularly regarding the actor aspect, it is concluded that a major armed conflict is still highly unlikely. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7504]
65.7515 WESLEY, Michael —
The Asia Pacific is currently beset by two contradictory trends: growing economic interdependence and deepening strategic rivalry. Amidst these trends, new sets of regional trade agreements are being negotiated, primarily the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). This article argues that these proposals represent a third phase of competitive regionalism in the Asia Pacific, which will be more complex than the previous two rounds. This complexity is driven by two factors: this time, rivalry is not over scope or leadership but regional order; and this time there is a greater number of leading players in the rivalry. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Australian trade policy: a decade on from the Australia-US Free Trade Agreement”, edited and introduced by Elizabeth THURBON, “10 years after the Australia-US free trade agreement: where to for Australia's trade policy?”, pp. 463–467. See also Abstr. 65.6479, 7357, 7378, 7393, 7460, 7501, 7512]
65.7516 WIDMAIER, Wesley W.; GLANVILLE, Luke —
Over the past two decades, IR scholars have highlighted the importance of efforts by hegemonic states and norm-entrepreneurs to foster norm clarity when promoting the establishment, institutionalization, and internalization of norms. Yet, such analyses obscure the benefits of norm ambiguity in facilitating consensus, flexibility, and compliance. The authors offer a framework positing that hegemonic and institutional ambiguity can help create consensus and facilitate incremental reform necessary to sustain that consensus. Empirically, the authors then show how such ambiguity has facilitated the development of the responsibility to protect norm, tracing Rwanda-era debates over humanitarian intervention, Iraq-era backlash over interventionist abuses, and Libya-era norm implementation. [R]
65.7517 WILKINS, Thomas S. —
This article addresses the developing security relationship between Australia and Japan and assesses implications for the US and the region. [R]
65.7518 WIRTH, Christian —
Despite continuing economic liberalization and social integration, relations between Northeast Asian governments are often tense and lead to enhanced military readiness. Alongside confrontation in all three dyads, however, trilateral cooperation between China, Japan and South Korea has been evolving. This study shows that history problems, territorial disputes and geopolitical concerns lock the Chinese, Japanese and South Korean governments into a constellation that creates political space for the emergence of cooperative frameworks. The very fixation on material power and bilateral relationships reveals that power is being exercised in non-material ways in effect foreclosing alternative futures and reproducing existing structures including the pertaining security dilemmas. [R]
65.7519 YALCIN, Erdal; TURHAN, Ebru —
Turkey and the EU have recently announced their ambition to modernize and expand their 20-year-old Customs Union. In 1996, Turkey favored the launch of the Customs Union and handed over its trade policy autonomy to the EU expecting that it would soon become a full member of the Union. However, the integration process has turned out to be long-lasting and characterized by unexpected political obstacles. Additionally, in recent years the increasing number of negotiated free trade agreements between the EU and third parties has put Turkey in an unfavorable economic position both with respect to the EU and globally. This article delineates the increasing tensions between Turkey and the EU resulting from institutional weaknesses of the Customs Union and presents new policy options that can mitigate related adverse political and economic effects. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 65.6946]
65.7520 YORULMAZLAR, Emirhan; TURHAN, Ebru —
Turkey's foreign policy approach towards the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region has been predicated on an integrationist vision through cooperation and dialogue over the past decade. The Arab Spring significantly challenged Turkey's role as a strategic interconnector and set the stage for broader debates on foreign policy orientation. This paper suggests that any fair assessment of Ankara's performance in the MENA must take into account the significant constraints imposed on Turkish foreign policy objectives by regional power rivalries and growing Western detachment from the region. The paper [examines] the impact of global and regional powers’ responses to the Arab Spring for Middle Eastern order and outlines a possible trajectory for the transformation of Turkish foreign policy to ensure effective Turkish activism in the post-Arab Spring environment. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7528]
65.7521 YU Lei —
China has over the last two decades been committed to creating a strategic partnership with Latin American states by persistently extending its economic and political involvement in the continent. China's efforts in this regard reflect not only its desire to intensify its economic cooperation and political relations with nations in Latin America, but also its strategic goals of creating its own sphere of influence in the region and enhancing its “hard” and “soft” power in order to elevate China's status at the systemic level. With access to Latin American markets, resources and investment destinations, China may sustain its economic and social progress that bases its long cherished dream of restoring its past glory of fuqiang (wealth and power) and rise as a global power capable of reshaping the current world system. [R, abr.]
65.7522 ZENELAJ, Reina; BERIKER, Nimet; HATIPOGLU, Emre —
This study looks at factors determining mediation success in post-conflict environments. It focuses on the level of involvement of the mediator in a post-conflict setting and argues that relational mediation strategies should fare better in such environments. A most similar systems comparison of the EU/US and Turkish mediation efforts in Bosnia-Herzegovina, both of which started in October 2009, supports the argument. Their analysis of these two cases suggests that Turkey's relational mediation strategy delivered concrete outcomes in post-Dayton Bosnia compared to the structural intervention style adopted by the EU/US. The authors conclude that a relational mediation strategy facilitates the achievement of constructive solutions by helping third parties to make broader assessments of the conflict situation, and by offering flexible options in issue selection and process design. [R]
65.7523 ZHA Wen —
The literature on foreign policy formulation suggests that individual leaders in small and politically unstable states exert a disproportionate impact on foreign policy-making. Some analysts further contend that personalized foreign policy decision-making is more likely to suffer from discontinuities. This article, however, argues that the foreign policies of small and politically unstable states exhibit considerable variation in terms of constancy. It does so by offering a comparative study of the foreign policies of the Philippines and Thailand towards China. [R, abr.]
65.7524 ZHANG Xiaoming —
Over the past two years since Xi Jinping and Abe Shinzo came to power, the bilateral relationship between China and Japan has been deteriorating steadily. China's perception of Abe's foreign policy orientation has been very negative. At the same time, China's response to it has also been very tough and assertive. At least four factors may account for China's attitude and behavior: China's rise, domestic politics, historical memory, and leadership personality. [R] [See Abstr. 65.7473]
65.7525 ZHU Tianbiao —
The Cold War structure and conditions of late development pressed the Chinese state to centralize its power and engage in forceful industrialization through a central planning system. This then created an extreme form of government-business relations, with overwhelming power residing with the former. Later on, after China moved closer to the US in terms of world politics, and when the Cold War structure was replaced by a multi-polar structure characterized by American hegemony, coinciding with the rapid expansion of the world market and the change of development conditions to compressed development, the Chinese state engaged in economic liberalization and decentralization. This resulted in a substantial modification of the power balance between the state and business, and gave rise to various forms of government-business relations. [R, abr.]
65.7526 ZOHAR, Eran —
Rebellious non-state actors of the Gaza Strip and the Sinai Peninsula have been arming themselves through smuggling networks operating in north-east Africa and the Middle East. The Arab turmoil initiated dramatic changes in the arming system: Iran stopped, at least temporarily, the channeling of weapons to the Hamas due to its support of the Syrian opposition against the Assad regime. Egypt blocked many of Hamas's smuggling tunnels, intensifying Hamas's strategic isolation. Libya became a major arms source, serving mainly regional radical Islamic groups. This article argues that to survive, rebellious non-state actors must exploit arming opportunities in the physical, social and political environment, whereas securing shared borders is vital for defeating rebellious non-state actors. [R, abr.]