Abstract
(a) International law, organization and administration/Droit international, organisation et administration internationales
66.2263 ALKNER, Gerda F. —
It can be considered a dramatic shift in EU governance that the 1992 Maastricht Treaty introduced a provision allowing sanctions against member states that fail to comply with EU law. How effective are the new political opportunities in practice? The article discusses the slow development of the use of these fresh powers by the Commission, the comparatively small number of penalization judgments to date and three specific cases. It seems the new instrument is used in a strategic and variegated manner. Softer instruments, such as co-financing, discursive action and shaming via the media are continuously being applied in parallel because penalties cannot always tame the member states and overuse of that instrument might hamper the EU's legitimacy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2309]
66.2264 ATIF KHAN, Muhammad; MOISSONNIER, Loïc —
A comprehensive picture of regionalization in Europe necessitates an emphasis on the genesis and dynamics of European integration as well as the main characteristics of regional integration in Europe, from the later half of the 20th c. until recent times. Is a similar scheme possible in the Middle East, where any moves towards regional integration are still not visible, though there have been various attempts to establish regional cooperation? In order to determine whether or not a comparison between regionalism in Europe and in the Middle East is possible or unfair and implausible, it is necessary to differentiate between those features that are valid for comparison, and others which simply cannot be compared.
66.2265 BAKER, Sisan —
EU engagement in Southeastern Europe (SEE) attempts to control the negative consequences of the collapse of the old communist regimes. These “soft security” concerns include justice and home affairs, environmental, and energy. Through the transfer of policies and regulations, and by norm diffusion, the EU is able to operate beyond the borders of its formal, legal authority. In managing its perceived vulnerability, the EU imposes strict conditionality on countries in SEE. As enlargement stalls, and conditionality tightens, the expansion of EU governance sees curtailment of the possibilities of democratic engagement with the institutional structures of the EU. From an environmental perspective, EU engagement brings distinctive advantages: legislation has become more comprehensive, investment in environmental infrastructure has increased, and administrative structures have been modernized and devolved. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Environmentalism and green parties”, edited and introduced, “Environmental politics in Southeastern Europe”, by Wim VAN MEURS and Liesbeth VAN DE GRIFT. See also Abstr. 66.1907, 1959, 2060, 2136, 2221]
66.2266 BEAUGUITTE, Laurent; RICHARD, Yann; GUÉRIN-PACE, France —
Over the last twenty years, EU actorness at both regional and global scales, has become a fruitful topic of analysis in political science, and more specifically in IR and political geography. Our paper provides a complementary way to study texts issued by the EU and to question EU actorness by adopting an approach based on textual analysis. The corpus examined includes the seven communications on the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) issued between 2003 and 2013. These communications provide essential information regarding relations between the EU and its immediate neighbors. The textual analysis allows several relevant characteristics of discourses to be highlighted: stability and changes, actors, spaces and scales mentioned. [R, abr.]
66.2267 BEISHEIM, Marianne —
While the 2030 Agenda for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are not legally binding, UN member states have agreed to follow-up and review their implementation. This shall be done by way of voluntary and participatory reviews at the national, regional, and global level. The UN High-level Political Forum on Sustainable Development (HLPF) will play a critical role in overseeing a network of follow-up and review processes. Since many details of the HLPF's thematic and national reviews have to be clarified, the UN Secretary-General has been asked to prepare a report with recommendations. In July 2016, the HLPF will conduct the first round of reviews. [R, abr.]
66.2268 BLANCO, Ramon —
This paper brings a comprehensive analysis of the peacebuilding process conducted by the UN in Timor-Leste. Drawing on fieldwork, interviews, and secondary sources, the paper brings light to the main fragilities f this process. Firstly, the paper briefly outlines the scholarly debate around UN peacebuilding process. Then, the paper brings an overview of the UN missions deployed to Timor-Leste. Finally, the paper identifies the major limitations of such engagement. By highlighting the main flaws of this peacebuilding process, the paper opens the space for (re)thinking alternative ways of building peace in post-conflict scenarios. [R]
66.2270 BOUSSAGUET, Laurie —
Over the last 10 years, the EU has been talking a lot about citizens' participation. But has there really been a participatory turn in the European political system, or is this simply a rhetorical change, without concrete implications? This article [examines] research on the first participatory experiments conducted at the European level (citizens' conferences, deliberative polls and consultations of citizens) and on European citizens' initiative introduced by the Lisbon Treaty. Such experiments or tools have been scarcely used, and they have failed to involve “ordinary” citizens and to produce significant outputs. In short, they seem more important at the discursive level than in practice. This suggests that more attention should be given to the symbolic dimension of policy instruments. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2309]
66.2271 BOZZINI, Emanuela; SMISMANS, Stijn —
We present an overall picture of the inclusiveness of IA, based on data on over 800 IAs carried out by all DGs of the European Commission from 2003 to 2013. According to official guidelines, IAs can deliver a variety of goals, and we posit that each goal can be linked to a different inclusion strategy. Specifically, we consider that the goal of coordination requires the inclusion of Commission actors, the goal of collecting neutral expertise requires the involvement of working and expert groups, while pursuing input-legitimacy requires a large number of stakeholders as well as online consultation open to the general public to be part of the procedure. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2309]
66.2272 BRITTAIN, Stephen —
European Convention on Human Rights and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights: relationship — Teleological method of interpretation of the European Court of Justice: meaning, justifications, and criticisms — Originalist method of interpretation: meaning, justifications, and criticisms — Original meaning of Article 52(3) of the Charter: text, drafting history, case law — Conclusion: case law of European Court of Human Rights not strictly binding on the Court of Justice of the European Union. [R]
66.2273 BROOME, André; SEABROOKE, Leonard —
International organizations (IOs) such as the IMF and the World Bank are assumed to rely on “sympathetic interlocutors” at the national level to drive through economic reforms that conform to global policy norms. How do sympathetic interlocutors for IOs emerge in the first place? We examine how IOs engage in teaching norms to national officials via transnational policy training in order to increase the number of domestic reformers who are sympathetic to their prescriptions for policy change. We provide a conceptual framework for understanding how IOs seek to use their own cognitive authority to foster “diagnostic coordination” across technocratic economic policy communities. This encourages officials to adapt to a common policy language and delimits the policy space within which they identify and propose solutions to economic problems. [R] [See Abstr. 66.1669]
66.2274 CARBONE, Maurizio; KEIJZER, Niels —
This article discusses the trajectory of Policy Coherence for Development (PCD) in the EU. In particular, it argues that the strong focus on institutional mechanisms, conceived as a way of overcoming different types of resistance, has had the effect that results achieved have by no means been commensurate with the expectations raised by the various reforms launched over the years. EU Member States have paid lip service to the importance of PCD without translating commitments into more coherent (national and supranational) policies. Moreover, an analysis of the Impact Assessment (IA) prepared for the reform of the EU's agricultural and fisheries policies in 2011–2013 shows how bureaucratic arrangements have substantially failed to clarify the real impact of EU policies on (different types of) developing countries. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.1655]
66.2275 ČEHULIĆ VUKADINOVIĆ, Lidija —
Functional cooperation between NATO and the Russian Federation is a necessity within the contemporary international relations. However, due to a lack of mutual trust and competitively set objectives of both players, such cooperation is sometimes difficult to achieve. I present and analyze examples of cooperation between the two states on global issues (fight against terrorism, drug trafficking, natural disasters, training of security forces in Afghanistan) — most of which take place in Afghanistan. I elaborate on the situation in the Arctic territories, where both NATO and the Russian Federation are starting to position their interests. Finally, I analyze two major issues (missile defense in Europe and further NATO enlargement) that have been principal problems in NATO-Russia relations ever since the end of the Cold War. [R, abr.]
66.2276 COLBY, Elbridge; SOLOMON, Jonathan —
It is not yet clear that NATO has either a serious strategy for responding to the Russian threat or the capabilities to back up such a strategy. [R]
66.2277 CONVERGNE, Elodie; SNYDER, Michael R. —
This article analyzes how UN peacekeeping operations are harnessing geospatial technology, including high-resolution satellite imagery and geographic information systems (GIS), in the furtherance of peace and security. We argue that it is strengthening the ability of peacekeepers to accomplish their mandated tasks, including the demarcation of international boundaries, support for the negotiation of peace agreements, stabilization, the protection of civilians, human rights monitoring, electoral assistance, support for the extension of state authority and the provision of humanitarian assistance. However, it remains to be seen how and to what extent UN peacekeeping can continue to grow and expand its geospatial capabilities. We identify several challenges of an operational and political nature that tend to impede its utilization. [R, abr.]
66.2278 COOPER, Ian —
Article 13 of the Fiscal Treaty (2012) prompted the creation of an interparliamentary conference to discuss and oversee the EU's post-crisis regime of economic governance. However, the first meeting of the conference, in October 2013, was beset by conflict. Surprisingly, the main cleavage was not a left-right debate over economic policy, but a debate about the nature and purpose of the conference itself. This pitted the EP, preferring a weak conference with a narrow mandate, against a number of national parliaments that preferred a strong conference with a broad mandate. At the root of this struggle lay competing visions for the parliamentary oversight of the EU: Should scrutiny be centralized in the EP, or should there be a new system of joint scrutiny involving the EP and national parliaments together? [R, abr.]
66.2279 COTTEY, Andrew —
In the last 20 years, the EU has sought to play a larger role in international efforts to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Its member states have advanced common EU positions in the main global non-proliferation frameworks; it is a leading provider of technical and financial assistance to other states and multilateral organizations in support of non-proliferation; and it has used its political and economic leverage to support non-proliferation (in particular, in relation to Iran). The EU's non-proliferation strategy reflects a primarily soft or normative power approach, emphasizing support for multilateral institutions and international norms. The EU's soft power is limited, however, by continuing differences between its member states in relation to nuclear weapons and the difficulty of persuading other states to buy in to the EU's approach. [R, abr.]
66.2280 DAVIES, Graeme A. M.; JOHNS, Robert —
One of the major barriers to the implementation of the Responsibility to Protect principle is the lack of a political will. This article provides the first examination of UK public perceptions about the moral justifiability and effectiveness of humanitarian interventions. It shows that decisions about justifiability and effectiveness are very different. Attitudes towards justification were more easily explained suggesting that judgments about effectiveness are more contextual and less easily accounted for by individuals' background characteristics and attitudes. Experiences with both Iraq and Afghanistan have contaminated public perceptions of both the ethics and effectiveness of humanitarian interventions. Although the public is broadly supportive about the justifiability of humanitarian interventions they are extremely skeptical about the likelihood that those interventions will be successful. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2303]
66.2281 DE RYNCK, Stefaan —
In 2012, the EU adopted a transformational change to its Eurozone banking policy. It replaced the policy model of decentralized supervision and regulatory competition between countries with a single supervisor and a more harmonized approach. Transferring banking supervision to the European level also alters the constitutional order. The process of this transformational change was rapid and highly political, which was different compared to earlier incremental changes. Kingdon's model whereby policy entrepreneurs seize opportunities when the independent streams of solutions, problems and politics converge partly explains the process and timing of this transformation. This article identifies the supranational European Central Bank as an effective entrepreneur which also played an active role in political bargaining. [R, abr.]
66.2282 DE WITTE, Bruno —
Euro-crisis reforms as major example of interstitial institutional change in the EU — Forms of institutional change: unusual sources of law, new tasks for the EU institutions, new organs, competence creep, institutional hybrids, and more differentiated integration — Question whether some or all of this amounts to a “constitutional mutation” of the EU legal order — Reasons to doubt whether the constitutional fundamentals have changed — Alternative thesis: increased institutional variation, deepening the differences between EMU law and the rest of EU law. [R]
66.2283 DEATH, Carl —
Disruptive protest by non-state actors often accompanies global governance conferences, but little analysis has been devoted to disaggregating its diverse forms. This article identifies four types of disruptive protest — symbolic, procedural, coercive, and evasive — and illustrates them with examples from UN environmental conferences in Stockholm (1972), Rio de Janeiro (1992), Johannesburg (2002), and Rio de Janeiro (2012).
Symbolic disruption in Stockholm contributed to the production of new discourses; procedural disruption in Rio in 1992 introduced new actors and texts; some protestors sought to directly and coercively disrupt the summit in Johannesburg; and protests in Rio in 2012 illustrate disruption through evasion and exit. Understanding the form and power of such disruptive protests is crucial for studies of global governance. [R]
66.2284 DEE, Megan —
This article presents a performance analysis of the EU during the 2015 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference. Detailing what went wrong for the EU across three levels of performance analysis, the article presents a number of key lessons for the EU approaching the next NPT review cycle. First, the EEAS should focus its energies onto specified “EU” issues where there is greater convergence of Member States interests. Second, the EU must concentrate on its outreach with third countries prior to and during NPT review negotiations, particularly other NPT groups such as the NPDI. Third, portrayals of the EU as a “microcosm” of the NPT raise expectations of the EU's contribution to this forum and should not be overstated. [R, abr.]
66.2285 DEHOUSSE, Renaud —
At the beginning of this century, the EU engaged in a discussion on the necessity to shift to softer modes of governance, less detrimental for state sovereignty, which prompted lively academic debates. But how much has actually changed in the day-to-day practice has not been systematically analyzed, and the severe economic and financial crisis experienced by European countries has radically changed the conditions in which EU policies are elaborated. Reviewing recent evidence, this article questions the dichotomy between old and new governance and shows that the crisis has led to a “hardening” of EU regulation in key policy areas, while in others the Commission has proved to be able to use its “soft powers” in ways that buttressed its influence. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2309]
66.2286 DELAUME, Coralie —
Between January and July 2015, Frankfurt led a genuine diplomatic action against one of the very countries whose the Central Bank it is. This action greatly contributed to Alexis Tsipras's capitulation and the austere agreement of July 13, 2015. The evolution of the European Central Bank from empowerment to politicization, poses a number of difficulties in the absence of a serious democratic control over the Bank's action. This is all the more true when such an action leads a democratically elected government to give up its political project and to start threatening its country, as was the case with Greece, in addition to ruining its bank system and depriving it from the strength of the currency it has chosen in a sovereign manner. [First of a series of articles on “Unforeseen developments of the European experiment”. See also Abstr. 66.2310, 2348, 2577]
66.2287 DÉRENS, Jean-Arnault —
Established to hold trials for crimes committed during the Yugoslav wars in the 1990s, the ICTY has vacillated between its punitive purpose and writing the history of this period. By and large, it has failed to prosecute for crimes committed in Kosovo at the end of the decade. Finally, a string of acquittals led to questions being raised about the very responsibility held by the ICTY. The Court's ultimate failure thwarts regional reconciliation in favor of a political course towards European integration. [R] [See Abstr. 66.2322]
66.2288 DIESEN, Glenn —
While much academic attention has been devoted to the conceptual comparison between peacekeeping and imperialism, the CSDP is rarely assessed through this prism. The EU's “Europeanization of conflict-resolution” suggests that the political settlement in European conflicts is linked to EU integration. This is envisioned as a positive-sum tool to encourage compromise between the conflicting sides and to provide another tier of governance to mitigate tensions. However, the Europeanization of conflict-resolution also denotes that EU's conditionality for integration becomes criteria for conflict-resolution. In the EU's eastern neighborhood, the interests of Brussels become even more pertinent since the exclusive conception of “Europe” results in “European integration” becoming a zero-sum geopolitical project versus Russia. [R, abr.]
66.2289 DORSCH, Christian; GEHRING, Thomas —
We examine whether and why previous Security Council decisions establish institutional opportunity structures that exert influence on both the behavior of member states in organizational decision processes and their collective decisions. Theoretically, we demonstrate that doctrines and other previous decisions provide focal points around which actors' expectations can converge in coordination situations to identify a single coordination solution. They also provide incentives for stepwise upgrading enforcement measures in crisis situations that trigger an institutional logic of escalation. Council decision-making in the Libya crisis of 2011 clearly exemplifies these institutional effects. Even in spite of continuing gridlock within the Council on the current crisis in Syria, member states adjust their individual decision-making behavior to opportunity structures arising from their previous decisions. [R]
66.2290 DOUHAN, Alena F. —
The situation in Ukraine has been a matter of concern for the international community since January 2014 and remains a central focus of legal and political scientists. The UN Security Council appeared to be unable not only to settle the conflict but also to take any feasible measures for its settlement. As a result, a range of regional organizations became involved in the crisis. This article examines the legal perspectives of the activity of the UN and regional organizations which aimed to prevent, detain and settle the conflict in Ukraine. It also determines the specifics of methods used by each organization, assesses the efficacy of their activity and develops proposals for enhancement of their effectiveness. [R] [See Abstr. 66.1910]
66.2291 DOYLE, Michael W. —
This article traces the roots of Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) in international law and international ethics. RtoP is in tension with established Charter law on the use of force, but it may be beginning to change the law. It is, on the other hand, deeply familiar to international ethics, a widening of the circumstances that allow for overriding non-intervention. It evolved out of the failures to protect the populations of Rwanda (1994) and Bosnia (1992–1995) and NATO's decision to intervene in Kosovo (1999). The chapter shows how RtoP has been invoked, explicitly and implicitly, successfully and unsuccessfully, in cases ranging from Myanmar and Kenya in 2008, to Guinea in 2009, and then recently, and controversially, Libya in 2011. I argue that RtoP is both a license to and a leash against forcible intervention. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2303]
66.2292 DUFF, Andrew —
The author insists that, despite its many achievements, the EU could clearly fail. As a solution to the many centrifugal forces undermining the EU, he endorses moral and constitutional arguments for a deeper integration, defined as the implementation of a European federal union. Opposing the argument that treaty reform is a Pandora's Box, the author courageously maintains that only radical change will save the EU. The migration and asylum crisis, terrorist threats, climate change, the rise of anti-European forces and the necessity of securing a lasting economic recovery all constitute pressing challenges that only a federal Union could meet adequately. Among other issues, he explores the economic implications of the federalism he advocates. [R] [See Abstr. 66.2114]
66.2293 DUMAS, Hélène —
The extraordinary nature of the 1994 massacres in Rwanda gave rise to the need for “complete justice”, operating judicial processes on several levels. The ICTR applies international criminal law under charges of genocide. Newly developed Gacaca courts, demonstrate the need to bring about justice in close very close proximity, with those involved in events, and on the sites where they took place. Exercising universal jurisdiction, French courts are also playing a role in the process. [R] [See Abstr. 66.2322]
66.2294 ECKER-EHRHARDT, Matthias —
Why do citizens support or reject the idea of global authority? The article examines individual attitudes about UN authority in a comparative perspective. Using data from the fifth wave of the World Values Survey (2005–2007), the analysis shows that global public support for UN authority largely depends on a cosmopolitan understanding of global interdependence and moral universalism. However, the analysis of contextual variables also suggests that a “particularist” calculus of national costs and benefits explains citizens' support for (and rejection of) UN authority to a significant extent. Most remarkably, citizens of powerful states favor UN authority much more than do those from weaker countries — a possible indication that UN authority is expected to further privilege the former to the disadvantage of the latter. [R]
66.2295 ECKES, Christina —
The Lisbon Treaty has raised a whole new set of issues regarding the relationship between the CFSP and the Union policies under the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU policies). This article examines the nature of the CFSP and its relationship with TFEU policies, drawing amongst others conclusions from the post-Lisbon case law concerning CFSP matters, such as the UN Sanctions case (C-130/10) and the Piracy Agreement case (C-658/11). It argues that the CFSP forms part of the Union acquis and enjoys primacy over national law. Most importantly, the article argues that the Lisbon Treaty has extended the Court's jurisdiction over CFSP matters in several hidden ways. This is likely to trigger additional constitutionalization dynamics in the area of the CFSP and further approximate CFSP and TFEU policies. [R, abr.]
66.2296 ELSENHANS, Hartmut —
Monetary Keynesianism's hope of marrying financial expansion and a balanced growth process of the real economy vanished when financial markets became delinked from the real economy. Returning to such a growth process in the EU requires concentrating on the conditions of keeping the real economy balanced; here, profit is linked to the spending on investment goods and finally expanding mass demand. This can be achieved by strengthening the position of the working class. Managing the actual crisis will create institutional arrangements which can be used for tuning the EU economy to expanding mass demand. Bringing labor back and returning to democracy in Europe can be achieved by using the emerging regulations and institutions in order to create a European level of financial supervision and economic policy. [A]
66.2297 ENGELBREKT, Kjell —
In 2008–2011, the Group of 20 swiftly eclipsed the Group of 7, created in the mid-1970s as an informal mechanism for stabilizing markets and facilitating transnational currency exchange and investment. Several observers [noted] that the former, broader group is also destined to appropriate the role of the Group of 8, the G7′s pioneering successor in the realm of nontraditional security. This article examines the G7/8 legacy of forging quasi-permanent institutional arrangements and frameworks in this policy area and goes on to gauge nontraditional security initiatives subsequently launched by the G-20. Having juxtaposed the record of these bodies and analyzed the interests and power dynamics that influence member state action in the short and long term, the article outlines three basic options for how the relationship between the G-20 and the G7/8 may evolve. [R]
66.2298 FABBRINI, Federico —
The article discusses the representative function of the EP and considers several recurrent challenges raised against it. It examines the criticism that the EP is either under-representative — because of the principle of degressive proportionality — or over-representative — because of the involvement of non-Eurozone parliamentarians in the approval of Euro-zone-only matters — but discards such views, also through the use of comparative law. The article, instead, explains that a challenge arises for the EP as far as representation vs. governability is concerned: the rules on EP elections — which are set by the 28 member states of the EU, but all conform to proportional representation — favor the former over the latter, and fundamentally depart from the rules in place at the domestic level for national elections, notably in the six largest EU member states. [R, abr.]
66.2299 FABBRINI, Sergio —
The euro crisis has called into question the constitutional compromises formalized in and by the Lisbon Treaty: (1) between different (supranational and intergovernmental) interests; (2) between member states engaged in building the EMU and those allowed to opt out of it; and (3) between a centralized approach to monetary policy and decentralized economic policy. Unions of states are necessarily structured on interstate compromises, because they derive from the aggregation of states with different demographies/capabilities and national identities. However, in the EU, the aggregation has not been supported by an agreed constitutional framework from which to derive procedures and discourse for solving disputes and constituting new interstate compromises. This is why the wrecking of those compromises by the euro crisis has led the EU to a constitutional conundrum. [R, abr.]
66.2300 FONT, Nuria —
English version: see Abstr. 66.2301.
66.2301 FONT, Nuria —
The literature on EU agencies has examined the issue of political control and independence in EU agency design and in post-delegation. However, studies measuring and providing accounts for the political influence that the Commission, the member states and the European Parliament exert in decision-making across a wide sample of EU agencies are missing in the specialized literature. This article addresses this topic and poses the following questions: How influential is each of the main parent institutional actors on agency boards' decision-making? Do agency powers and policy properties affect political influence? Based on an online survey, documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews, this article combines a quantitative and a qualitative study identifying differentiated patterns of political influence by supranational and intergovernmental actors. [R, abr.]
66.2302 FRISCHHUT, Markus —
This article focuses both on EU Primary and Secondary law, with a special emphasis on the latter. I argue that in a lot of cases, ethics is used (only) in order to avoid interference of the EU in member states' competences, especially in sensitive fields, like abortion. However, there are also examples where the relevant content is determined, either by Ethics Committees and/or Code of Conducts, either at EU or at national level. Nevertheless, other situations remain undetermined. I further argue that the determination of ethics should be carried out by referring to the EU's values and fundamental rights, especially the “cornerstone” of human dignity. [R, abr.]
66.2303 GALLAGHER, Adrian; BROWN, Garrett W. —
Despite the rapid growth in Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) literature, there has been relatively little analysis on the relationship between the RtoP and Humanity, [although] humanity is often invoked as a catalyst for RtoP action by academics and policy-makers. Addressing the lacuna, this special issue puts forward an interdisciplinary investigation into the relationship between the RtoP and Humanity. It draws insight from IR, Political Theory, History and International Law. Contributors analyze the moral foundations of the RtoP, the relationship between ethics, politics and the RtoP, the role of humanity in a divided world, how the RtoP is framed, public opinion data on humanitarian intervention as well as media coverage of genocide. This special issue opens up new avenues for future research as the RtoP enters its second decade. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “The Responsibility to Protect ten years on from the World Summit”, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 66.2280, 2291, 2344, 2347, 2351, 2366, 2379]
66.2304 GENSCHEL, Philipp; JACHTENFUCHS, Markus —
We map the pattern and extent of the European integration of core state powers (coercive force, public finance and public administration) and analyze causes and consequences. We highlight two findings: (1) in contrast to historical examples of federal state-building, where the nationalization of core state powers precipitated the institutional, territorial and political consolidation of the emerging state, the European integration of core state powers is associated with the institutional, territorial and political fragmentation of the EU. (2) In contrast to European market integration, state élites and mass publics, not organized business interests, are the prime drivers of integration. [R]
66.2305 GERHARDS, Jürgen; LENGFELD, Holger; Sophia, SCHUBERT —
EU citizens living in an EU member state of which they are not nationals may participate in local elections. Based on a survey conducted in three member states of the EU, we analyze the legitimacy of this core element of European citizenship. The results show that about two-thirds of European citizens accept the Europeanization of local voting rights. Second, we analyze whether those who reject the idea of equality for all Europeans can be determined by social characteristics. Our analyses show that opponents are not at all determined by socio-structural factors and are barely determined by cultural factors and hence do not form the basis for a politically mobilized cleavage. All in all, the results indicate that citizens believe in the legitimacy of this important component of European citizenship. [R, abr.]
66.2306 GLISZCZYŃSKA-GRABIAS, Aleksandra —
The accession of post-communist states into the Council of Europe system enlarged greatly the territory of effective protection of human rights in Europe and at the same time compelled the European Court of Human Rights to address the current effects of past violations of human rights by communist regimes. The article discusses three recent cases and concludes that there is a clear contrast between the Court's treatment of “post-communist” cases and the same Court's earlier treatment of equivalent “post-Nazi” cases; it offers explanations for the discrepancy which reflects a broader dualism in European collective memory of the past. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2605]
66.2307 GOLDTHAU, Andreas; SITTER, Nick —
International security debates surrounding the EU energy supply challenge commonly invoke the need for more EU hard power — e.g., getting tough on Russia or engaging directly with other exporters. This article investigates whether “soft power with a hard edge” instead amounts to a consistent policy strategy for the EU. It argues that the EU has turned a weakness into strength, and developed a set of tools that sharpen the way soft power is exercised in the energy sector. It explores how soft power affects companies on the EU market: the rules of the Single European Market (SEM) and how they affect external firms. It also assesses both the gravitational “pull” the SEM exerts in the “near abroad”, and the EU's “push” to facilitate the development of midstream infrastructure and upstream investment. [R, abr.]
66.2308 GOUCHA SOARES, Antonio —
The article is intended to debate two questions regarding the involvement of the Comission in the Troïka's action: (1) considering the nature of financial assistance programs, it aims to discuss the effect of the Commission's participation in Troïka negotiations on the balance of power of the EU institutions; and (2) the article raises the issue of the Commission's liability for the results achieved by the financial assistance program, taking into account the extent of the conditions imposed as well as the intensity of scrutiny by the Troïka. [R]
66.2309 GRAZIANO, Paolo R.; HALPERN, Charlotte —
Far from reopening classic debates on EU modes of governance, this special issue uses the governance notion as an organizing concept in order to examine the governing of the EU in times of crisis. We argue that focusing on modes of governance contributes to the understanding of “where the power lies in the EU system” especially when an external shock — such as the crisis — hits the EU governance system. This introductory article highlights some of the aspects that we consider have been at the heart of the new political challenges to the EU. Our main hypothesis is that the 2008 crisis has offered a new opportunity for the intergovernmental mode of decision-making to prevail, left marginal space for further including citizens in decision-making processes and has provided a very narrow definition of effectiveness. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Beyond the softening narrative”. See also Abstr. 66.2263, 2270, 2271, 2285, 2332, 2361]
66.2310 GRIMM, Dieter —
With the current acceptance of the European unification process, the big realization that there is no risk of a military conflict breaking out within Europe has ceased to play an essential role. Even if war has been replaced by other threats, it still has not disappeared altogether. The more competent the EU gets, however, the less active and willing to vote its citizens become. Thus, in order to trace the path from the initial euphoria that the idea of Europe inspired to the lethargy that characterizes the EU today, it is necessary to study the evolution of the Court of Justice, apolitical integration, as well as representation, membership, and legitimacy. Is there a great story about Europe, in which EU citizens can still recognize themselves? [See Abstr. 66.2286]
66.2311a GRONAU, Jennifer —
Using the concept of self-legitimization, this paper [examines] how the G8 and G20 clubs ended up in a state of coexistence rather than replacement of the G8 by the G20. It argues that both needed (and need) to carefully position themselves as distinct in order to prevail and to inspire adherence. By including visual data and examining two informal clubs rather than formalized international organizations, the analysis complements concurrent research on the legitimation efforts of international institutions. The article traces three modes of public self-legitimization: legitimization policies, legitimization talk and visual self-presentations. Based on textual analysis and a reconstruction of ideal-typical summit photographs (1975–2014), this contribution shows how both institutions present themselves as inclusive and accountable managers for the benefit of all. [R, abr.]
66.2311b GROVER, Sonja, ed. —
Editor's introduction, pp. 999–1001. Articles by Jessica ALMQVIST, “Enforcing the responsibility to protect through solidarity measures”, pp. 1002–1016; Joseph Besigye BAZIRAKE and Paul BUKULUKI, “A critical reflection on the conceptual and practical limitations of the responsibility to protect”, pp. 1017–1028; Auriane BOTTE, “Redefining the responsibility to protect concept as a response to international crimes”, pp. 1029–1043; Alise COEN, “R2P, global governance, and the Syrian refugee crisis”, pp. 1044–1058; David William GETHINGS, “The responsibility to engage: cosmopolitan civic engagement and the spread of the responsibility to protect doctrine”, pp. 1059–1073; Sassan GHOLIAGHA, “‘To prevent future Kosovos and future Rwandas’. A critical constructivist view of the responsibility to protect”, pp. 1074–1097; Pinar Gözen ERCAN, “Responsibility to protect and inter-state crisis: why and how R2P applies to the case of Gaza”, pp. 1098–1111; Sonja GROVE, “R2P and the Syrian crisis: when semantics becomes a matter of life or death”, pp. 1112–1128; Aidan HEHIR, “Bahrain: an R2P blind spot?”, pp. 1129–1147; Annie HERRO, “The responsibility to protect, the use of force and a permanent United Nations peace service”, pp. 1148–1162; Lindsey N. KINGSTON, “Protecting the world's most persecuted: the responsibility to protect and Burma's Rohingya minority”, pp. 1163–1175; Konstantin KLEINE, “Will R2P be ready when disaster strikes? — The rationale of the responsibility to protect in an environmental context”, pp. 1176–1189; Gabriele LONBARDO, “The responsibility to protect and the lack of intervention in Syria between the protection of human rights and geopolitical strategies”, pp. 1190–1198; Marco LONGOBARDO, “Genocide, obligations erga omnes, and the responsibility to protect: remarks on a complex convergence”, pp. 1199–1212; Conall MALLORY and Stuart WALLACE, “The ‘deterrent argument’ and the responsibility to protect”, pp. 1213–1226; Oscar Gakuo MAWANGI, “State collapse, peace enforcement and the responsibility to protect in Somalia”, pp. 1227–1239; Hovhannes NIKOGHOSYAN, “Government failure, atrocity crimes and the role of the International Criminal Court: why not Syria, but Libya”, pp. 1240–1256; Maggie POWERS, “Responsibility to protect: dead, dying, or thriving?”, pp. 1257–1278; Heidarali TEIMOURI, “Protecting while not being responsible: the case of Syria and responsibility to protect”, pp. 1279–1289; Serena TIMMONERI, “Responsibility to protect and ‘peacetime atrocities’: the case of North Korea”, pp. 1290–1302.
66.2312 GUILLAUME, Jules —
The establishment of the International Criminal Court has made it possible for the victim to be fully recognized in international trials, with the assertion of the right to compensation for acts of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. As the Court is pronouncing the first sentences, the question remains not only of whether it is possible to repair the irreparable, but how to go about attempting the task. [R] [See Abstr. 66.2322]
66.2313 HABIB, Benjamin —
This article deconstructs UNSC Resolution 2094 through the preambulatory statements, objectives, obligations, and implementation and enforcement provisions. It first reviews the academic literature on UNSC sanctions and their application in the North Korean case. Second, it deconstructs UNSC Resolution 2094 according to the common structural components of international legal instruments to assess the level of congruence between the objectives of UNSC Resolution 2094, its enforcement mechanisms and outcomes. Third, it explores the weaknesses of UNSC Resolution 2094, focusing on the gap between the objectives and enforcement mechanisms found in the resolution. The inability of the UNSC sanctions regime to prevent North Korea reaching the cusp of becoming a nuclear weapons power is evidence of the international community's weak leverage over Pyongyang. [R, abr.]
66.2314 HAINE, Jean-Yves —
European solidarity seems to be breaking down just as Europe is becoming a lesser factor in American strategy and alongside the proliferation of divergent poles affirming the differences of interests on the international scene. In this context the cost of Europe's condition-less rallying behind American protection is increasing significantly, as the Ukrainian crisis demonstrated. Autonomy with regard to security has become a geopolitical necessity for Europeans. [R]
66.2315 HARTOG, Chris Den; MONROE, Nathan W. —
In May 2001, US Senator J. Jeffords announced that he was switching from Republican to independent and would vote with Democrats on organizational matters (i.e., votes deciding party membership and majority party status), effectively taking majority party control of the Senate from the Republicans and giving it to the Democrats. This created an unusually well controlled quasi-experimental opportunity for learning about the role of parties in the Senate — it held most important variables constant while one variable, majority status, changed. We use roll-call data to evaluate the probability of individual members of each party being rolled on Senate final passage votes, before and after the switch. [R, abr.]
66.2316 HEIDBREDER, Eva G. —
Multilevel governance that spans beyond traditional hierarchical steering within states creates new policy enforcement challenges because it involves autonomous administrations of different jurisdictions in a single administrative act. Scrutinizing concrete new coordination tools, the article conceptualizes coordination strategies and instruments to overcome structural problems in multilevel policy execution and trans-boundary administration. The empirical findings on instrument innovation in the EU highlight the increased strategic promotion of horizontal administrative coordination. The functioning logic and autonomy-preserving character of such vertical coordination makes it a potential solution to functionally equivalent enforcement challenges on the global scale, exemplified by the administrative implementation of international trade agreements. [R] [See Abstr. 66.1669]
66.2317 HEIDEBRECHT, Sebastian —
Due to important institutional changes and new policy measures, the ECB evolved to be among the most important actors in European politics. Although the Treaty broadly defines the instruments and targets of monetary policy, the ECB itself specifies its target in quantitative terms and it autonomously chooses the appropriate instruments of monetary policy. However, the ECB is required to provide sufficient accountability and transparency. To better accomplish these requirements, in January 2015, the ECB started to publish accounts of its Governing Council's monetary policy meetings. Using an index-based comparative research design, this article explores the actual transparency of the ECB in a political science perspective. [R, abr.]
66.2318 HEINE, Sophie —
The author explicitly tackles the double dimension indicated earlier, namely the analytical and the prescriptive. This contribution stresses the fact that Euroskepticism now reaches far beyond the fringes of politics, and has become almost a mainstream phenomenon. It also highlights the connection between Euroskepticism as a critical discourse and its increasingly populist form. This populist characteristic seems to be one of the reasons why these movements and parties are stealing votes from center-left and center-right parties alike. Apart from a brief description of this phenomenon, this article also highlights its structural causes beyond its short-term strategic and tactical drives. The author then gives an overview of actual and potential responses to populist Euroskepticism from supporters of the EU. [R] [See Abstr. 66.2114]
66.2319 HOFF, Anneloes; LELIEVELDT, Herman; VAN DER DOES, Ramon —
We challenge P. Kurzer and C. Cooper's claim [“Biased or not? Organized interests and the case of EU food information labeling”, ibid., 20(5), 2013: 722–740; Abstr. 63.4431] that the industry was able to get its way in the Food Information to Consumers Regulation by successfully lobbying the EP and benefiting from an industry-friendly rapporteur. We scrutinize their findings through a comprehensive analysis of all amendments tabled in the environmental committee at first reading and a process-tracing of the 12 most salient issues. Our results indicate a rather balanced rapporteur and show that both the ENVI committee and the plenary EP changed the regulation in favor of consumer interests on a significant number of points, with key victories for the industry being the result of pressure from the Council, not from the EP. [R, abr.]
66.2320 HORKÝ-HLUCHÁŇ, Ondřej; SZENT-IVÁNYI, Balázs —
This article builds on the securitization and post-development literature and scrutinizes the Czech and Hungarian legitimizing discourses of the two countries' respective Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs) in the Logar and Baghlan provinces of Afghanistan from 2007 to 2013. Despite the hybrid civil-military character of the PRTs, their security-development nexus was absent and they were respectively securitized and “developmentalized” only indirectly and to a varying extent. The PRTs were mostly justified by the Czech Republic's NATO membership as an identity issue and they were justified as a Hungarian national interest and as both an obligation and an opportunity. Rather than merely importing NATO's arguments as suggested by the previous literature, the depoliticization and positive connotation of the intervention in Afghanistan was constructed by the domestic NATO-related identities and interests in the Czech Republic and Hungary. [R]
66.2321 HSUEH Chienwu (Alex) —
The Southeast Asian peace literature points out at least three points of view regarding regional peace: some emphasize ASEAN's successful security management, others doubt its effectiveness, and a third body of research argues that it is achieved by a “capitalist peace” trajectory. I refute the capitalist peace argument and construct a theory to bridge the two contradictory perspectives on ASEAN, arguing that the pacifying effect of ASEAN should be understood as a conditional one, which hinges on Southeast Asian countries' economic performance. When the leaders are not able to maintain good economic performance, they tend to emphasize nation-building issues, such as provoking territorial disputes, to keep their ruling legitimacy, thus compromising ASEAN's security management. Empirical analysis of the onset of militarized interstate disputes from 1950 to 2001 confirms my argument. [R, abr.]
66.2322 HUBRECHT, Joël —
The modern principle of international criminal justice goes back to Nuremberg and its highly specific historical context. The 1990s marks a decade of renaissance, for former Yugoslavia and Rwanda in particular. The Rome Statute marked a major breakthrough by establishing a permanent court. This development came under criticism and the Statute was not ratified by the majority of members of the Security Council. In its 70th year, the idea of international criminal justice is still young and remains full of potential. [R] [First of a series of articles on “International criminal justice: the record”. See also Abstr. 66.2287, 2293, 2312]
66.2323 IHEDURU, Okechukwu C. —
Although the role of organized business in regional economic integration is well documented, extant scholarship portrays them as mere legitimizers and partners of regional policy. This categorization fails to capture the complicated, “multiscalarity” of business and overall civil society's role in regional governance. Drawing insights from social constructivism and empirical evidence from fieldwork conducted in 2012 and 2013 on the interactions between the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and region-wide business associations and advocacy networks since the early 1990s, this article shows that although African business groups are relatively new actors at the regional stage, their impact on regional governance is substantial. It also highlights the ways business actors have acted on principled beliefs about regional identity collectively or individually to forge denser and relatively effective policy coalitions. [R, abr.]
66.2324 JOHNS, Leslie; PELC, Krzysztof J. —
The participation deficit in global governance is usually blamed on power politics; we argue it may actually reflect strategic behavior by excluded countries themselves. In the WTO, member-states affected by a trade dispute can join litigation as “third parties” to gain access to otherwise private negotiations. Despite its considerable benefit and negligible cost, third-party participation remains rare. Countries often stay out even when they have a material interest at stake. We argue that because the presence of third parties decreases the odds of a settlement and increases the odds of litigation, strategic states may choose to stay out to avoid acting as involuntary spoilers. We test our model by examining each country's decision to participate or not in every WTO dispute since 1995. [R, abr.]
66.2325 JUNK, Wiebke Marie —
Contributions by NGOs to European governance supposedly enhance participatory democracy. It matters for this democratic surplus how NGOs foster relationships to both policy-makers and publics by engaging in inside and outside lobbying on EU policies. This article investigates the factors that explain this lobbying behavior. It contrasts organization-level hypotheses on the NGOs' relational and resource characteristics with issue-level hypotheses on the complexity, salience and beneficiary group of the policy issue. Expectations are formulated under the assumption that different logics of influence and reputation drive inside and outside lobbying by NGOs. The findings suggest that issue-level characteristics have more explanatory power than organization-level factors. More salient, less complex issues and issues involving a public good have significantly higher odds of outside lobbying, while public goods attract less inside lobbying. [R, abr.]
66.2326 KABASAKAL ARAT, Zehra F. —
This article offers a critical examination of the interaction of feminist theories and the international human rights discourses as articulated at the UN forums and documents. Although a range of feminisms that elucidate the diversity of women's experiences and complexities of oppression have been incorporated into some UN documents, the overall women's rights approach of the UN is still informed by the demands and expectations of liberal feminism. This is particularly evident in the aggregate indicators that are employed to assess the “empowerment of women”. In addition to explaining why liberal feminism trumps other feminisms, the article addresses the problems with following policies that are informed by liberal feminism. It criticizes using aggregate indicators of empowerment for conflating sources of power with empowerment and making false assumptions. [R, abr.]
66.2327 KOCH, Martin —
See Abstr. 64.6026.
66.2328 KOFF, Harlan; MAGANDA, Carmen —
The year 2015 is supposed to be a seminal moment in the international sustainable development agenda. World leaders are negotiating the Sustainable Development Goals Agenda and the EU has declared 2015 to be the “European Year for Development”. The Post-2015 agenda is supposed to be characterized by more “transformative” development strategies. Policy Coherence for Development (PCD) is considered to be an important tool for the establishment of “transformative” development. This article examines EU development programs in the field of water. It contends that even though the EU is a world leader in global water and sanitation programs, its approach to development is not coherent with transformative change because these strategies employ PCD as a technical policy tool. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.1655]
66.2329 KÖHLER, Gabriele —
The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) followed a series of UN development decades and gave new momentum to international development cooperation. The article shows that, contrary to its aspirations, only three goals were nominally met in 2015: those regarding poverty, education and drinking water. Key goals concerning hunger, maternal and child mortality, or sanitation, were seriously missed. Even the goals deemed successful were only superficially achieved. However, the ensuing normative and methodological critique of the MDGs informed the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the much broader development agenda adopted by the international community in September 2015. The challenge now is to ensure that this new, universal agenda for sustainable development will result in more serious, equity-oriented, economic, social and environmental policies world-wide. [R]
66.2330 KOVAČEVIĆ, Maja —
The 2014 EP elections brought a campaign novelty: for the first time, European parties put forward lead candidates for the position of President of the European Commission. [I argue] that parliamentarization of the European Commission president appointment is not a step towards a more democratic EU, for two reasons. First, the European Commission, [although] EU's executive body, is not the executive of the EP as single legislator, but rather part of a complex institutional quadrangle comprised of the European Council, the EP, the Council and the European Commission. Second, the EP, elected in “second order” elections, and the role of national and European parties in the EU electoral and governance system, do not provide for political representation that could serve as basis for a responsible party government model. [R, abr.]
66.2331 KRIEGMAIR, Lisa; WEISS, Moritz —
Scholars in IR normally approach sanctions in one of two ways: they explain them either by their objectives, such as changing the target's behavior, or through the political decision-making process. Our article links these two analytical perspectives by introducing the two-dimensional concept of reputation. First, sanctioning actors have a specific role, like universally protecting human rights. Second, they need to demonstrate resolve in crisis negotiations to maintain the credibility of this role, which may, in turn, shape a situation such that it becomes necessary to impose sanctions in order to avoid a loss of reputation. In contrast to the predominant tenet in the literature, our empirical analysis illustrates how reputation evolved as the primary trigger within the political process and how the EU was gradually entrapped in its crisis bargaining with Zimbabwe. [R, abr.]
66.2332 KUDRN, Zdenek —
The EU regime of financial market governance evolved from generic comitology 15 years ago into one of the most specialized sectoral regimes today. The initial Lamfalussy reform focused on producing better hard law through open and transparent consultations and supporting its consistent implementation by delegating soft law powers to supervisory committees with independent expert capacity. Under the de Larosière reform, committees were transformed into European Supervisory Authorities and their soft law guidelines “hardened” into binding technical standards, which later formed the Single Rulebook pillar of the banking union. The successive reforms improved the procedural effectiveness of rule-making, but it is too early to evaluate their effects on implementation because of constant changes. Reforms also made the regime of governance more open and transparent and thus potentially more inclusive. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2309]
66.2333 LAS CASAS, Taiane —
In order to understand if the regional integration process can be a mechanism for the provision of regional public goods, we started with the model by M. Olson [A Lógica da Acción Colectiva — Benes Públicos e Teoría dos Grupos, Oeiras, 1965], who identifies the relevant variables for understanding how group members overcome their collective action dilemmas. Mercosur's and Andean community's comparison regarding drug trafficking allows for the conclusion that in both agreements there is a suboptimal provision of public security, even though Mercosur presents a slight greater progress than the Andean community. [R]
66.2334 LEGRAND, Tim —
Recent scholarship in public administration has drawn attention to the proliferation of transnational policy-making processes and administrative practices. Although policy transfer and transgovernmental scholars have recognized the influence of these practices on domestic policy outcomes, little is known about how distinctive configurations of cross-jurisdictional policy networks form. This article addresses this issue by exploring three novel transgovernmental policy networks situated in the Anglosphere: Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the UK and the US. Drawing on constructivist perspectives, the article holds culture, values and norms as critical to the coalescence of Anglosphere policy networks and an important additional explanation of how transnational policy communities emerge. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.1669]
66.2335 LOUIS, Marieke —
Since its creation in 1919, the ILO, in charge of regulating industrial relations among states and setting up principles of social justice, has claimed to embody a “world parliament of labor”. What institutional mechanisms and action strategies [justify] such a claim? How has the ILO built up, justified and reformed its representativeness over time? The socio-historical analysis of the representative mechanisms and their criticism by actors who feel badly represented (government, trade unions and employers' organizations, cooperatives, NGOs) allows us to deconstruct the parliamentary claim and to unveil, over the long term, some of the key characteristics of a representational system that is both international and tripartite: non-electoral, selective, technocratic but which can also adapt and even improvise. [R] [See Abstr. 66.1424]
66.2336 MARTI, Gaëlle —
Whereas the “judge's dialogue”, a successful expression, is subjected to conflicting assessments by doctrine, the contribution tends to question the relations that that concept has with the principle of primacy. Dismissing both the champions of dialogue as a key allowing to reconcile the conflicting case law interpretations of the principle of primacy and its opponents, which consider on the contrary that it did not allow to relativize the extent thereof, the contribution tends to demonstrate that the dialogue solution has a true heuristic value in a context marked by pluralism. The author then sheds light on the structuring and identity functions of the judges' dialogue before exploring the conditions for its continuation. [R] [See also Abstr. 66.2357]
66.2337 MATTHIJS, Matthias; KELEMEN, R. Daniel —
In 1982, The Economist marked the 25th anniversary of the European Economic Community, the precursor to the EU, by featuring a tombstone dedicated to the organization on its cover. “Born March 25, 1957. Moribund March 25, 1982”, it read. Then came an epitaph courtesy of the ancient Roman historian Tacitus: Capax imperii nisi imperasset, “It seemed capable of being a power, until it tried to be one”. [R]
66.2338 MEERNIK, James —
Research on human rights treaties has mostly reached depressingly similar conclusions — that such treaties and their resulting institutions have little or no impact on human rights. The ICC, however, possesses significant power to investigate and prosecute violations of international law that equip it with potentially more influence than previous human rights regimes. I suggest, however, that the impact of the ICC on human rights is conditioned by signatory governments' commitment to good governance and acceptance of the role of the ICC in addressing violations of international law. I develop a two-stage model of ICC ratification and human rights abuse that shows that while many states have ratified the ICC Treaty, not all are committed to stopping the crimes under its jurisdiction. [R, abr.]
66.2339 MEIER, Henk Erik; GARCÍA, Borja —
Scholars have engaged in discussions over whether the rise of transnational private authority is beneficial or undermines public legitimate authority. While the recent focus on civil regulation has emphasized the key role of public authorities and civil societies in such arrangements, the case of the International Federation of Association Football (FIFA) provides strong evidence that global policies can be formulated and administered by completely private institutions relying on strong enforcement mechanisms and able to confront public authorities. FIFA's power results from its control of market access to global football, which represents a vital “club good” for national football industries. Therefore, FIFA is able to force EU member states to deviate from national paths of sport regulation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.1669]
66.2340 MILANO, Enrico —
Russia's veto in the meeting of the Security Council of 15 March 2014 led to the non-adoption of the draft resolution tabled by 42 countries, condemning the referendum which was held in Crimea a few days after. While the right of a P-5 to cast its veto on substantive resolutions [in] the Council is not in doubt, it is arguable that the draft resolution tabled fell under the last part of Art. 27 §3, of the Charter according: “[…] in decisions under Chapter VI and under §3 of Art.52, a party to a dispute shall abstain from voting”. None of the states intervening in the debate, even those flatly condemning the “abuse” of Russia's veto on political grounds, raised the issue of the applicability of the obligation under the above provision. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.1910]
66.2341 MOODIE, John R. —
This article analyzes the nature and character of the European Commission's dialogue with its critics and the degree and extent to which it was prepared to adapt its existing internal processes and procedures to the reform agenda. Recent theories inform us that organizations respond in different ways to external criticism and demands for reform, including full adaptation, evasion, institutional decoupling and reinterpretation. The main findings suggest that the Commission was not completely resistant to changing its approach to the use of expertise. The Commission reinterpreted its critics' demands by introducing reforms that defused this external pressure, while protecting the effectiveness of its existing internal ideology and processes. These findings serve to enhance the Commission's image as an increasingly normalized bureaucracy. [R, abr.]
66.2342 MORALES MANZUR, Juan Carlos; MORALES GARCÍA, Lucrecia —
The Alliance of the Pacific is an economic and commercial integration mechanism formed by Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru and formally established on 6 June 2012, through subscription to its Framework Agreement. The Alliance also includes a component of cooperation and commitment in the field of immigration. This article discusses the new proposal under the aegis of the new integration axis and then interprets the prospects for this new integrationist model based on qualitative analysis of its macroeconomic indices and on the existing literature. The Alliance of the Pacific represents a new model for inter-state relations open to a new range of economic opportunities for the countries that comprise it, whose future depends on trading conditions at the global level, especially with the Asia-Pacific axis. [R, abr.]
66.2343 NEUHAUS, Matthew —
A new Secretary-General is to be elected at the Malta Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in November 2015. He — or she — must be a change agent, thought-leader, motivator and manager. This article gives a brief overview of this important position in global affairs and underlines the need for realistic but effective leadership. It sets an agenda for the new Secretary-General, especially in addressing the issues of violent extremism, terrorism and migration. [R]
66.2344 NEWMAN, Edward —
As a near-universal political commitment to prevent or address atrocities the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) supports the idea of common humanity, even though the operationalization of the principle is uneven and controversial. However, the RtoP agenda has become problematized by the political frictions of the shifting international order. This is reflected in normative contestation between liberal states and those — including rising or resurgent powers — which promote a more conservative, pluralist vision of international society and which increasingly resist Western control of the political agenda. The transitional international order has also generated geopolitical tensions which — even if unconnected to humanitarian norms — obstruct the RtoP agenda. This article explores these themes and considers if RtoP, as an expression of common humanity, can achieve progress in this context. [R] [See Abstr. 66.2303]
66.2345 O'KEEFFE, Mícheál; SALINES, Marion; WIECZOREK, Marta —
This article investigates the bargaining strategy of the EP as a co-legislator in the field of economic and financial governance on the basis of two prominent case studies: the legislative packages for financial supervision and economic governance. It analyzes the impact the internal cohesion of the EP had on its bargaining strategy in informal trilogue negotiations with the Council and the Commission at first reading. The article argues that the degree of internal cohesion had a very limited impact on the EP's external bargaining strategy in the trilogues, visible in both the substance of the EP position [and] the form. Thus, while the internal functioning of the EP is increasingly dominated by ideological and majoritarian features, externally the EP insists on promoting issues where a strong consensus exists to maximize its bargaining power. [R, abr.]
66.2346 OHR, Renate —
With the Lisbon Treaty, a right of withdrawal has been incorporated into the EU law for the first time. This paper examines what consequences the planned British referendum on EU withdrawal may have for the EU.
In addition to the direct effects on trade and FDI, there would be a strong impact on the balance of power and the internal stability of the EU. As the euro crisis is identified as a possible driving force for a British exit, a solid solution for the euro zone is necessary to keep a country like UK in the EU. Sticking to an unchanged Eurozone may endanger the stability of the entire EU and thus lead to a turning point in the European integration process. [R]
66.2347 PAPAMICHAIL, Andeas; PARTIS-JENNINGS, Hannah —
This article examines the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) and its invocation of common humanity. It argues that the RtoP needs the normative weight and work of the notion of common humanity in order to be framed as a common response to atrocity crimes. Such a framing process points to a shift in the doctrine's possible remit and accessibility which offers the potential for improvement, even in the face of legitimate critique and practical failure. The act of framing the doctrine as common opens up a shared discursive space, in which a communal language, platform and mandate allows for the enduring dilemmas of intervention and the enduring problem of conscience-shocking crimes against humanity to be more collectively engaged with. Thus, this framing of the RtoP offers avenues for enhanced empathy, legitimacy and efficacy. [R] [See Abstr. 66.2303]
66.2348 PIERRON, Luc —
There is an inherent ambivalence about the EMU: instead of legal rules themselves, it is the use and interpretation of those rules that allow social security to be dealt with by the European economic governance. Where law does not really impose itself, a more “liquid” and interstitial form of law gets in and replaces it. Such an ambivalence stands for a loss of balance. The recent intensification of the EMU allows for the imposing of a strict budgetary discipline and mechanisms for financial sanctions on euro zone state members. The virtual absence of legal rules that could inflect the discipline process leads to the subversive prevalence of budgetary arguments over social considerations. [See Abstr. 66.2286]
66.2349 POLYAKOVA, Alina; FLIGSTEIN, Neil —
While the ultimate goal of the EU is unclear, one of its aspirations has been to create European citizens. The idea is that over time, citizens would look towards Europe as their main national identity. While the political and economic integration projects are quite far along, the national identity project has lagged far behind. The number of people who have primarily a European identity is quite small and has not increased much in the past 20 years. This article argues that the EU integration project has pushed citizens to value their national identities more and to look to their national governments to protect them. We examine the evidence for this in the context of the 2007–2009 financial crisis. [R, abr.]
66.2350 POOLE, Avery —
The 2008 ASEAN Charter includes the “promotion and protection” of human rights among ASEAN's Principles and Purposes, declaring that ASEAN would establish a human rights body. This raises an empirical puzzle given the prevailing ASEAN norm of “non-interference in the internal affairs of one another”, which traditionally has meant that human rights records are excluded as a criterion of membership of ASEAN, and as a topic for (official) dialogue. Member states have refrained from publicly criticizing one another in regard to human rights. This article argues that regional norms are shaped by competing perceptions of legitimacy. Members' interpretations of the legitimacy of ASEAN and its norms as perceived by those outside the region — “external regional legitimacy” — were crucial in shaping the decision to establish a regional human rights body. [R, abr.]
66.2351 RADICE, Henry —
This article first situates the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) in relation to humanitarianism and the “politics of humanity” through which common humanity is understood, negotiated and defended in response to “crises of humanity”. It outlines the humanitarian negotiations at stake, connected with the mass atrocity crimes within the RtoP's remit. Second, it argues that, like other claims made “in the name of humanity”, the power relations implicit in attempts to create, delimit and safeguard “humanitarian space” need to be unpacked. Third, it assesses the RtoP's potential to become a success with regard to the fulfillment of the humanitarian aspirations it represents, concluding the relationship between a humanitarian project like the RtoP and the notion of humanity will always be a dynamic, unpredictable and risky one, dependent on judicious political judgment. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2303]
66.2352 RECCHIA, Stefano —
The author revisits the G.W. Bush administration's attempt in the spring of 2003 to secure UN approval for the Iraq war. Drawing on new evidence from declassified documents and interviews with senior officials, he argues that the administration would have stood a good chance of securing UN approval — notwithstanding French opposition. But the administration had to be willing to postpone the start of military operations by up to six weeks and endorse a set of demanding benchmarks for Iraqi compliance, as proposed by Britain and several nonpermanent members of the Security Council. [R]
66.2353 REIN, Conrad —
Despite a rhetorical emphasis on the problematic term “strategic” by both EU and African Union (AU) policy-makers, cooperation between both actors is limited and lacking in strategic direction. Their cooperation focuses mainly on EU financial support for activities led by the AU and the Regional Economic Communities/Regional Mechanisms. These activities are largely limited to the subject of peace and security through the African Peace Facility and other highly specific projects in Africa, as well as on a limited political dialogue. Nonetheless, the EU-AU link represents the most comprehensive partnership the African Union has with any non-African actor. This study demonstrates that the UN is an indispensable third party to their relationship and it is therefore more appropriate to speak of the AU-EU-UN nexus. [R, abr.]
66.2354 RESLOW, Natasja —
2015 has seen thousands of migrants undertake desperate and risky journeys across the Mediterranean in order to try to reach Europe. Cooperation with non-EU countries has been emphasized in policy documents as an essential tool in managing these migration flows. However, this presupposes that the EU is able to act deliberately and purposively in international migration governance. Building on the literature on EU external relations, this article assesses the actorness of the EU in international migration governance in terms of authority, existence of policy instruments, policy determinacy, coordination mechanisms, rules of participation in international institutions, recognition by third countries, autonomy of the EU institutions, and cohesion. It concludes that legal competence is central to the ability of the EU to play a role in international migration governance. [R]
66.2355 REYKERS, Yf; SMEETS, Niels —
Russia's behavior in the UN Security Council remains poorly understood. Applying principal-agent insights, this article analyzes the Russian abstention towards Resolution 1973, which authorized intervention during the 2011 Libya crisis. Introducing a triangle of delegation, it shows that preferences diverged regarding the means and aims of the intervention. The article also investigates the information asymmetries which characterized the decision-making and indicates that this affected the Russian capacity to control NATO, which implemented Resolution 1973. It argues that Russia can only effectively control such a UN-authorized intervention by using, or threatening to use, its veto power. [R]
66.2356 RIDER, Toby C.; LLEWELLYN, Matthew P. —
This paper distills the many forms or expressions of nationalism associated with the Olympic Games into four historical themes: the Olympic athlete, or team, as a tangible representation of the nation incarnate; the symbolic value of victories and medals; the diplomatic significance of recognition in the International Olympic Committee; and the political currency of hosting an Olympic festival. [R] [See Abstr. 66.1478]
66.2357 RITLENG, Dominique —
This communication describes the reality of the principle of primacy of the EU's law. It is a contrasted reality, both that of primacy gradually accepted by member countries as well as primacy recently questioned by member countries. After briefly stating the expressions both of the acceptance and of the questioning of the primacy, the paper sheds light on the reasons for, and bases of, that double reality. [R [See also Abstr. 66.2336]
66.2358 ROSSI, Rosa —
This article focuses on the contribution of the EU towards and through NGOs and civil society groups in rebuilding the condition of peace and security in the post-war environment of the Western Balkans. Looking comparatively at the aid provided through public channels and through the NGO and civil society sector to Bosnia-Herzegovina, the Former Yugoslavia Republic of Macedonia, Serbia, and Kosovo, the article identifies the place given by EU institutions to non-state actors and how international donors' preferences have changed over the years. The result of the analysis is that, despite rhetoric on the importance of local ownership and of civil society actors, EU institutions comparatively deliver more aid through public channels than through NGOs. [R]
66.2359 RYAN, John; LOUGHLIN, John —
The authors examine three historical monetary unions in order to draw possible lessons from them for the European Monetary Union (EMU). The article shows that none of the historical examples tackled corresponded to a “monetary union” in Mundell's sense — and neither does the EMU. But this contribution usefully indicates the potential lessons to be derived from these examples. I also put forward practical proposals to go towards a more optimal currency union at the EU level. [R] [See Abstr. 66.2114]
66.2360 SANDERS, Ronald —
Africa has been divided into four groups of states by the EU in the negotiation of Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) that will define the relationship between Africa and Europe in the future. The EPAs are unfair. They demand reciprocity between the EU countries collectively and each African country individually and they set conditions that will be demanded by any other country or groups of countries with which African countries seek trade arrangements. Further, separate EPAs among different groupings of African countries will undermine Africa's wider integration efforts, leaving it in thrall to EU companies. In their present form the EPAs are not in Africa's interest and will unnecessarily undermine the potential for Europe's improved relationship with the continent. [R]
66.2361 SAURUGGER, Sabine; TERPAN, Fabien —
The introduction of “new modes of governance” in the EU is presented by EU institutions and academics as a tool to circumvent non-compliance with hard law. While hard law regularly triggers attitudes of non-compliance, “new modes of governance” are thought to push actors to reach objectives through a learning process leading to the transformation of actors' preferences. We argue that resistance to soft law is as frequent as that to hard law, although more difficult to study. This article develops a framework allowing for an analysis of attitudes of resistance to soft norms beyond specific countries or policy areas. On the basis of a systematic analysis of secondary literature on attitudes of resistance to soft law, the paper shows that agency-centered approaches in particular allow clear and testable hypotheses. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2309]
66.2362 SAVAGE, James D.; VERDUN, Amy —
Has the executive role of the European Commission changed since the euro area crisis? This article examines how the Commission has responded to the expansion of fiscal and economic rules such as the regulations that strengthen the EU's statistical competence and the Six-Pack and Two-Pack. Based on interviews conducted with key staff, we find that these rules have created significant co-ordination, information and analytical demands on the Commission. The latter has enhanced its horizontal and vertical co-ordination efforts, prioritized staff for the Directorate-Generals conducting surveillance activities, added DGs to these efforts, and reorganized their organizational structures to promote a deeper understanding of the member states' fiscal and economic policies. Using a principal-agent, approach this article explains how the Commission has increased its role in European integration process. [R, abr.]
66.2363 SCHRIJVER, Nico J.; PRISLAN, Vid —
The article analyzes the recent jurisprudence of the ICJ in relation to disputes concerning sovereignty over islands and considers the potential implications of this jurisprudence for the resolution of the Dokdo/Takeshima issue. It examines the principles and rules of international law applied by the Court to the determination of title to territory, especially those concerning the question of original title and its interplay with state conduct in general (effectivités). The article also pays special attention to the different legal techniques applied by the Court in resolving each particular dispute and the Court's practical approach to dealing with questions of historical facts and other evidentiary matters in relation to small and uninhabited islands. [R]
66.2364 SCHÜLLER, Alfred —
This paper considers the proposed European Banking Union (EBU as part of the institutional economic system of the EU, in particular with regard to its relationship with the European Central bank (ECB). Taking into account the fact that the EU administrations' attitudes towards economic institutions tend to favor the French tradition of economic interventionism, this contribution considers the likely consequences for the operation of the EBU and its economic implications. This institutional economic analysis of the proposed plans for the EBU aims to contribute to U. Vollmer's evaluation of the EBU proposals discussed in “‘Stairway to Heaven’ [or] ‘Highway to Hell’”? [Abstr. 66.2378] [R]
66.2365 SILVEIRA, Alessandra; CAMISÃO, Isabel —
The authors realize a fruitful reflection on the links between federalism and citizenship rights in the current context of economic crisis. The authors abide by a view commonly held among Europeanists in which European federalism should be clearly distinguished from attempts to transpose the state model to the EU level. Even if the EU is a polity in formation, the purpose should not be to transform it into a supranational state. From this perspective, federalism is a slowly unfolding process rather than a static arrangement. Similarly, the authors distinguish between the natures of European and national citizenships. [R] [See Abstr. 66.2114]
66.2366 SLEAT, Matt —
This article offers a new approach to thinking about the ethics and politics of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP): It grounds the RtoP in an understanding of politics that recognizes the specificity of the political, including its own internal sources of normativity, while also appreciating the plethora of ways in which morality features in political life. What emerges is a way of making sense of the RtoP in distinctively political terms — as concrete responses to specifically political problems employing legitimate authority and power — but which must draw upon moral values (of humanity) in order to legitimate interventions. This view overcomes the realist/liberal dichotomy by enabling us to see morality as not prior to or having antecedent authority over the political yet as nevertheless an integral part of politics. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2303]
66.2367 SMETANA, Michal —
The quinquennial Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference represents a highly important event from the perspective of the EU's CFSP. Though not a party to the treaty itself, the EU has made a consistent effort since the 1990s to coordinate the positions of its member states and achieve higher visibility in the NPT review process. This article examines the role of the EU in the 2015 NPT Review Conference deliberations. Drawing on on-site observations, statements and in-depth research interviews, it argues that the recent institutional changes notwithstanding, the influence of the EU as a distinct actor in the NPT context remains very limited, and the EU's common position is in bigger disarray than ever before. This year's Review Conference demonstrated the widening rift between the member states. [R, abr.]
66.2368 STOJANOVIĆ, Nikola —
The paper analyzes the implementation of the EU immigration and asylum policy and the control of EU member states' external borders in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. It argues that the EU pursues an exclusive version of those policies aimed at reducing the immigration pressure as well as preventing illegal border crossing into the member states. Two key mechanisms are identified in EU policy implementation: (1) a restrictive border-control regime, and (2) agreements to transfer border management and supervision tasks to the third countries (transitional countries). The author emphasizes that the development of an exclusive migration strategy was not followed by the needed changes of the inclusive aspects of the EU immigration and asylum policy and the control of external borders. [R, abr.]
66.2369 STONE, Diane —
English version: see Abstr. 66.2370.
66.2370 STONE, Diane —
The G20 is an evolving international institution. Aided by both advances in information technology and support from home governments, a number of knowledge actors and networks seek to influence global economic governance with policy analysis and advice. This article assesses the international G20 think tank network called Think20 and the policy advocacy of private research institutes (such the Lowy Institute in Australia and the Centre for International Governance and Innovation in Canada) which are in the orbit of the G20 policy community. Think20 assists the global economic governance processes of the G20 by developing “coordinative discourses” for policy development and implementation. [R]
66.2371 TAHIR, Jaweria —
Africa's rich natural resources have begun to attract the rest of the world, which is now keen to develop trade and political relations with Africa. Despite its vast resources, however, Africa remains mired in poverty, ill-health and illiteracy. Then why has Africa become so significant for the rest of the world, in particular for Europe and the US in the 21st c.? What are the actual ambitions and activities of the EU and the US in Africa? Does the intensification in economic and trade relations benefit merely the developed countries? Does the developed countries' deeper involvement in the continent unsettle the African people?
66.2373 TÖRÖ, Csaba —
In the practice of EU-UN collaboration in international crisis-management, examples of EU military operations have emerged when contingents of troops are dispatched to African conflict zones for limited period and purpose as temporary support for pending UN or already operating African Union (AU) missions. These EU deployments are intended to “bridge” the gap in international capabilities until a more comprehensive and sustained “multidimensional presence” under UN direction is prepared to take over full responsibility for the security and protection of civilians and humanitarian assistance. Bridging operations can be conducted as temporary EU military crisis-management undertakings in support of other multinational missions. EU bridging operations are closely coordinated with the UN, implemented under explicit Security Council authorizations and concluded with the transfer of tasks and responsibility to a succeeding UN mission. [R, abr.]
66.2374 TURAN, Gozde —
This paper critically examines the discursive power of the ICC, which was established in 2002 with unprecedented jurisdiction in terms of both crimes being prosecuted and territorial scope. Analyzing how current international criminal law developed and is being shaped brings to the surface particular power structures embedded in legal texts and practices. By subjecting the discourse of the ICC to a Foucauldian analysis and arguing for the utility of Foucault's concepts in analyzing contemporary international criminal legal discourse, the paper contributes to our understanding of novel techniques and procedures of contemporary global governmentality, and how the “international community” is constituted as both a subject and an object within this recent power modality. [R, abr.]
66.2375 VAN MEURS, Wim —
In 2014, A. Morozov and L. Siricenko published a study on the EU Common Agricultural Policy. This study served as the starting point for the author's reflections, as it offers a much-needed sounding board helpful for both insiders and outsiders of the EU, for it echoes the tensions between high European hopes and increasing counterclaims in the wider Southeast European region originating from a Russian or Turkish sphere of political and economic influence. The study, and the authors of this commentary, invite Europeans to count their blessings and, at the same time, warn those striving for admittance to the EU to perform a “reality check” on their readiness for European integration. [R]
66.2376 VAN PARIJS, Philippe —
The author proposes an original reconfiguration of EU institutions in order to render them more democratic. The EU is an unprecedented entity that has managed to develop effective common institutions respectful of the diversity of its participant nation states. Yet the EU suffers from numerous problems at the moment, including the most salient — the issue of its governance. Although the EU is certainly not currently run in a satisfactory way, it should not be governed either as a nation or as an international organization. The author then grasps the question of how the EU should be governed. For that purpose, he offers a very clever reflection on why democracy is the best mode of collective decision-making. [R] [See Abstr. 66.2114]
66.2377 VOLLAARD, Hans; VAN DE BOVENKAMP, Hester; MARTINSEN, Dorte Sindbjerg —
EU involvement in healthcare policies is growing, [although] national governments prefer to keep an almost exclusive say in these policies. This article explains how this shift of authority could happen and explores whether it will lead to a European healthcare union. It argues that federalism offers the most fruitful way to do so because of its sensitivity to the EU's institutional settings and to the territorial dimension of politics. [Despite] the division of competences and national diversity of healthcare systems, the EU obtained a role in healthcare through the impact of non-healthcare legislation, voluntary co-operation, court rulings, governments' joint-decision traps and fiscal stress of member states. The emerging European healthcare union is a system of co-operative federalism without much cost-sharing, [but] of limited robustness. [R, abr.]
66.2378 VOLLMER, Uwe —
The paper describes the main pillars of the European Banking Union (EBU) and discusses its economic justification from the viewpoint of banking theory. The following aspects stand central: avoidance of regulatory arbitrage, conflicts of interest between the monetary policy and the regulatory unit within ECB, credibility problems of bank resolution schemes, and adverse incentives of deposit insurance guarantees. The paper reviews the literature on banking regulation and scrutinizes the existing EBU-rules. It also asks what rules are missing to enhance the stability of the banking sector in Europe. [R] [See also Abstr. 66.2364]
66.2379 WALDORF, Lars —
This article addresses the question whether the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) promotes a “common humanity”. It observes how overt references to common humanity have receded from the RtoP discourse with the World Summit Outcome (WSO) in 2005. Nonetheless, the WSO prompted greater attention to crimes against humanity, which might conceivably strengthen a minimalist conception of humanity through the prosecution of its opposite number, inhumanity. This article tests Teitel's argument that “humanity law” is reshaping the discourse of international politics by looking at the UN Security Council debates over RtoP in South Sudan. It concludes that the Council's failure to refer South Sudan to the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity further weakens RtoP's potential to communicate a solidarist norm. [R] [See Abstr. 66.2303]
66.2380 WILSON, Page —
Much popular and academic attention has focused on whether the Arctic is likely to remain a zone of cooperation, or descend into conflict. However, less attention has been paid to examining the evolution and role of fora in the region, such as the Arctic Council. This paper argues that three visions are presently shaping ways of thinking about the Council: as (1) a society for Arctic states; (2) as a steward for the Arctic; and (3) as a fully-fledged security actor. The extent to which each vision is manifested in the practices of the Council and its members is also examined. Finally, the paper considers what the ongoing tensions within and among these three ways of conceptualizing the Council means for its future prospects, and for Arctic politics more generally. [R, abr.]
66.2381 WISOTZKI, Simone —
The 15th anniversary of the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 was prepared for quite well. UN institutions and transnational civil society organizations (CSO) undertook a critical review process in order to evaluate the implementation of the “women, peace and security” agenda. While on the normative side eight UN Security Council Resolutions have been passed over the course of 15 years, the process of implementing these resolutions remains cumbersome. This is particularly true for women in conflict and post-conflict situations. During the celebrations, many CSOs vocally criticized states as well as the UN for not living up to their promises. [R]
66.2382 WOLFF, Sarah —
This article researches the factors that shape the choice and evolution of policy instruments in transnational administrations, namely above and beyond the state. In an empirical analysis of budget support, it finds that the preference of the European Commission for this development aid instrument is dependent upon transnational agency and EU domestic habitat. This is evidenced in three steps. First, conflicting global objectives and institutional strategies of re-legitimization provided transnational administrative agency with power and leverage to promote managerial norms over developmental ones. Second, transnational knowledge networks have provided the European Commission venues of socialization to maintain its monopoly over the instrument. Third, the de-politicized transnational logic of budget support as a managerial tool is correlated to an increased politicization by some EU member states. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.1669]
66.2383 ZAJONTZ, Tim; LEYSENS, Anthony —
The theoretical framework proposed in this article points to neglected dimensions of regionalization and stresses both structural factors as well as the myriad of regional actors and their respective regional strategies as drivers of the changing nature of developing regionalisms in Africa. The authors' claim that regionalism is everything but a “states only” domain is substantiated by the proposed conceptualization of regional civil society, a persistent analytical “blind spot” in the study of regionalism. Drawing eclectically on the R.W. Cox's World Order Approach (WOA) and the New Regionalism(s) Approach (NRA), the article provides a theoretical “entry-point” for the analytical incorporation of regional civil societies into the political economy of African regionalisms. [R, abr.]
66.2384 ZAUN, Natascha —
While scholars traditionally expected EU policy-making in the area of asylum to produce lowest common denominator standards, recent studies on the first phase of the Common European Asylum System have observed higher asylum standards in some instances. Drawing on concepts of regulatory expertise and “misfit”, this article argues that the observed variation in policy output can be explained by the dominance of a few (Northern) member states which were highly successful in inserting their positions in the core EU directives. Government effectiveness and exposure to the phenomenon entailing regulatory expertise provide a powerful explanation for member states being effective policy-shapers. Characterized by low levels of government effectiveness and exposure in the asylum area, Southern European countries were, on the contrary, rather passive during the negotiations and barely left any mark on the EU directives. [R]
66.2385
Articles by Claudia SCHLEMBACH; Cornelia SCHU; Ulrich KATER; Johannes WALLACHER.
(b) Foreign policy and international relations/Politique étrangère et relations internationales
66.2386 ABBOTT, Malcolm; ESPOSTO, Alexis —
In recent years, Australia's relations with the countries of Latin America have taken on more importance as the trade and investment links between the two regions have grown. Besides this recent activity, Australia has a long history of diplomatic relations with the countries of Latin America, even though the links between the two regions have at times been fairly superficial. This relationship, like many others, has tended to concentrate on mainly trade relations and, despite Latin America's often turbulent political history, has not been affected much at all by political issues. This article analyzes the development of foreign policy links between Australia and the countries of Latin America in their formative stage between 1901 and 1973. [R]
66.2387 ADHIKARI, Sudeepta —
The study reveals certain salient features with regard to the evolution of the frontiers of India: (1) the 19th c. territorial rivalry between the Russians, the British and the Chinese; (2) Russian frontier expansion into northern Kashmir, Afghanistan, and Persia, and the British move to contain and neutralize the Russian expansion; (3) the British expansionary move to counter the advancing Chinese frontier into Northern Kashmir and Ladakh; (7) the distinct British strategic frontier philosophy for the Himalayas and the Trans-Himalayas, to counter the Russian and the Chinese. And finally, the evolution has been consistently conflictual with no symmetrical alignment, particularly between India and China along the Himalayan and the Trans-Himalayan regions. This is the crux of the Sino-Indian Himalayan impasse. [R, abr.]
66.2388a AHMAD, Sajjad —
This paper analyzes Pakistan's narrative on its nuclear program. Its framework is drawn from the Realist strand of thought in IR. It also discusses the apprehensions of the West and its response to Pakistan's nuclear program, and offers some recommendations for maintaining peace in South Asia. [R]
66.2388b AHMED, Mutahir —
China has emerged as the world's second largest economy, and the largest exporter of goods with 9.6 per cent of the global share. Moreover, the last two decades have seen China emerging as an international and regional power. Thus, in order to continue with the economic benefits, China wants peace and stability as well as to play an active role on international and regional fronts. On the other hand, Pakistan, the world's sixth most populous country, is a major power of South Asia. While having a developed infrastructure and vibrant political and security institutions, Pakistan is nevertheless currently facing many challenges on the economic front, including political instability and religious extremism. This paper analyzes the challenges faced by both China and Pakistan in the post-Cold War era. [R]
66.2389 ANSAREE, Naveed Khaliq —
The “New Great Game” is the global rivalry between the US-NATO bloc and its allies and their Counter-Alliance Camp. In the grand strategic calculus of Russia-China-Pakistan-Afghanistan-India entanglement, the US Camp seems to be losing its strategic foothold, particularly in Eurasia. The US “pivot to Asia” may also suffer serious setbacks. The deals on Syria's chemical weapons and Iran's nuclear program have brought the Middle East under a “Strategic Pause” but have also exposed the limits of American power. Afghanistan is on the tipping-point of proving or disproving to be the “graveyard of empires”. [R, abr.]
66.2390 ANSARI, Neha —
This paper examines NATO's decision to withdraw its combat forces at the end of 2014 and outlines the reasons behind the decision among the European members of the Atlantic Alliance. It discusses the current state of Afghanistan, that is the political and security crises the country faces and will continue to face after the exit of foreign troops and the security implications for Pakistan during and after NATO's withdrawal. [R]
66.2391 AYDIN, Üviyye; ŞAHBAZOV, Rövsen —
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, relations between the EU and Azerbaijan have increasingly developed. Especially within the realm of energy cooperation, trade and political relations between the two sides have gained strategic importance. Considering the changing regional dynamics, it now seems the relations between these two parties are vulnerable from the perspective of Azerbaijan. In this study, trade relations between Azerbaijan and the EU will be discussed in light of the developments in the South Caucasus. [R, abr.]
66.2392 BAILEY, Michael A.; WILCOX, Clyde —
To the extent [US] voters respond to presidential policy positions, they may change their views on the policy or change their views of the president. Presidents need to account for both changes, as they care both about citizen approval and citizen policy views. We explore this dynamic in response to the Iraq War using multiple statistical methods. We find consistent evidence that citizen views of President G.W. Bush influenced their support for the war even as citizen views of the war affected their approval of Bush. Net changes in aggregate public opinion were smaller than gross changes because of simultaneous movement in both directions on both the war and the president. Recognizing this two-way movement of opinion helps us to better understand the challenges facing presidents in leading public opinion. [R]
66.2393 BEACHÁIN, Donnacha Ó. —
This article examines aspects of Ireland's foreign relations in 2013. It reviews Ireland's six-month presidency of the EU before assessing features of Ireland's relationship with the EU, including its exit from the EU/IMF/ECB loan program in December. It then surveys relations with the Middle East and North Africa, in particular with Egypt, Syria, Turkey and Israel-Palestine, before discussing the achievements of and challenges to the government's overseas aid program during 2013. Deteriorating relations with Russia and Ukraine are then examined. Next, the paper assesses events related to Irish-US affairs, including the B. Obama family's visit to Ireland; the fallout from the Edward Snowden revelations of illegal surveillance by the National Security Agency; and efforts to ameliorate the plight of undocumented Irish immigrants to the US. [R, abr.]
66.2394 BEEVERS, Michael D. —
The violent conflicts in developing countries during the 1990s too often were blamed on rebel groups fighting for natural resource loot. Yet, the natural resources do not cause conflict, which is often rooted in deep-seated and historically contingent sets of grievances. For this reason, we should not expect regulations to end conflict or consolidate peace. Rather, we must look for opportunities for reconciliation, cooperation and confidence building, as well as greater inclusion of individuals and communities in decisions about natural resources. [R]
66.2395 BEN-ZE'EV, Efrat —
This article explores how geographical forms of Israel/Palestine are represented in maps sketched by high school students. The results show that they are significantly different from the geopolitical map, demonstrating the unique ways through which these students think about the national territory. The paper probes two sources that feed into the country's geographical image: its ongoing politics of treating boundaries as potential frontiers, and the school curriculum, which conveys a double message regarding borders. This image of a blurred geo-body invites for creative resolutions of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. [R]
66.2396 BENANTAR, Abdennour —
This article analyzes the Algeria-NATO relationship. Despite its late adhesion, Algeria has become an active partner in the Mediterranean Dialogue benefiting from the expertise and several dimensions of cooperation with NATO in particular formation. Besides, it stresses the absence of incidence of controversial questions on bilateral cooperation. The article examines the problem of the fight against terrorism and intelligence-sharing questioning the perspective of the relation and emphasizing the lack of an Algerian long-term strategy. [R]
66.2397 BISHKU, Michael B. —
Each country in the South Caucasus has adopted its own unique approach toward the West. Within a few years of achieving independence from Russia, Georgia sought close ties with the US and its Western allies; it has continued to pursue membership in both NATO and the EU. While Armenia has sought good relations with the US and the EU, it also has had the closest political and economic ties with Russia of the three South Caucasus republics. Azerbaijan during the its first decade of independence sought close relations with the West, but in recent years, it has gradually distanced itself politically and embraced membership in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). [A]
66.2398 BISWAS, Arka —
The military and scientific leadership of Pakistan has given clear signals that tactical nuclear weapons have a vital role in Pakistan's nuclear weapons policy. Developed to lower Pakistan's nuclear threshold, these weapons may further deter India from launching a conventional strike to punish Pakistan for its sub-conventional war against India. This has led to a debate on the possible doctrinal responses that India could adopt to counter Pakistan's tactical nuclear weapons. India could either make its current doctrine of massive retaliation more credible by appropriate signaling or it could revise the doctrine and develop its options of proportionate retaliation. Considering the limitations of both these options, the article argues for developing a doctrinal response that prescribes neither proportionate nor massively disproportionate retaliation. [R]
66.2399 BLANK, Stephen —
Almost two years after the start of the conflict in Ukraine, it is clear that China, not Russia, is the real victor. This assertion may strike readers as bizarre since China's vital interests are not engaged in this war, nor does it participate in any of the negotiations. [R]
66.2400 BLANK, Stephen; KIM Younkyoo —
The Russo-Chinese relationship is one of the most important relationships in both Asian and international security. It is undergoing dynamic evolution as a result of the Russian war in Ukraine. The bilateral relationship is one where both Moscow and Beijing espouse the logic of the strategic triangle vis-à-vis the US. But Washington renounces the effort to deal with Russia and its Asian relations as a strategic entity. Moreover, over the last 12–18 months, although Russia has sought an independent standing in Asia apart from China, it is increasingly unable to compete with China or assert that independence, due to its invasion of Ukraine, isolation from the West, sanctions, and failed economic policies. Thus, it is losing out to China and becoming more dependent on it. [R, abr.]
66.2401 BLOUT, Emily —
Tehran believes itself to be embroiled in a “soft war”. “Countering the soft war is the main priority for us today”, said Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei soon after the disputed presidential election of 2009. “In a soft war the enemy tries to make use of advanced cultural and communication tools to spread lies and rumors”. What is this “soft war”? How did it emerge in Iranian discourse? This paper traces the genesis of the term in Iranian politics from pre-revolutionary Iran to 2012. It argues that the “soft war” is the latest interaction of a long-standing myth, in which outside powers seek to dominate Iranian identity and sovereignty through cultural means. [R] [See Abstr. 66.1478]
66.2402 BOJINOVIĆ FENKO, Ana; LOVEC, Marko —
This article deals with the issue of de-Europeanization of Slovenian foreign policy in the light of the (European) financial and economic crisis. It proposes a theoretical framework that distinguishes between Europeanization as an independent/dependent variable and between the agency/structure drivers, thus enabling to identify four types of mechanisms facilitating the Europeanization process and (its) outcomes. Empirical research is based on a multi-case study of Slovenian foreign policy decision-making which draws on interviews with key Slovenian foreign ministry officials and diplomats, as well as on primary documents and secondary literature. This article argues that the context of the (European) financial and economic crisis, the EU has become more a part of the problem than a part of the solution for Slovenian foreign policy priorities. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2412]
66.2403 BORSZIK, Oliver —
This article explains the combined political effects of international sanctions against Iran and Tehran's domestic responses on the power structure of the targeted regime. It contends that although sanctions have contributed to elite infighting in Iran, they have not weakened the targeted regime. The Iranian leadership's modified reading of the imposed sanctions from targeted UN, US and EU nonproliferation sanctions as an opportunity to develop indigenous nuclear capabilities to the perception of comprehensive and coordinated US and EU sanctions as regime-change efforts marked a critical juncture. Tehran's adjusted responses to these sanctions, shaped by the interplay between Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and President M. Ahmadinejad, affected Iran's balance of power to the detriment of the outgoing president and his faction. [R, abr.]
66.2404 BRICE, Benjamin —
Contrary to popularly espoused views in media and policy circles, the underpinnings of US foreign policy find basis not only in the country's liberal value system, but also in a deeply-held and largely unique concept of nationalism. In fact, moral ideals are often a purported justification for US foreign policy. Another important driver is the country's national pride. Consideration of US foreign policy — particularly since the Cold War — makes clear that us nationalism has had a prominent role in nation's policymaking. This article discusses US nationalism, as well as three obstacles that make it difficult to detect the notable influence America's national pride has on the country's foreign policy. [R] [See Abstr. 66.1478]
66.2405 BROWN, Deborah; CHENG Tun-jen —
Some observers are drawing parallels between governing the Catholic Church and governing the party-state in China. This article contends that there are three quintessential similarities between the two polities. Both are permeated perennially by agency problems. Each is a self-claimed “virtuocracy”. And both hold aloft distributive justice. The two polities also differ in three fundamental aspects. Seemingly functioning beyond a legal framework, the clerics and others who broadly implement the policies of the Catholic Church actually are as subject to the law as anybody in a liberal democracy, unlike the leaders of the party-state in China. Second, the party-state in China is more obsessed with blame-avoidance than claiming credit, while the reverse is true for the Holy See. Finally, and paradoxically, the party-state in China is far less ideologically constrained than the Vatican. [R, abr.]
66.2406 BRUNEAU, Thomas C. —
The US has gone further than any country in the “privatization of security”. Other countries may find the economic or financial logic in the use of contractors persuasive. The US experience with contracting out security, particularly in Iraq, was problematic, and can serve as a cautionary tale in order that other countries might learn how to avoid the pitfalls. [R]
66.2407 CHANG Ching —
Migration across the Taiwan Strait is relatively insignificant by its scale but it is indeed indisputably politically sensitive. Given the long-term political separation and military rivalry across the Taiwan Strait in the past six decades while both sides of the Taiwan Strait nevertheless intensively engaged each other economically, commercially and culturally, a social trend of cross-Strait migration inevitably results. There are various interpretations on such a demographic development which has raised security concerns, which are in turn creating a biased judiciary arrangement on the migration activities. What are the factors behind the security calculus of cross-Strait migration? How can the security calculus justify its arguments and subsequently maintain unequal treatments with respect to cross-Strait immigrants? [R, abr.]
66.2408 CHAPOUTOT, Johann —
In order to create a grammar of the agreement and the disagreement between France and Germany, it is necessary to go beyond the mere inventory done by media and informal parliamentary discussions because that kind of inventory only looks at cultural patterns and clichés in both countries. It is rather necessary to take a closer look at essential (as opposed to bias-based) differences and compare and contrast the two countries' visions of currency and economy. Finally, the analysis needs to take into account the current tendency, clearly observable in Germany, towards disconnecting from the political. [See Abstr. 66.2505]
66.2409a CHARAP, Samuel —
That Russia is no longer the basket case it once was does not mean that Moscow [Russia] has a hybrid-war doctrine that could be effectively deployed against NATO. [R]
66.2409b CHEEMA, Pervaiz Iqbal —
Not only the future of Indo-Pak relations but prospects of peace in South Asia hinge on resolution of the Kashmir dispute. All efforts by Pakistan and international agencies have been frustrated by Indian intransigence which rejects arbitration and uses all diplomatic guiles to delay efforts towards a negotiated settlement. Pakistan policy has been consistent all along and achieved success in internationalizing the issue which India wishes to maintain as a bilateral tussle. The on-again off-again composite dialogue process together with backdoor diplomacy seems to be getting nowhere. The history of these trends and developments are discussed and the pros and cons of various approaches together with the China like strategy of putting problems on the back burner and pursuing CBMS are discussed with implications. [R, abr.]
66.2410 CHENG, Joseph Yu-shek; SHI Huangao —
As China's economy continues to grow, it wants to expand its markets and secure reliable supplies of resources in support of its economic development. Resource diplomacy therefore becomes a prominent feature of its modernization diplomacy. In turn, many African countries perceive political and economic ties with China as an important asset which strengthens their international bargaining power, especially vis-à-vis the Western countries. African countries are also depicted as China's reliable political and economic partners. Chinese leaders have no intention of engaging in diplomatic and strategic competition with the US and the EU in Africa, but they certainly will not cooperate with Western governments in helping Africa because they want to push for multipolarity. It is expected that Africa's significance within the Chinese foreign policy framework will continue to grow. [R, abr.]
66.2411 CHENG Zhiming; SMYTH, Russell —
We examine the determinants of public support for foreign aid in China. We find that while political ideology and sense of national identity are the most important determinants of support for foreign aid, several demographic characteristics, such as age, gender and income, are also important. We also find that those living in the lower income western provinces and in provinces with higher poverty rates express less support for giving foreign aid. We draw policy implications from the findings for better targeting engagement strategies designed to garner support for foreign aid. [R]
66.2412 CHRISTOU, George; KYRIS, George —
This article investigates the impact of the Eurozone crisis on the foreign policy of member states, taking Cyprus as a case study. Drawing on the debate on Europeanization of national foreign policies, it is argued that Cypriot foreign policy, despite the general frustration caused by the financial crisis within broader society, has actually undergone a further (re)Europeanization. This is explained mainly by the change in government and leadership, from the ideologically left-leaning, pro-European but policy-critical Christofias administration to the (center) right-leaning, pro-European and Western-oriented Anastasiades government. This article therefore explores the dynamics of (re)Europeanization of Cypriot foreign policy in the financial crisis and demonstrates how Cypriot foreign policy elites have actually adapted a more rather than less EU-centric approach to foreign policy issues and actions. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Crisis and de-Europeanization”, edited and introduced, pp. 23–38, by Stelios STAVRIDIS, Charalampos TSARDANIDIS and the author. See also Abstr. 66.2402, 2462, 2471, 2472, 2501]
66.2413 CHUGROV, Sergej V. —
After the Crimean referendum was held and the war in South-Eastern Ukraine broke out, Russia began looking with increasing interest towards Asian countries, while its relations with the West were badly hit by anti-Russian sanctions. What is left of the 1648 Westphalian system and the Yalta system has practically collapsed. Can the East offer something constructive as a replacement? A new bioethics theory proposed by the Japanese political scientist Hyakudai Sakamoto and based on the principle of harmonization of interests and the use of soft power has a special appeal. Japan's soft power has many positive aspects and, despite some difficulties that accompany the establishment of intercultural dialogue, it can play a major role in the global world and in Russian-Chinese relations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2500]
66.2414 CLAPP, Alexander —
Moldova's future is no longer as Europe's black hole. Whether the country is entirely destroyed by its own political class, or whether it is effectively captured by a resurgent Russia, its future is probably no longer European at all. [R]
66.2415 CORBETT, Jack; DINNEN, Sinclair —
In late 2013, the incoming T. Abbott government proclaimed the advent of a new aid paradigm. This article asks whether or not this is the case. It situates the new coalition policy in the context of more than two decades of development thinking. Focusing on the way Australian aid policy reflects trends in both global development and geopolitical discourses, the article parses out continuity and change. It finds that Australia's new aid paradigm is in fact largely the old aid paradigm reincarnate, with aid policy continuing to follow the well-established parameters outlined over decades of global thinking and practice that emphasize the significance of private-sector-led economic growth. However, incremental change is also apparent, including alterations to the geographic focus, level and administration of the program. [R]
66.2416 DE HAAS, Marcel —
This article analyzes Kazakhstan's security policy, in particular its main security documents: the Law on National Security, the Military Doctrine, and the Foreign Policy Concept. What does the practical application of these concepts, particularly toward the big actors Russia and China and to international organizations, tell us about Kazakh security policy? Overall, the conceptualized policy is largely reflected in practice. The biggest exceptions are found in the implementation of policy toward Russia. The pressure and possible threats of interference from Moscow form a hindrance for a fully independent foreign security policy by Astana. Furthermore, not military/security related measures but the implementation of political and social-economic reforms is essential to ensure the national security of Kazakhstan. [R]
66.2417 DENI, John R. —
According to the 2015 National Security Strategy, the US continues to rely on Europe as its most likely, most capable military partner for dealing with the most vexing security challenges. However, the conventional wisdom in Washington holds that European allies are not terribly capable militarily or very willing to use force. So why would the US rely on such lax partners? In fact, the evidence on European defense spending, capabilities, and willingness is decidedly mixed, with many positive trends among the negative ones. To build on the positive, the US can bring to the table assets and resources necessary to facilitate the transatlantic partnership before it needs to be exercised. [R]
66.2418 DEVANNY, Joe —
The success of the National Security Council is closely linked to the prime minister's investment in this new body. [R]
66.2419 DOHRMANN, Mark; HATEM, Robert —
This article examines the impact of water on the relationships between Turkey and its downstream riparian states, Syria and Iraq. This article defines water resources in international standards and examines the historical relationships between the three states, which have been complicated by the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP). Examining the history of Turco-Iraqi and Turco-Syrian relations, this article shows that GAP, though a point of contention, has not been the principal factor governing the relations between the three countries. [R]
66.2420 DOUGLAS, Jason; DOYLE, John —
This article explores the understudied Indian and Chinese nuclear strategies, analyzes their motivations in strengthening their nuclear weapons capabilities and the role of international norms and regimes on non-proliferation in their national decision-making. It concludes that for China, the perceived threat is primarily the US; for India, it is primarily China. Both have the economic capacity for nuclear investments, and the desire of powerful states to access the large Chinese and Indian markets meant there was no real threat of sanctions. The Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) and Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) have been largely irrelevant to their nuclear calculations, indicating a weak norm and a weak regime against strong and emerging powers. [R, abr.]
66.2421 DUECK, Colin —
This article contends that during the Republican administrations of the 1920s, US officials pursued no deliberate strategy of offshore balancing. On the contrary, Washington hoped to transcend the necessity for balance-of-power policies altogether through developing a new, demilitarized and economically interdependent world order. The strategy was certainly offshore, in the sense of avoiding alliance commitments, but it did not involve great-power balancing. Instead, it combined a business orientation, deep aversion to the use of force, and a profound optimism in the inevitability of peaceful international progress. [R]
66.2422 ELLIS, Stephen; FUTTER, Andrew —
While much has been said and written about the potentially destabilizing nature of an Iranian nuclear weapon, far less attention has been paid to how current Iranian actions are changing and reconstituting strategic relationships across the Greater Middle East. The Middle East region is as stable as it has been for a long time, notwithstanding the recent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and the current challenge posed by ISIS. By causing widespread concern among its geopolitical neighbors, the Iranian nuclear program has served to induce greater regional stability in a number of particular instances. The result is that any type of future nuclear deal will necessarily come with certain political costs alongside the more widely discussed strategic benefits.
66.2423 EZRATI, Milton —
A strengthened India-Japanese relationship is a benefit to the US, even if it is taking place increasingly outside of Washington's orbit. [R]
66.2424 FORSBERG, Tuomas —
In the European context, Germany's attitude towards Russia created the backbone of EU-Russia relations. During 2012–2013, however, the continuity in Germany's policy towards Russia was seen as having come to an end. Political twists came to the fore and the atmosphere was loaded with tensions, made worse by the Ukrainian crisis. This article reviews the recent, alleged changes in Germany's policy towards Russia during the A. Merkel era. It asks two basic questions: (1) whether Germany's policy really has changed and (2) if it has, what are the theoretical tools that give us the best potential understanding of these changes? The article argues that the policy has changed, but not as dramatically as made out by some headlines. [R, abr.]
66.2425 FRANCO, Massimo —
The Pope's challenge is to affirm a new image of the Catholic Church for a US public deeply polarized by the culture wars of recent years. [R]
66.2426 FRÜHLING, Stephan —
The management of extended deterrence is inherently difficult. Missile defense shifts the relative costs of conflict, and therefore also impacts on the alliance bargains that underpin agreement on extended deterrence strategy. The article discusses the role of missile defenses for the US homeland, and of the territory and population of US allies, for extended deterrence credibility and the reassurance of US allies in Asia and in NATO. It argues that there is increased scope in strengthening deterrence by enmeshing the defense of the US homeland with that of its allies, and that allies need to pay closer attention to the way the deployment and use of missile defense influence pressures for escalation. [R, abr.]
66.2427 GARDINI, Gian Luca —
This article addresses three questions: why there was a surge in regional cooperation projects in Latin America in the last decade; how to characterize the current multi-faceted scenario; and how to make this complexity work. After a review of six theoretical perspectives, an original conceptual approach is proposed: “modular regionalism”. This credibly answers the three questions and offers policy recommendations. [R]
66.2428 GASCON, Alain —
For a long time Ethiopia was the only African country to escape colonization, but over recent decades the country has suffered a string of economic crises, a violent revolution, and Eritrea's secession. The current government launched a massive development plan which is starting to show sign of improvement. There are both positive and negative analyses to be heard, but Ethiopia could well take on a new leadership role in Africa, at a regional or even continental level. [R]
66.2429 GENEVAZ, Juliette —
China has become one of the main personnel contributors for UN peacekeeping operations, and the principal contributor among the permanent members of the Security Council. This demonstrates China's desire to participate in the development of international governance and its principles, as well as confirming its diplomatic choices, in Africa in particular. Beijing is also trying to elaborate a positive image of its military modernization. [R]
66.2430 GORDON, Neve; PARDO, Sharon —
This article describes the rules of origin dispute between the EU and Israel, and argues that these technical customs rules are also instruments of foreign policy. Although the rules have had no direct impact on Israel's industry in the Occupied Territories, they have bolstered the EU's self-identification as a “normative power” while constituting an important legal precedent that has served to legitimize other actions against Israel's occupation. [R]
66.2431 GUEX, Samuel —
Japan has been the most powerful Asian country for more than a century now, a status that even the defeat in 1945 did not call into question. Recently, however, Japan's isolation and incapacity to maintain stable and calm relations with its two neighbors, South Korea and China, puts the question of its place in Asia back on the table. A closer look at the various concepts and projects that have marked the modern history of Asian regionalism reveals a profound ambiguity in Japan's relations with the rest of Asia. More than a century and a half after its opening to the western world, Japan seems to be still hesitating about whether or not to regain its place in Asia.
66.2432 GUZANSKY, Yoel —
States may adopt behavior that simultaneously includes elements of both balancing and bandwagoning, with an understanding that taking clear sides is liable to make their security situation worse. Because alliances commitments are uncertain and intentions can change, there is a great deal of value in maintaining maximum freedom of action through strategic hedging, sometimes in order to increase benefits from allies or rivals but other times purely to survive. The rationale behind “Strategic Hedging” appears simple and intuitive, but it must be refined and adjusted to the accepted terms in the genre. Here, [I] formulate a conceptualization and impose regularity on this subject to deal with a certain gap in the theory and to clarify something concerning the strategic preferences of small powers. [A]
66.2433 HAMMES, T. X. —
The effort to raise host-nation security forces was central to the US strategy in both Iraq and Afghanistan. The US poured massive resources into both countries. Unfortunately, US planners failed to understand the cultural and political environments in which these forces would have to operate. Thus, the US attempted to build ministries and forces based on US models that simply were not appropriate for those nations. Although the training teams successfully recruited, trained, and deployed almost a million Afghans and Iraqis, Iraqi forces have collapsed and the Afghans are struggling to keep the insurgents at bay. [R]
66.2434 HARRIS, Matthew —
The Chinese government has made great strides to creating an improved and increasingly capable nuclear arsenal. Despite these developments and deployments, the US government continues to rely on dialogue and strategic stability to deter US-Chinese war. This sole reliance on offensive strategic forces fails to adequately protect the American people from Chinese ballistic missile threats, especially ones armed with nuclear weapons. Preventing a Chinese nuclear weapon from annihilating US cities will do more for deterring nuclear war than emphasizing dialogue and strategic stability while the Chinese government continues to modernize and expand its nuclear arsenal. [R]
66.2435 HE Kai —
The author discusses China's foreign policy and responses to crises under former General Secretary Hu Jintao. He argues that when Chinese leaders perceive that their political survival is threatened they are more likely to exhibit risky behavior in terms of foreign policy. He discusses how these findings could inform our understanding of China's current and future foreign policy orientation. [R]
66.2436 HEAD, Naomi —
This article starts from the premise that empathy is an inherent part of social and political life but that this is not sufficiently theorized in (IR). Building on the burgeoning debates on emotions in world politics, it argues that the study of empathy should be developed more rigorously by establishing an interdisciplinary and critical framework for understanding the experiences and processes of empathy in IR. The article first highlights limitations of the dominant perspective on empathy in IR, and second, it argues that a range of meanings may be attributed to empathy when examined within the sociopolitical conditions of particular contexts. Drawing on research on the conflict in Israel and Palestine, the article identifies and articulates two such alternative interpretations: empathy as non-violent resistance and as a strategy of normalization. [R]
66.2437 HEISBOURG, François —
There is no precedent for such a large and abrupt flow of war refugees from the Middle East to Europe. [R]
66.2438 HELMAN, Sara —
This article analyzes the repertoires of contention and discourse of two Israeli anti-denial movements, Breaking the Silence and Machsom Watch. Through confession and testimony, both social movement organizations (SMOs) demand that Israeli society acknowledge its “problematic present”, which includes human rights violations in the Palestinian Occupied Territories in a situation of ongoing ethno-national conflict, and insist that it take responsibility for this reality and act against it. Both SMOs' reports are analyzed as narratives in the context of Israel's national identity and its main motives which are also constitutive of a culture of collective denial. [R, abr.]
66.2439 HOWARD, Lise Morjé —
American policy-makers have often supported the construction of rigid, group-rights-based institutions in ethno-religious conflicts even when the parties were not demanding such institutions. The pursuit of “ethnocratic” solutions not only runs contrary to American ideals, but it is also not pragmatic, in that it enables the creation of regimes that are fragile, divided, and often dependent on outside assistance to maintain peace. This article weighs hypotheses about the sources of foreign policy decision-making stemming from three contending Weberian logics of social action: instrumental rationality, normative appropriateness, and habit. Drawing on causal-process observations during crucial decision moments in Bosnia and Iraq, I argue in favor of the plausibility of habit as a driver of U.S. foreign policy. [R, abr.]
66.2440 HUSSAIN, Nazir; HUSSAIN, Abrar —
This paper analyzes the growing Turkish role in the changing Middle Eastern dynamics by tracing its historical involvement, its democratic experience and its economic progress. It also focuses on the Turkish role during the “Arab Spring” and the new security dynamics unfolding in Iraq and Syria in the form of the Islamic State and the challenges it poses. [R]
66.2441 HUXLEY, Tim; SCHREER, Benjamin —
A strategic choice is fast approaching between accepting China's subregional hegemony and pushing back through strategies that would impose costs. [R]
66.2442 JAKOBSEN, Peter Viggo —
It is a widespread misunderstanding that Denmark's military activism can be explained by American unipolarity. Denmark began to use its armed forces for activist purposes before the US became a global power after the end of WW II. Denmark will not stop its military activism if the US stops requesting military contributions. The military activism will then continue in cooperation with France, the UK, the UN and the EU (provided that the Danish opt out on defense is removed). Denmark's military activism has been underpinned by broad political consensus since the start in 1920 with the Iraq war (2003) as the only exception. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Danish foreign policy activism: past, present, future”, edited and introduced by Simon Gravers JACOBSEN and Anders WIVEL. See also Abstr. 66.2469, 2470, 2474]
66.2443 KA Zeng —
I draw on the two-level game approach to analyze the influence of domestic politics on US-China trade disputes in alternative energy, especially in solar energy. I suggest that the difficulty Washington faces in getting China to address market-access barriers in alternative energy needs to be viewed in light of both the coalitional dynamics in the US resulting from the specific bilateral trade and investment relationship in this sector and Beijing's willingness to use industrial policy to foster economic competitiveness in nascent industries. Specifically, as China occupies the middle of the supply chain in the solar industry, both downstream users of low-cost Chinese imports and exporters of upstream products to China have voiced strong concerns about US trade action. Such domestic opposition substantially constrains Washington's ability to influence Chinese policies. [R, abr.]
66.2444 KERN MOREIRA, Felipe —
The aim of this paper is to analyze South American integration as a formal priority of Brazilian foreign policy. It provides evidence to understand the goal of the Brazilian government, and sets out three criteria to assess the Brazilian priority of South American integration: cohesiveness of public policy, regional perception, and corporate structures in Latin America. [R]
66.2445 KERSTEN, Rikki —
In July 2014, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's cabinet overturned previous interpretations of the constitution's pacifist clause, developing a more pro-active and less constrained security policy. [However], the manner in which [this was] enacted may seriously undermine the normative legitimacy of Japan's new security identity. This article examines how Shinzo Abe's administration has attempted to shape the norms surrounding security policy revision in Japan, and how these norms, in turn, have affected or constrained Abe's agency. This is done with specific reference to the external contexts of the US “rebalance” policy and the deepening of Japan's security relationship with Australia, with a view to anticipating how normative turmoil might impact on the potential of this relationship. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The Japan-Australia relationship”. See also Abstr. 66.2488, 2490]
66.2446 KHATUNTZEV, Stanislav V. —
Russia, China, India, and Iran nowadays face similar geopolitical problems and share common goals which include the creation of a multipolar world and the opposition to US hegemony. These countries should therefore form a strategic continental alliance. The link between Moscow and Beijing could serve as a consolidating basis for such an alliance. If China is supplied with considerable amount of Russian hydrocarbons, it would be able to form its own foreign and economic policy based solely on its own interests rather than on Western interests. The most important field of closer cooperation for the members of the “Eurasian quadriga” is Central Asia, which is interested in establishing a system of multilateral relationships that will bring stability and prosperity to the region. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2500]
66.2447 KRASTEV, Ivan; LEONARD, Mark —
Until recently, most Europeans believed that their post-Cold War security order held universal appeal and could be a model for the rest of the world. This conviction was hardly surprising, since Europe has often played a central role in global affairs. For much of the last three centuries, European order was world order — a product of the interests, ambitions, and rivalries of the continent's empires. [R, abr.]
66.2448 KREPINEVICH, Andrew F. —
To deter Chinese expansionism, the US must deny China the ability to control the air and sea around the first island chain “Japan, the Philippines, and Taiwan” and offset the PLA's efforts to destabilize the region's military balance. [R]
66.2449 KUNDNANI, Hans —
Russia's annexation of Crimea in March 2014 was a strategic shock for Germany. Suddenly, Russian aggression threatened the European security order that Germany had taken for granted since the end of the Cold War. Berlin had spent two decades trying to strengthen political and economic ties with Moscow, but Russia's actions in Ukraine suggested that the Kremlin was no longer interested in a partnership with Europe. [R]
66.2450 KUNZ, Barbara —
Recent debates in Germany about the future of the country's security and foreign policy have aroused interest abroad, especially in France. The development of Germany's discourse on its role on the international scene has led certain parties to hope for change in the country's strategic position. However there is no paradigmatic change to be seen in Germany, and the “new” foreign and security policy is in fact very much inscribed in a line of continuity. [R]
66.2451 KUPERMAN, Alan J. —
The US intervention in Libya was a complete failure. Libya has not only failed to evolve into a democracy; it has evolved into a failed state. Violent deaths there have increased, and the country now serves as a safe haven for terrorists. [R]
66.2452 LANOSZKA, Alexander —
Russia's use of force against Ukraine since early 2014 has prompted some observers to remark that it is engaging in “hybrid warfare”. This form of military statecraft has made other former Soviet republics, such as the Baltic countries, fear that Russia would use subversion rather than pursue a conventional military engagement against them. Existing descriptions of this form of war suffer from conceptual weaknesses. This article conceives hybrid warfare as a strategy that marries conventional deterrence and insurgency tactics: the belligerent uses insurgent tactics against its target while using its conventional military power to deter a strong military response. The article then outlines why some former Soviet republics are susceptible to Russian hybrid warfare, allowing it to postulate inductively the conditions under which hybrid warfare might be used in general. [R, abr.]
66.2453 LE GLOANNEC, Anne-Marie —
As a result of its weight and central geographic position, Germany keeps spreading its shadow over the EU and Europe whether it wants it or not. Without consulting or warning anybody, Germany's chancellor is sometimes making unilateral decisions which affect the entire EU and Europe. These are once again motivated by Germany's structural power as well as economic, political, and social permeation. In economic terms this means that Germany externalizes its Constitution, limitations, weaknesses and fragmentation. It likewise externalizes it makes in Berlin without measuring all of their possibly negative consequences. Is Germany strong enough to decide on issues as diverse as the course of the EU, the saving of Greece, budgetary control, refugee crisis politics, military intervention in Libya, and relations with Moscow? [See Abstr. 66.2505]
66.2454 LEE, Lavina —
This paper looks at India's role in Asia under the leadership of N. Modi. It first outlines the historical basis for the Look East Policy and the objectives pursued by earlier governments. Second, it analyzes the economic, diplomatic and security objectives and strategies pursued by more recent Indian governments to deepen relations in Asia, and explains why the region has largely embraced Indian partnership. Finally, it analyzes the main factors that impede and expansion of India's economic and strategic role in the region. [R, abr.]
66.2455 LEGRENZI, Matteo; LAWSON, Fred H. —
Relations between China and the countries of the [Persian] Gulf have been subjected to an escalating barrage of scholarly scrutiny. Intriguing is the remarkably limited range of theoretical concepts that get deployed to explain Beijing's relations with the Gulf. Whether analysts set out to explore China's policies toward the Middle East as a whole or its dealings with the Arab Gulf states and Iran in particular, one type of argument predominates: its actions are a direct and rational response to changes in the global distribution of power, undertaken in a deliberate effort to maximize China's security. Likewise, studies of commercial and financial transactions almost always claim that increased trade and investment with the Gulf reflect Beijing's interest in promoting sustained economic growth.
66.2456 LIAO Nien-chung Chang; LIN, Dalton Kuen-da —
Resolving the trust deficit between Taipei and Washington should be an imperative for both countries. [R]
66.2457 MALET, David —
Biological weapons are typically associated with rogue states and terrorist groups; germ weapons used by weak actors against the strong. This article makes a contrary argument, that the emerging use of biotechnology by the US, China, and other hegemonic powers is likely to afford them a new Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA), one at least as significant as the introduction of the information technology RMA that gave the US a dominant edge over potential adversaries at the end of the Cold War. It examines recent developments and current R&D programs that call into question the rights of enemy combatants, civilian populations in target areas, and soldiers who will be physically augmented to pursue battlefield objectives. [R, abr.]
66.2458 McKINNEY, Bruce C. —
Vietnamese-American relations have proved that enemies can turn their acrimony into a mutually beneficial relationship. Once Vietnam instigated its Doi Moi policy, Vietnam began to return to the world economic stage. Nine years [later], the US and Vietnam normalized relations, and in 2000, they signed the Bilateral Trade Agreement. However, a multitude of issues concern people from both countries which the passage of time [may] not resolve. Is the reconciliation based on a real friendship or merely a strategic alliance to thwart China? Notwithstanding, the most elusive reconciliation over the Vietnam War to cement lies within the borders of Vietnam between all its citizens. Until this cathartic reconciliation is achieved, the American War will forever haunt the Vietnamese. [R, abr.]
66.2459 McLEAN, Wayne —
This article explores the divergence between public discourse and Turkish foreign policy practice in the context of Turkey's regional pressures. It argues that divergence occurs because elites rearrange the hierarchy of domestic ideas that connect with foreign policy. This allows them to respond to regional threats appropriately, without undue interference from domestic political forces. Thus, to achieve optimal strategic outcomes, Turkish elites use emotive language around topics less likely to impact the immediate security, such as the US and Israel, while de-emphasizing higher-order issues, such as Syria and Iran, which do have considerable security implications. [R]
66.2460 MENDONÇA, Wilson, Jr.; PIMENTA DE FARIA, Carlos Aurélio —
The prioritization of the South-South axis during the Lula da Silva government is consensual among analysis of Brazilian foreign policy regarding its international insertion, as well as the prominent role given to the African continent. In order to provide empirical analysis to the reprioritization of relations between Brazil and Africa, this paper aims at comparing the technical cooperation provided by Brazil to African countries during Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995–2002) and Lula da Silva (2003–2010) administrations. Its primary source of analyzed data, little explored by the Brazilian academic literature yet, was the databank of the Department of International Acts of the Ministry of External Relations. [R]
66.2461 MIKHAILOV, Rodion V. —
The forth “Berdyaev Readings” forum “Russia and Asia: Vectors of Civilizational Development” took place in August 2015 in Vladivostok, where advocates of conservative thought gathered to analyze the whole range of issues of intellectual interaction between Russia and major Asian powers together with leading Russian Orientalists, as well as with colleagues from China, Korea, Japan, India, Turkey, Singapore, and Malaysia. Participants in the forum discussed various topics, such as: the image of the East in Russian thought; the perception of Russia in Asian countries; the specificity of the Asian experience of modernization; the commonality of values of Asian cultures. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2500]
66.2462 MONTELEONE, Carla —
The article explores whether and how much Italian foreign policy has been de-Europeanized by comparing Italian behavior at the UN before and after the international economic crisis. This arena allows an analysis of behavior on the most important foreign policy issues, but it is also one of the institutions in which greater European attempts at speaking with a single voice have driven member states to change their working methods, achieving remarkable results. After reviewing the literature on the Europeanization of Italian foreign policy, the study presents Eurobarometer's data on the Italian habit to coordinate with the other EU member states at the UN, both in the General Assembly (2004–2013) and in the Security Council (2000–2012). The paper measures variations in Italian distance from the EU majority in the General Assembly. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2412]
66.2463 MÜNKLER, Herfried —
There is one essential for the European project element which does not yet exist in institutional form, but has to be implemented in an informal manner: the notorious question of the French president's personal relation with the German chancellor. Every expression and every gesture that they make becomes indicative of the future of the EU. One would have thought that they would be obliged by structural pressure to develop a certain shared sympathy that would help reach compromises despite of their great differences of opinion. This is, however, a risky allegation and it would be dangerous to rely on it. That is why it is necessary to reconsider the concept of the hard core of Europe and create new institutional structures within the EU. [See Abstr. 66.2505]
66.2464 NAZAMANI, Siraj —
India, emerging as a major economic player in the world, also possesses an ambitious maritime development plan. Its strategic interest in the Indian Ocean primarily derives from its historical sense of considering the Indian Ocean as India's Ocean. The Indian maritime doctrine provides a guiding principle for increasing the capabilities, peace operations and rescue missions of the Indian Navy and a means for giving India a leadership role in the Indian Ocean region. This study focuses on understanding the emerging Indian strategic thinking on the Indian Ocean. [R, abr.]
66.2465 NETO, Octavio Amorim; MALAMUD, Andrés —
Is it domestic politics or the international system that more decisively influences foreign policy? This article focuses on Latin America's three largest powers to identify patterns and compare outcomes in their relations with the regional hegemon, the US. Through a statistical analysis of voting behavior in the UN General Assembly, we examine systemic variables (both realist and liberal) and domestic variables (institutional, ideological, and bureaucratic) to determine their relative weights between 1946 and 2008. The study includes 4,900 votes, the tabulation of 1,500 ministers according to their ideological persuasion, all annual trade entries, and an assessment of the political strength of presidents, cabinets, and parties per year. [R, abr.]
66.2466 NOGUEIRA, Uziel —
Ceteris paribus, 2015 onward should be the years of China's consolidation of its presence in the Southern Hemisphere, particularly in the commodity-exporting MERCOSUR countries. The South American integration process became obsolete and irrelevant. China has gained dominant position in all Southern Cone economies. Domestic policy mistakes will strain China-Latin American relations over time. Latin nationalism and populism politics will resurface. This time against China. The reality is that, in this new century, China is not the problem but rather the only solution for Latin America. [R]
66.2467 OGUNNUBI, Olusola —
This article critiques the increasing claims in scholarly and diplomatic circles of a putative South African hegemony in Africa. On the backdrop of the recalibration of Nigeria's GDP making it Africa's largest economy, there have been counter arguments that South Africa's regional influence is dwindling as a result of its staggering economy among other domestic impediments. I [argue] that although South Africa's capacity to fulfill a hegemonic role may be hindered by internal and external ambivalences, these factors do not in any way disqualify the country from playing a hegemonic role. I assert that our regional understanding of hegemony in the African context must be one that operates beyond the realm of the preponderant material capabilities of a state into reasonable measures of ideational characteristics. [R]
66.2468 OLANIYAN, Azeez; OMOTOLA, Shola —
The article focuses on the interface between ethnicity and national security in Nigeria. It critically explores the negative mobilization of ethnicity in Nigeria's fourth republic, and how this has been shaping (and reshaping) the democratization process, particularly in the management of cooperation and conflict over contestations for power and other resources. The re-democratization of Nigeria in 1999 has been [accompanied by] an increase in national insecurity on a much larger scale. This article argues that one of the banes of national security in the Nigerian state is ethnic politics, which continues to witness changes in context and character with grave consequences for the future of democracy. Ethnicity has always been a major driver of politics and conflicts in Nigeria and the trend is not likely to change anytime soon. [R, abr.]
66.2469 OLESEN, Mikkel Runge; WIVEL, Anders —
Since the end of the Cold War, Danish foreign policy activism has been characterized by a tightening of the bond to the US and by a gradually increasing Danish willingness to participate in military interventions far from Denmark's borders. On the surface such activism sees to stand in contrast to the superpower-skeptical Nordic activism of the Cold War era. However, this article argues that Danish activism can be understood as a new variant of Nordic activism, adjusted to a new world order and pursued by different means, but still centered on the promotion of classical Nordic values such as social equality and human rights. Recent developments indicate that other Nordic countries are moving closer to the Danish position and that Danish Activism and Nordic activism might be merging once more. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2442]
66.2470 OLESEN, Thorsten Borring —
Development aid activism and internationalism reached a zenith in the decade after the fall of the Berlin wall when Danish ODA passed the 1 per cent threshold and when the aid component under the heading of “active multilateralism” was integrated into all dimensions of Danish foreign policy. This trend was reversed after 2001 when the Liberal F. Rasmussen government took office backed by the development aid skeptics in the Danish People's Party. Critics even maintain that Danish development has [undergone] a paradigm shift in the post-2001 period. The problem, however, is complex and therefore, on the basis of an analysis of the prioritizing, the orientation and the international profiling of Danish development aid, this article disentangles and discusses continuities and break in the role of development aid in Danish foreign policy since 1962. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2442]
66.2471 OVALI, Ali Şevket —
The 2008 global financial crisis, which Turkey has managed to sail through with atonable damages, has equipped Ankara with a sense of overconfidence which led to faulty decisions and misjudgments to the extent that de-Europeanization has recently become a more prominent phenomenon in the foreign domain. Notwithstanding the role of individual and state-level factors, it is argued that the crisis, as a systemic factor, has triggered Turkey's drift away from Europe. It first examines Europeanization as an output, including the changes in the institutional and bureaucratic structure of foreign policy, the changes in Turkey's approach in handling foreign policy agenda issues, and the changes in the politics of foreign policy. It [then] evaluates the causal relationship between the 2008 global financial crisis and Turkey's drift away from Europeanization. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2412]
66.2472 PACE, Rodrick —
The article discusses the Europeanization literature, followed by a simple process-tracing approach of the changes in Malta's foreign policy before and after membership. It distinguishes what can be attributable to the forces of globalization and what can be linked to Europeanization — or a mixture of both. It also analyzes Malta's foreign policy during the economic crisis that has gripped Europe since 2008. The main question is how the crisis has impacted upon the Europeanization of Malta's foreign policy and whether there are any signs of its de-Europeanization. For many southern European states, a shift in policy has accompanied their response to the crisis but similar conditions were absent in the case of Malta. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2412]
66.2473 PARK, Ausra —
Migration occurs among all states, even under “normal” political conditions. When traumatic changes unfold, migration usually increases dramatically. Although all post-communist states experienced significant migration outflows since the 1990s, Lithuania stands as an anomaly among EU member states, exhibiting the net outmigration rates of −25.2% in 2010 and −12.6% in 2011, which is significantly higher than other post-communist emigrant-states. Situating this article within migration literature debates, and by testing the explanatory powers of migration theories on the selected case, understudied political and social causes that also impact Lithuania's abnormally high emigration rates are closely examined. [R]
66.2474 PEDERSEN, Rasmus Brun —
This paper investigates the developments and changes in the Danish foreign policy doctrines from 1914–2014 in order to study the relative importance of two underlying ideologies that have guided the Danish strategic culture. It is argued that determinism and internationalism has traditionally constituted the Danish small-state identity, which have led to an understanding of a dualistic strategic culture. The argument is that this dualism after the end of the Cold War has been replaced with a one stringed internationalism can be seen as a broad “opting in” strategy to the international system. [R] [See Abstr. 66.2442]
66.2475 POND, Elizabeth —
As the immediate threat recedes, the oligarchs who once personally financed Ukraine's defense seem to be trying to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory. [R]
66.2476 PUGLIESE, Giulio —
The China-Japan standoff over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands has unleashed a top-down information war that has cemented the two governments' positions over their territorial dispute. Under the Abe administration, Tokyo has stood up to an assertive China and drummed up nationalist narratives of a virtuous Japanese “self” pitted against an aberrant and aggressive Chinese “other”. It has [sought] to cement domestic resolve in direct response to China's assertiveness and heated rhetoric; and legitimize a swift passage of the contested security bills to enhance deterrence. Yet, Japanese popular anxieties have also signaled a clear fear of entanglement in provocations of Tokyo's making. This paper provides evidence of the Japanese government's active reconstruction of China's assertiveness in the public discourse — with an eye on the Realpolitik of Sino-Japanese relations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.1478]
66.2477 RACHMAN, Gideon —
How long can a country that represents less than 5 percent of the world's population and 22 percent of the world economy continue to be the dominant power in every significant region of the world? [R]
66.2478 RADITIO, Klaus Heinrich —
Over the past five years, China's behavior in the South China Sea (SCS) has been described as assertive, aggressive or even abrasive by many scholars. Certainly, the majority of scholars, both in the West and China, suggest a shift in China's behavior in the region from that of the previous period in the aftermath of the 1995 Mischief Reef Incident. This paper aims offers an explanation for China's behavior in the SCS from a defensive realist perspective. The main proposition is that a situation of illusory incompatibility exists among claimants in the SCS that leads to a security dilemma. The security dilemma eventually leads to China's defection in the 2012 Scarborough Shoal occupation. [R, abr.]
66.2479 RATHA, Keshab Chandra; MAHAPATRA, Sushanta Kumar —
Community leaders increasingly avoid grassroots parties, a tendency that polarizes [US] politics by leaving ideological activists in control. This article synthetizes urban and civil society theory to develop possible explanations, evaluating them via a mixed-methods community study, and concludes that leaders avoid politics because it stigmatizes them within their politically structured competition, or game, for community esteem. Postwar federalism enhanced locals' control by sheltering firms from outside acquisitions and transferring discretionary grants to local bodies, this creating a arena that privileged “fighters” who engaged publicly by forming rigid, oppositional factions. Neoliberal reforms made leaders dependent on mobile firms and competitive funding streams, conditions that elevate “partners” who avoid conflict and from flexible place-marketing coalitions to community prominence. [R, abr.]
66.2480 REITERER, Michael —
President Park's efforts to promote unification of the Korean Peninsula centers around “Trustpolitik” with the North East Asian Peace and Cooperation Initiative (NAPCI) at its focal point. NAPCI is built on three pillars: (1) trust-building with the DPRK concentrates on the divided peninsula with unification as the ultimate goal; (2) NAPCI addresses the entire subregion, while, (3) the Eurasia Initiative docks onto the various connectivity or “One Belt, One Road” initiatives by ASEAN and China respectively. The article discusses the concept of “Trustpolitik” and its implementation, deals with the challenges posed for NAPCI in the regional context, analyzes the EU's potential to contribute to the Initiative in highlighting positive examples of regional cooperation and trust-building in the European context and indicates how the EU could play a positive role in developing the Initiative. [R, abr.]
66.2481 REN Xiao —
This paper analyzes the case of China in the G20 process and examines China's position and policies on relevant issues, including international monetary system reform, reform of the international financial institutions (IFIs), international financial regulation, the future of the dollar, and internationalization of the renminbi. My findings demonstrate that China has actively participated in the G20′s deliberations and actions, put forward its suggestions, sought an expanded share and voting power in the IFIs in correspondence with its rising status, and promoted the internationalization of the renminbi. It does not aspire to overthrow this system within which it has prospered. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.1921]
66.2482 RICARD, Philippe —
After the euro crisis, the refugee crisis has once again put under question the EU's cohesion: it touches not only common institutions, but also solidarity and basic values that are supposed to unify member states. The violent troubles do not spare the French-German “couple” and act as a measure for the tightness of their bond. From crisis to crisis, their relations evolve just like the balance of power between the two states changes with time as well. Whatever the tensions of the moment, the tandem's force seems to persist beyond all the oppositions and compromises and to perpetuate one of the founding myths of the building of Europe. [See Abstr. 66.2505]
66.2483 ROCHA E SILVA, Daniel —
This article seeks to further our understanding and conceptualization of sea power and its role in China's foreign policy. It addresses the crux of a puzzle in the current IR literature: how can the rise of Chinese sea power be a potential source for cooperation. It is argued that the analysis presented, both in conceptualizing sea power and in its examination of Chinese capabilities, can further the case for the need and the possibility of reframing security through the idea of the defense of the system. [R]
66.2484 ROSENZWEIG, Luc —
In France, advertising has been trying hard to present Germany as an attractive tourist destination and create a different image from the one built upon prejudice and clichés that is popular among the French audience. Does the marketing based on nature, culture, little-known culinary specialties and the promotion of good wine in good company suffice to make the French audience fancy Germany instead of the usual exotic and sunny destinations? Are German and French people closer to each other today and do they understand each other better than earlier generations did? Have the financial and human resources used by those in charge of inspiring new France-Germany relations produced a qualitative and lasting change? [See Abstr. 66.2505]
66.2485 RUIZ CUMPLIDO, Juan D. —
South-South Cooperation (SSC) has over seventy years of experience, although a due attention has not always been focused on it. Although there is a dense rhetoric trying to keep SSC away of the traditional North-South Cooperation (NSC), emphasizing its more horizontal and its untied character, this paper tries to argue the role that the SSC has as an instrument of foreign policy of countries. To support this point, a review is made of the broad SSC promoted by Cuba, a key driver in this context. Given the shortcomings in the systems of information of Cuban cooperation, one of the contributions of this paper is to provide systematic information on this subject, to support the suggested hypothesis. [R]
66.2486 RUIZ FERREIRA, Carlos Enrique; CUNHA LEITE, Alexandre César —
The goal of this paper is to analyze Brazil's work as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council during the 2010–2011 mandate, emphasizing its priorities and taking stock of key issues over this period: (1) the role of the MINUSTAH, (2) the Israel-Palestine conflict, (3) African questions, (4) reform of the Security Council, (5) the Brazil-Turkey-Iran nuclear agreement, (6) the position on Libya. The G4 alliance will be discussed with regard to Brazil's strategy to acquire a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. [R]
66.2487 SAMOKHVALOV, Vsevolod —
Ukraine has long been considered as a bone of contention between the EU and Russia which could eventually lead to a geographical split of the country. This interpretation, however, fails to explain the dynamic of the Ukrainian revolution and Russian-Ukrainian war. To address the deadlock in understanding the mixed dynamics of the situation in Ukraine, the article argues that the relations in the EU-Ukraine-Russia triangle are affected by the combination of choices that the Ukrainian political class, business elites and broader society make in four major dimensions: internal political practices; economic dimension; a dimension of international politics; and an ideological dimension. [R]
66.2488 SATAKE, Tomohiko —
This article discusses how Japan and Australia could contribute to a liberal and inclusive order in the Asia-Pacific region. Critics argue that closer ties between Japan and Australia could undermine the stability of regional security, dividing Asia into “mutually hostile armed blocs”. [However], this article argues that deepening and enhancing Japan-Australia security cooperation could, if carefully managed, help to maintain an inclusive regional order based on institutions, norms and values, as well as a stable balance of power relations, strengthening their “middle-power cooperation” through regional capacity-building, institution-building, rule-making or norm-setting, and coalition-building, while supporting the US military presence in the region. Despite differing attitudes towards Beijing, Tokyo and Canberra can contribute to the longevity of the current regional order by inclusive institutional architecture and liberal norms and values. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2445]
66.2489 SCHIFF, Amira —
The failure of the most recent peace efforts in the Israeli Palestinian conflict, by [US] Secretary of State J. Kerry, followed by the Palestinians' decision to pursue the unilateral track, underlines the need to examine the factors that led to this failure and to draw lessons that perhaps will provide a better understanding of what is possible to achieve in a future negotiation. The analysis indicates that the failure of the process can be attributed to structural factors, substantive factors and the third party's conduct, including setting a goal that was unrealistic, asymmetrical conduct and a lack of understanding of the complex political and cultural factors on both sides. Any attempt to resume the peace talks between the parties will have to take these factors into consideration. [R]
66.2490 SCHREER, Benjamin —
In July 2014, Australia's new Prime Minister, T. Abbott, and his Japanese counterpart, Shinzo Abe, elevated the status of bilateral ties to a “special strategic relationship”, intensifying their defense technology cooperation. Yet, critics argue that closer strategic relations with Japan could damage Australia's ties with a rising China; Australia might even become “entrapped” in a Sino-Japanese conflict. However, I argue that a closer defense relationship is in Australia's strategic interests in the face of China's increasing challenge to the rules-based order in the region. China's uncompromising position in the South China Sea and its more assertive behavior have led to a greater congruence of threat and risk-assessment between Australia and Japan. As well, closer strategic ties with Japan do not automatically come at the expense of Sino-Australia relations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2445]
66.2491 SEYR, Veronika —
This contribution addresses historical absolutes, images and counter-images in Russia and the Ukraine: myths that can unite as well as separate. Three central myths are critically discussed: the myth of Moscow as the “third Rome”, the myth of Russia's pan-Slavic mission to liberate its brother peoples and the myth of the Russian “victory over traitors to the fatherland and fascists” in Ukraine. It elucidates the powerful impact of these myths until this day, as state propaganda continues to consistently carry them on. [R]
66.2492 SHAFIQ, Muhammad —
The Asia-Pacific region has emerged as a significant strategic center in international political affairs. The region's dependence on sea lines of communication and the proximity with a rising China has hoisted its stature in US policy calculus whose focus will now shift to this region once the planned withdrawal of its forces takes place by the end of 2014. Three key emerging trends in the geo-politics of Asia-Pacific deserve our special attention: America's re-engagement with the region, a seeming “containment” of China, and propping up of India as potential “counterweight” to China. Pakistan will have to closely watch these developments and make necessary adjustments in her foreign policy outlook as well as outreach to Asia-Pacific region. [R, abr.]
66.2493 SHAHEEN ZAFAR, Shaista —
The current Ukraine crisis broke out in November 2013, when President V. Yanukovych refused to sign the association agreement with the EU owing to Russian pressure. Competition between the Eastern Partnership and the Eurasian Customs Union has not only heightened the open rivalry between the EU and the US on the one hand and Russia on the other hand to draw the states laying on the periphery of Russia into their respective spheres of influence, but has jeopardized Ukraine's stability, sovereignty and integrity. The EU's failure to bring Ukraine into its sphere of influence has discouraged other countries of the region from leaning on the EU, and has exposed the EU's inadequacy as a tenable and strong bloc challenge Russia's aggression and provide protection to its vulnerable partners. [A, abr.]
66.2494 SHANKAR, Mahesh; PAUL, T. V. —
This article discusses nuclear doctrines and their significance for war, peace and stability between nuclear-armed states. The cases of India and Pakistan are analyzed to show the challenges these states have faced in articulating and implementing a proper nuclear doctrine, and the implications of this for nuclear stability in the region. We argue that both the Indian and Pakistani doctrines and postures are problematic from a regional security perspective because they are either ambiguous about how to address crucial deterrence-related issues, and/or demonstrate a severe mismatch between the security problems and goals they are designed to deal with, and the doctrines that conceptualize and operationalize the role of nuclear weapons in grand strategy. [R, abr.]
66.2495 SHI Xu —
This article takes up international academic discourse on China's national defense and examines the ways in which recurring themes of China as a “regional threat”, “hostile East Asian power”, and as “untrustworthy”, as well as proposals of counter-strategies, are constructed in a case of an international journal publication. Proceeding from Cultural Discourse Studies (CDS), and especially the notion of rhetoric as morally oriented, the article shows that the “dangers”, “threats” and “untrustworthiness” of China are born, not out of presentations of facts or evidence, but out of particular rhetorical renderings of Western binary thinking and presumptions of “US-as-guarantor-of-world-peace” and “power-as-hegemony”. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.1921]
66.2496 SINIVER, Asaf; LUCAS, Scott —
This article suggests that President B. Obama's consistent references to the extremist Sunni group as “ISIL” (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant) is not a trivial matter of nomenclature. Instead, the Obama administration's deliberate usage of the ISIL acronym (as opposed to other commonly-used terms such as “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria” or “ISIS”, “Islamic State”, “IS”, and “Daesh”) frames the public perception of the threat to avoid engagement with the requirements of strategy and operations. Both the labeling and the approach could be defended as a response to the unique challenge of a transnational group claiming religious and political legitimacy. However, we suggest that the labeling is an evasion of the necessary response, reflecting instead a lack of coherence in strategy and operations. [R, abr.]
66.2497 SULTAN, Adil —
South Asian strategic concepts are generally analyzed in the backdrop of the Cold War model. [However,] there are several similarities and dissimilarities between the two models. The “Stability-instability paradox” was one of the several concepts evolved during the Cold War period to explain why “stability” at the strategic level between the two Super Powers led to “instability” at the lower levels of the conflict. This paradox continues to remain a subject of intense debate in South Asia as well, essentially to explain various regional crises in the post-nuclearization period. This article challenges some of the commonly held perceptions and provides an alternative perspective on South Asian “stability-instability paradox”, essentially to develop better understanding of the impact of nuclearization on the South Asian strategic stability. [R, abr.]
66.2498a TAMA, Jordan —
The author examines the outcomes of US strategic reviews in the area of national security. He finds that reviews rarely generate major strategic change without an external shock and direct presidential involvement. But quadrennial reviews by government agencies can still serve as valuable tools for leading and managing complex bureaucracies. [R]
66.2498b TANCHUM, Micha'el M. —
Kazakhstan's “multi-vectored” foreign policy — its careful three-way balancing among Russia, China, and the Western powers (the EU and the US) — has contributed to the maintenance of a certain great power equilibrium in Central Asia. To preserve its autonomy and prosperity in the face of new political and economic challenges in 2014, Kazakhstan has increased its efforts to “rebalance Westwards”, offsetting the threat of Russian hard power and the threat of Chinese soft power by deepening its security cooperation with NATO and its economic cooperation with the EU. Through an analysis of recent advances in Kazakhstan-NATO relations and Kazakhstan-EU relations, this article suggests Kazakhstan's efforts to strengthen its security and economic relationship with Western powers signals a qualitative shift in the Eurasian architecture. [R]
66.2499 TERRILL, W. Andrew —
For decades, Iran has supported the regime of B. al-Assad in Syria with military advisors, weapons, and both diplomatic and financial support due to Tehran's belief that a pro-Iranian government in Syria is a core national interest. In this regard, cooperation with Damascus has provided Tehran with a number of strategic advantages, which it is loath to surrender. More recently, the Iranians have also come to view Syria as a vital ally against the threat of the Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS). In this environment, the Islamic Republic will likely continue to bolster the Assad regime even if the Syrian civil war continues for years. [R]
66.2500 TORKUNOV, Anatolij V. —
The Lazarev Institute (1815–1917), and the traditions it established, have left a profound footprint on Russian and Soviet Oriental Studies. One of the current challenges for contemporary Eastern Studies as an academic discipline is that scientific knowledge is becoming increasingly complex qualitatively as the structure of scientific knowledge, with its former conceptual integrity, is clearly falling apart. The notion of “Non-West” is far broader and more complex than that of “the East”. Focus is, however, being diverted to dealing with specific, mainly pragmatic or purely local issues rather than considering this part of the world in its entirety. Russian Orientalists seem to have lost sight of the integrated problem field that united them a century ago, and have retreated to their respective “national corners”. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “The Orient in the self-determination of Russia”. See also Abstr. 66.2413, 2446, 2461, 2536, 2582]
66.2501 TSARDANIDIS, Charalambos —
The conventional view of Greek foreign policy contends that a completed process of Europeanization, in both form and substance, has occurred. [However], enthusiastic views about [such] Europeanization [overlook] a number of issues that existed before the economic crisis, but which have intensified since then. This paper therefore asks how the economic crisis has affected the Europeanization process of Greece's foreign policy. Focusing on the case of Greek economic diplomacy, it demonstrates how Europeanization since 2008 through demanding austerity measures along with strict structural reforms in Greece's institutions has been perceived as an “imposed Europeanization”. It is thus argued that Greek foreign policy has not been Europeanized in form or in substance in relation to economic diplomacy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.2412]
66.2502 TZIARRAS, Zenonas; KOUKOUDAKIS, George —
This paper evaluates the most salient drivers of Turkish foreign policy since the end of the Cold War. It [examines] domestic and external foreign policy drivers, addresses Turkish foreign policy (TFP) during the 1990s and the 2000s — particularly after the election of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) — and during the post-“Arab Spring” period, with a focus on the greater Middle East. Last, it draws some general conclusions regarding the relationship between the drivers of TFP during these periods and comments on what might be in store for Turkey in the near future. [R]
66.2503 ULLOA TAPIA, César; VILLALOBOS ARQUEROS, Juan —
The objective of this article is to examine how Venezuela and Ecuador have built their international relations with Colombia in terms of security, together as well as separately, during the governments of Hugo Chavez and Rafael Correa, from 2007 to 2012. The study tries to identify differences and similarities between the actions carried out by each Bolivarian government toward Colombia. First, the countries are identified as players in the international environment in terms of their actions, voice and ability to influence. Later, the influence of idiosyncratic and systemic variables on the construction of external relations based on contributions made by J. Hey (Small States in World Politics, Boulder, 2003] will be explained. Finally, the study approaches topics related to attempts for bilateral reconstruction among the three countries after the attack carried out by the Colombian Armed Forces in Ecuadorian territory (Angostura). This analysis does not pretend to predict how relationships among the three players could be in the future, but to understand the difficult moments in the last decade. [R]
66.2504 VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, Janis; SMITH, Karen —
After providing a brief overview of the scholarly debates about the role of public opinion in foreign policy analysis, we contextualize the nature and methodological approach of the survey. Thereafter we organize the article according to three key themes that illuminate “ordinary” South Africans' foreign policy postures and how South Africans view their country's international identity. These themes include, first, debates about what the purpose of our foreign policy should be; second, the country's international role; and third, who South Africans consider to be our allies and role models. Finally, we distill possible patterns emerging from the survey into a posture that we relate to two concepts: “pragmatic internationalism”, and a “middle power role”. [R, abr.]
66.2505 VAN MIDDELAAR, Luuk —
Although one could regret France and Germany's mutual lack of understanding, it would be better to be happy about it. It is precisely in their lack of understanding that lies political freedom, not only for them, but also for neighboring peoples. The EU is the only child of their marriage of reason. As long as both parents and main motors remain faithful to themselves, the EU will continue producing lame compromises and illegible institutions. Yet, the main challenge is precisely how to remain faithful to oneself. While France keeps facing the ghost of a German Europe, Germany is still hesitating to trust itself and the EU is having a hard time matching its genius for depoliticization with the current return of the political. [First of a series of articles on “France-Germany: a difficult partnership”. See also Abstr. 66.2408, 2453, 2463, 2482, 2484]
66.2506 VATER, Roman —
The bi-national option for the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is as old as Zionism itself. The standard bi-national scenario envisaged an accommodation in a shared polity of separate Jewish and Palestinian identities. The Young Hebrews movement defied this paradigm by arguing that these identities were not national and should be incorporated into the Hebrew nation. This article analyzes the Young Hebrews' solution to the “Palestinian issue” by showing that they used it as a tool to destroy Zionist hegemony in Israel and open the way to a radical geopolitical rearrangement of the entire Middle East. [R]
66.2507 VEEBEL, Viljar; MARKUS, Raul —
This article outlines the objectives of the EU-sanctions against Russia, comparing the expectations of the politicians, media and the public with the views expressed in theoretical debates, as well as experiences gained from historical lessons. The essay [asks]: what could be realistically achieved as a result of the sanctions and what remains beyond their reach? [R]
66.2508 WALSCH, Christopher —
This article analyzes the approximation of Bosnia-Herzegovina to the EU from a Central European perspective, with a focus on the role of the Visegrad Four (V4) states in this process. The article sets out with two strategies of state-building exercised by the West in the aftermath of the Dayton Peace Treaty — a “hands-on” and “hands-off” (or ownership) strategy. It analyzes the position of the Visegrad states towards these strategies. It explains the overall engagement of V4 in the context of EU enlargement policies. It asks to what extent the four partners cooperate with each other and with likely regional partners Croatia, Slovenia, and Austria. The positions of the Central European states are informed by qualitative interviews with stakeholders and research literature on external governance in Bosnia-Herzegovina. [R, abr.]
66.2509 WEI Chi-hung —
After mid-2000, Beijing inclusively redefined “one China” as “both the mainland and Taiwan belonged to one China”. It also advocated the “peaceful development” of China-Taiwan relations. Why did China moderate its Taiwan policy? I argue that the “1992 consensus” — a term invented and promoted by pan-Kuomintang (KMT) actors to describe the spirit of cross-Strait détente during 1992–1995 — constituted China's policy moderation. Pan-KMT actors persuaded Beijing that its coercive approaches had alienated the Taiwanese people and that a conciliatory approach might win their hearts and minds. Accepted by Beijing, the 1992 consensus constructed China's Taiwan policy after 2000. Although Beijing has somewhat deemphasized the 1992 consensus since 2012, the term has established a legacy of appropriateness that Beijing is unlikely to undo in the short-to-medium term. [R, abr.]
66.2510 ZALA, Benjamin —
A multipolar world requires UK decision-makers to review their long-held assumptions about power, alliances ad global governance. [R]