Abstract
67.1 ABBOTT, Kenneth W., et al. —
This article introduces the concept of orchestration as the mobilization of an intermediary by an orchestrator on a voluntary basis in pursuit of a joint governance goal. Orchestrator-Intermediary theory then provides a model of indirect governance that supplements delegation models premised on principal-agent theory. Under both theories, governors enhance their governance capacity by drawing on the capabilities of third parties. Whereas delegation is premised on hard “contractual” control over the agent, however, orchestration relies on the soft control of likeminded intermediaries through material and ideational support. The two models overlap, and governors mix them in practice, but distinguishing between them analytically can broaden and deepen analysis of indirect forms of governance. This article discusses the circumstances [in] which each model provides a better fit for real-world problems. [R, abr.]
67.2 ABRAMSON, Scott; VELASCO RIVERA, Carlos —
Is personal power hereditable in autocracies? Given the discretion that autocrats often have to alter the formal rules of the game, personal power is key for understanding political development in non-democracies. However, recent scholarship has ignored this question. To fill this gap we exploit the random timing of natural deaths for a set of European monarchs to show that leaders with longer tenures tended to be succeeded by their sons and had successors that were less frequently deposed and less likely to face parliamentary constraints. Our results are consistent with a theoretical account we develop wherein leaders accumulate political power the longer they are in office, which then determines patterns of succession, stability, and institutional development in autocracies. [R, abr.]
67.3 ACHARYA, Avidit; BLACKWELL, Matthew; SEN, Maya —
Researchers seeking to establish causal relationships frequently control for variables on the purported causal pathway, checking whether the original treatment effect then disappears. Unfortunately, this common approach may lead to biased estimates. We show that the bias can be avoided by focusing on a quantity of interest called the controlled direct effect. Under certain conditions, this effect enables researchers to rule out competing explanations. To estimate the controlled direct effect without bias, we describe an easy-to-implement estimation strategy from the biostatistics literature. We extend this approach by deriving a consistent variance estimator and demonstrating how to conduct a sensitivity analysis. Two examples — one on ethnic fractionalization's effect on civil war and one on the impact of historical plough use on contemporary female political participation — illustrate the framework and methodology. [R, abr.]
67.4 AMADIEU, Jean-Baptiste —
The Roman Index continually banned publications throughout the “Christian Republic” for four centuries, from the 16th to the 20th c. In the light of this system of censorship, its laws and jurisprudential practice in matters of literature, the article questions current-day regulations regarding public speech. Some questions run through the whole history of censorship in spite of cultural differences: do lawgivers accept their role as censors? Do they target an author's intention, statements or the public reception of such statements? Is censorship limited to legal prohibitions? Is an offensive book necessarily dangerous? Does the literary value of a text defuse or exacerbate the danger? What type of influence can a book have on the public? Can and should less impressionable readers be granted exemptions from censorship? [R] [See Abstr. 67.101]
67.5 AMIGHETTI, Sara; NUTI, Alasia —
A new principle of redress for historical injustices like slavery and colonialism provides an argument for the fundamental role of the wronged in determining the appropriate form of redress for complex historical injustices, while also recognizing the necessity of giving a say to the wrongdoers, depending on the particular nature of past injustices. It likewise shows how deliberative democracy is able to offer an entirely new perspective in specifically addressing reparations for complex past injustices. There are two shortcomings in the current literature on historical injustice that become particularly troubling when addressing complex past wrongs, such as slavery and colonialism. The institutional set-up of such a proposal functions under both conditions of structural inequality between deliberators and conditions of power-inequality between states.
67.6 AMSLER, Lisa Blomgren —
Scholars have engaged in an ongoing dialogue about the relationships among management, politics, and law in public administration. Collaborative governance presents new challenges to this dynamic. While scholars have made substantial contributions to our understanding of the design and practice of collaborative governance, others suggest that we lack theory for this emerging body of research. Law is often omitted as a variable. Scholarship generally does not explicitly include collaboration as a public value. This article addresses the dialogue on management, politics, and law with regard to collaborative governance. It provides an overview of the current legal framework for collaborative governance in the US at the federal, state, and local levels of government and identifies gaps. [R, abr.]
67.7 ANDERSSON, Nils —
Instead of the era of peace announced by the new world order, twenty-five years later, emerges the chaos in the Middle East and a less secure, more dangerous world. Militarization policies (military budgets, sales of arms …), in which are engaged the NATO countries and many other states, carry with them the clouds of uncontrolled and uncontrollable wars and participate in the implementation of repressive laws against peoples. [R] [See Abstr. 67.78]
67.8 ANDRÉ, Audrey; DEPAUW, Sam; DESCHOUWER, Kris —
How the recent creation, re-invention or reinforcement of regional levels of political decision-making across Europe compounds political representation is one of the key issues of contemporary democratic government. Despite growing scholarly interest, the critical question as to whether the regional institutional setting has brought about distinct representational roles among sub-state legislators has yet to be addressed. This study bridges the literature on multilevel politics and legislative studies that to date have developed in isolation. Using innovative survey data from 14 statewide and 56 regional legislatures across Europe, it provides the first comprehensive test of how the state structure affects a legislator's views on representation. [R, abr.]
67.9 ANTIC? GABER, Milica —
I examine how judgments on gender equality in opinion polls are “translated” into gender relations in politics. I extracted some accountable questions and analyzed the respondents' changing preferences in a time perspective. During the 1990s, when we had an extremely low share of women in politics, the proportion of those gender equality had very positively assessed was greatly reduced, and that at the same time the proportion of those indifferent to these values (among men and among women) increased. Men were simultaneously perceived as better political leaders. The share of the latter judgments in the next period declined steadily and by 2011 had almost halved, which may indicate positive developments also in this respect and foretell a possible shift towards the loosening of male domination in politics. [R, abr.]
67.10 AOUST, Anne-Marie d'; GRONDIN, David —
Challenges to the IR discipline concern its scientific aspirations and disciplinary boundaries, as well as the ethical and social issues associated with them. The latter deal as much with the analyzes produced in IR as with the power relations affecting the individuals making such analyses. Our contribution in threefold: (1) it appeals to the necessity of interdisciplinarity by foregrounding an “undisciplined” perspective; (2) it insists on the primacy of actively “forgetting” IR theory, by mobilizing our teaching practices; and (3) its shows, through a critical methodological stance of feminist curiosity, how pedagogy may act as an opening to the world of international relations. It promotes more openness as to what IR might consist of and encompass, and acknowledges emotions as central to meaning-making processes in the world of/in IR. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.27]
67.11 ARIAS MALDONADO, Manuel —
This article deals with the impact of new communications technologies on democracy. It analyzes the processes by which public opinion is being partly digitalized — on account of the decisive importance that the quality of public opinion possesses for the quality of democracy. The focus is on the effects of citizens' usage of social media and other digital platforms. Citizens themselves are mainly considered as affective subjects influenced by their own emotions and preconscious sensations. Social networks turn out to be intrinsically affective technologies, whose strong influence on political socialization and mobilization forces us to reconsider current understandings of actually existing liberal democracies. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Democracy and law in the internet era”, edited and introduced by Elena GARCÍA GUITIÁN and Josu de MIGUEL BÁRCENA. See also Abstr. 67.32, 56, 92, 171, 174, 443, 555, 928]
67.12 ARTZ, Lee —
This essay combines IPE with a critical political economy of media perspective that recognizes the crucial role of transnational media corporations (TNMC) in building consent for neoliberal globalization. Media are found to be instrumental for consolidating transnational capitalist hegemony — creating a popular culture based on individualism, deference to authority, and consumerism. TNMCs consolidate diverse national media for the production of hybrid programming that features multiple local images and symbols wrapped in consumerist ideology and narratives. Examples from animation reveal consistent themes in TNMC content that entertain and appeal to diverse audiences, illustrating media's persuasive messages essential to the cultural hegemony of transnational capitalist leadership. [R]
67.13 ASAL, Victor, et al. —
What factors drive politically motivated cyberattacks? Our research focuses on one particular kind of cyberattack: politically motivated, distributed denial-of-service attacks (DDoS). We argue that denial-of-service attacks are a particular form of a larger category of political contention that is more similar to nonviolent than violent activism. We offer a country-level explanation that helps establish why some nation-states are more likely to suffer such attacks while most others are not. When we control for wealth and internet penetration, the strongest factor explaining why a country is more likely to suffer DDoS attacks is the dangerous combination of repression and a highly educated population. The results have important implications both for the scholarly study of this form of contention, as well as for policy-makers grappling with this new form of activism. [R]
67.14 ASAL, Victor; HOFFMAN, Aaron M. —
Terrorists are supposed to be influenced by opportunities for news coverage, but does this mean that groups initiate foreign attacks in response to the absence of press freedom in their country or inattention to that state by foreign media organizations? Using Asal and Rethmeyer's BAAD1 data on terrorist organizations, we find that increasing levels of attention by the international press reduce the odds of groups launching cross-border attacks. The propensity of groups to launch foreign attacks appears unrelated to press freedom. These results suggest that the protections that states provide for the press motivate foreign terrorism less than the way the media determines newsworthiness. [R]
67.15 AXELSEN, David V.; NIELSEN, Lasse —
According to sufficientarianism or the sufficiency principle, the requirements of distributive justice are fulfilled when everyone has enough. Freedom of duress is the freedom from significant pressure against succeeding in central aspects of human life and the threshold above which people can be said to have enough. Freedom of duress relies and elaborates on three aspects: that justice is limited in scope, pluralist in nature, and variable in pattern. Such a foundation leads to plausible answers regarding why justice is not violated in cases of inequality between people who have enough, and why we should be concerned when people do not have enough — when they are under duress. This in turn raises questions about the intrinsic importance of equality.
67.16 BADIE, Bertrand —
For a long time, international relations have been commonly considered as interstate relations. States were granted a kind of monopoly in this field, under the pressure of international law, traditional political philosophy as well as past and well established practices, together with the national interest for the most powerful states. This conception has been strongly challenged by the most recent researches which point the increasing role of societies, social actors and social issues inside the international arena. Thus, international relations are shifting into “intersocial” relations, in a way which questions the main concepts as well as the main orientations of foreign policies. [R] [See Abstr. 67.78]
67.17 BAILEY, Jesse I. —
This paper presents a reading of the political dimensions of Plato's Cratylus. Following Sallis, I argue that Socrates' claim that we can achieve a direct access to being unmediated by language is ironic. There is a “comedic” element to the attempt to transcend language in order to test the names given by the “lawgiver” against a pure awareness of the nature of beings themselves. I show that this account of human life, as always mediated by logos, has a political dimension. Specifically, the paper argues that the mediation performed by Socrates in the dialogue is intended to get us to turn toward one another in the formation of communities of philosophical discourse. [R]
67.18 BAKAKI, Zorzeta; BÖHMELT, Tobias; BOVE, Vincenzo —
“Culture” features prominently in the literature on international mediation: if belligerents share cultural characteristics, they are likely to have a common understanding and norms. This creates a common identity and makes coordination less costly, which ultimately facilitates mediation occurrence and effectiveness. Surprisingly, existing quantitative research largely neglects any cultural ties [between] antagonists [and] mediators. This article offers a joint analysis of fighting parties' and mediators' culture — and the interaction thereof. Based on existing work, a theoretical framework for mediation occurrence and effectiveness is developed and innovative measures for belligerents' cultural ties and the links to the mediator are used. Contrary to expectations the results suggest that larger cultural distances between antagonists make mediation more likely, while cultural dissimilarities between them and the mediator have the opposite effect. [R, abr.]
67.19 BAKKER, Ryan; HILL, Daniel W, Jr.; MOORE, Will H. —
Our knowledge of the set of concepts that influence the number of terror attacks experienced by different countries is rudimentary. Existing work on the incidence of terror focuses upon the structural characteristics of polities, economies, and societies, and fails to place competition between dissidents and states center stage. It also tends to treat terror as isolated from other tactics that dissident groups might use to pressure the state. This study addresses these shortcomings by placing government and dissident group behavior at the center of the analysis. Drawing on arguments from the larger literature on dissent and repression, we argue that government behavior and dissident behavior are likely to be more important determinants of terror attacks than structural factors. [R, abr.]
67.20 BARNES, Lucy —
Was there really a debt-fueled “liberal growth model” that preceded the 2008 financial crisis? The accepted narrative about the pre-crisis boom is that some liberal countries relied on domestic consumption to fuel economic growth, and on household debt to fuel this consumption. In this, they contrasted with coordinated economies. While eventually unsustainable, the growth strategy was politically necessary to maintain middle-class living standards in the context of increasing income inequality. Economic evidence from 1995–2007 and political data from the Comparative Manifesto Project Database undermine this received wisdom: while household debt increased in the liberal countries, it does not differentiate this particular growth model. Further, there is no evidence that politicians in liberal countries advocate different economic policies, including those concerning borrowing, to claim credit and stay in power. [R, abr.]
67.21 BAS, Muhammet; SCHUB, Robert —
A prominent IR theory posits that mutual optimism, due to two sides holding divergent estimates of their relative bargaining power, causes interstate conflict. We develop a theory of mutual optimism in which conflicting bargaining power estimates arise from asymmetric information about which, if any, third parties will join either side in a military dispute. We contend that secret alliances can generate mutual optimism, which increases the probability of conflict. By exploiting secret alliances as a measurable source of private information, we provide the first systematic test of mutual optimism that directly assesses a state's secret capabilities. Optimism exists when a state's secret allies are more numerous or powerful than anticipated by opponents. Our empirical tests — as well as robustness checks — strongly support our theoretical expectation. [R, abr.]
67.22 BELL, Mark S. —
This article examines whether the quantitative literature on the causes of nuclear proliferation successfully identifies variables that explain existing patterns of proliferation or improve our ability to predict proliferation. Using extreme bounds analysis, cross-validation, and random forests, I examine 31 variables that the extant literature considers significant determinants of proliferation. While some variables perform better than others, most fail to offer strong explanations for existing patterns of proliferation. Even fewer improve our ability to predict proliferation. It follows that the existing quantitative literature on proliferation produces more tentative findings than scholars typically understand. [R]
67.23 BENDOR, Jonathan; DIERMEIER, Daniel; TING, Michael M. —
We develop a model of adaptive learning with social comparisons. Actors are more likely to choose actions that recently yielded satisfactory payoffs; satisfaction is evaluated relative to an aspiration level that reflects previous payoffs and possibly other players' payoffs. This captures the phenomenon of social comparison via reference groups. We show that if agents compare themselves to those who are receiving higher payoffs then in stable outcomes all payoffs must be equal. If, however, agents' aspirations are driven by less ambitious social comparisons then very unequal distributions can be stable. We apply our general results to collective action problems in socio-political hierarchies and derive conditions for stable exploitation. Finally, we develop a computational model, which shows that increases in payoff inequality make outcomes less stable. [R]
67.24 BERARDO, Ramiro; LUBELL, Mark —
Recent research has shown that communication networks involving governmental and nongovernmental actors self-organize based on how risk is perceived. According to the “risk hypothesis”, actors embedded in governance systems in which there is widespread risk of defection tend to form bonding structures, whereas those in low-risk systems form bridging structures. A parallel strand of research proposes to study complex governance systems composed of multiple actors and the decision-making forums in which they interact. We couple these research threads and show how bonding and bridging structures form when stakeholders participate in three complex governance systems of varying institutional strength. Findings suggest that the prevalence of one type of structure over the other depends on contextual variables. [R, abr.]
67.25 BERNARD, Lise —
This article emphasizes how a commercial business can lead to upward mobility — a path that has been partly overlooked. It relies on a statistical analysis and on an ethnography of real estate agents. We show that [they] entered this industry because they were expecting some economic success and found the status they would be granted attractive. Then, we look at how [they] experience their own mobility and how subjective factors play out during this process. Finally, we describe the evolution of the lifestyles of real estate agents who have been upwardly mobile over one generation. We highlight the material dimension of such a mobility by focusing on their consumption habits and we show that these changes can also be accompanied by a transformation in their rapport with their body, culture, and politics. [R] [See Abstr. 67.88]
67.26 BERREBI, Claude; YONAH, Hanan —
Behavioral reactions to terrorism may be displayed in different ways. While some individuals react by holding back on their financial and charitable activities following stressful events, others may express more generosity by increasing their giving due to solidarity and empathy with the victims, or out of heightened nationalism and patriotism. Using a longitudinal analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a case study to uncover the relations between terrorism and philanthropic behavior, we find that terror attacks increase considerably the scope of giving by individuals and households. Our empirical approach relies on a unique panel dataset of 152,731 tax-itemizer philanthropists and terrorism data from 1999 to 2011. The results are statistically significant and robust across a multitude of model specifications. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Political violence”, edited and introduced by Todd SANDLER. See also Abstr. 67.80, 90, 91, 93, 102, 180, 195, 1134, 1147, 1173]
67.27 BIERSTEKER, Thomas —
Creating a global discursive space in IR education faces three major challenges: transcending mono-disciplinarity, overcoming parochialism(s), and integrating practical knowledge. We live in a world of multiple, co-existing, mutually inter-penetrating world orders and therefore need an approach to International Relations education that can comprehend and transcend these very real differences. The challenges of achieving inter- (rather than multi-) disciplinary are considered, different forms of parochialism are identified and problematized, and ways of integrating practical knowledge (linking theory and practice) are explored. The article concludes with some recommendations of ways to achieve a critical form of cosmopolinatism in IR education. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “International studies and the challenges of interdisciplinarity”, edited and introduced by Érick DUCHESNE and Félix GRENIER. See also Abstr. 67.10, 34, 86, 160]
67.28 BLAIR, Robert A.; KALMANOVITZ, Pablo —
This article examines the legitimacy of the use of force by armed non-state actors resisting the imposition of state rule over territories they control. We focus on the rights of warlords: subnational strongmen who seek autonomy within geographically demarcated territories, but not secession or control of the state itself. We argue that behind the resistance to state-building lies a twofold question of the authority of states to consolidate power within their own borders and the authority of warlords to resist that expansion. This article draws on just war theory to develop a set of conditions under which such resistance may be justified, explores the argument's practical implications for state-building under the tutelage of third parties (e.g., the UN), and demonstrates its empirical relevance through an application to Afghanistan. [R, abr.]
67.29 BLEICH, Erik —
Since the 1960s, many liberal democracies have instituted laws that penalize hate speech and hate crimes in ways that limit the freedom for racists to express themselves. This article examines the legislation and enforcement of provisions against incitement to racial hatred, Holocaust denial, and crimes motivated by racial bias in Western Europe and the US. Viewed over time, the pace of change has more closely resembled a slow creep than a slippery slope, and the extent of legislation and enforcement has differed across countries in different domains. This article documents the trend and highlights causes for concern, yet concludes that it is possible to enact and enforce laws that limit these forms of racism without being overly inimical to freedom of expression and opinion. [R] [See Abstr. 67.101]
67.30 BLUM, Christian; ZUBER, Christina Isabel —
A basic model of liquid democracy needs to be defined through four properties: direct democracy, flexible delegation, meta-delegation, and instant recall. A democratic-theoretical justification of liquid democracy can thus be offered if understood as a procedure for democratic decision-making at the systemic level. However, unlike representative democracy, liquid democracy puts high demands on ordinary members of the political community. Social epistemology, collective intelligence, and the literature on voter competence provide grounds for optimism that they are likely to perform these tasks in a satisfying way. In order to deal with challenges encountered by liquid democracy, a modified account that combines liquid democracy with a trustee model of representation is necessary.
67.31 BÖHMELT, Tobias; BÖKER, Marit; WARD, Hugh —
In an ideal inclusive political system, all citizens are equally able to influence and challenge policies. We focus on how inclusiveness affects climate policies and outcomes. We argue that more inclusive systems should produce more policies in response to environmental threats and should have better outcomes. We test these hypotheses using panel and cross-sectional data relating to climate policy outputs and outcomes. The results suggest that inclusiveness is positively associated with policy outputs, but probably not with lower emissions of greenhouse gases. This pattern may relate to a lack of deliberation in systems, which are relatively inclusive in the narrower sense of pluralist democratic theory. [R]
67.32 BOIX PALOP, Andrés —
The massive use of electronic communications by citizens, along with many other changes, has facilitated both interpersonal communication and participation in the public debate. As a result, diversity has undoubtedly been enriched, along with access to information and thus the possibility of being an active member of the political community. Other consequences of this transformation, however, present some risks and potential downsides. The extension of the domain of communicative public space has also limited citizens' privacy, reducing those areas in which, historically, the expression of all kinds of ideas and opinions was possible. Social networks amplify this effect and, therefore, it is necessary to understand how the classic limits to expression are applied in this new environment, which blurs the public and private spheres of communication. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.11]
67.33 BOURHIS, Jean-Pierre Le —
Since the 1990s, increasing environmental concerns have spurred the need for information and stimulated the development of numerous indicators, yet without a real impact on corresponding policies. To better account for this weakness, a political sociology approach to analyze how these government tools was developed in two cases: the French generic system of sustainable development indicators; and the implementation of the European Water Framework Directive based on indicators of water status. Comparative analysis shows that in both cases a coalition of actors successfully resisted the effective use of indicators by redesigning them and limiting the impact of quantified environmental information on policy-making. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1268]
67.34 BRETON, Gilles; ARRUDA, Gabriel —
What kind of links can be established between Global Studies, International Affairs and International Studies? A rupture, a renewal or an enlargement? This paper discusses how these two new academic programs, defining themselves as interdisciplinary and working on international, transnational and global issues, offer a double alternative to International Studies. If professionalization is the best way to define the added value of international affairs, new analytical and theoretical perspectives define the contribution of global studies. Through a study of twenty master programs, we will explore how their conditions of emergence, their organization and their evolution help them to create their own identity, setting themselves apart from international studies. [R] [See Abstr. 67.27]
67.35 BRITO VIEIRA, Mónica —
The people is best understood as a political claim. The people does not exist except through representative claims which, rather than originating in the people, participate in the constitution of the political subject for which they purport to speak. It is not possible to either understand or practically initiate democratic foundings except through self-authorized claims of representation appealing to an extra-legal source of authority, that is, a prefigured people, constructed around a particular claim to what should be common. Self-authorized claims to a prefigured people that are performed to and retroactively validated by the existing people can furthermore open up opportunities for the people to self-constitute democratically. [See Abstr. 67.241]
67.36 BROOCKMAN, David E.; RYAN, Timothy J. —
We present evidence that partisan attachments not only serve to filter the information citizens receive from political elites; they also work in the other direction, isolating politicians from encountering potentially contrary perspectives from citizens. In particular, we hypothesized that Americans prefer expressing their opinions to politicians who share their party identification and avoid contacting out-partisan politicians. Three studies — drawing on a mixture of observational, field experimental, and natural experimental approaches — support this hypothesis: Citizens prefer to “preach to the choir,” contacting legislators of the same partisan stripe. In light of evidence that contact from citizens powerfully affects politicians' stances and priorities, these findings suggest a feedback loop that might aggravate political polarization and help explain how politicians of different parties could develop different perceptions of the same constituencies. [R, abr.]
67.37 BRUGVIN, Thierry —
The actors who defend the ethical, social and environmental standards seek to regulate the capitalist system, including a participatory regulation. However, there is conflict of legitimacy between regulation stakeholders (public authorities, economic actors, associations of workers, citizens). In addition, there are several forms of normative regulation. Also limitations of private regulation are observed, for example with forest labels or codes of conduct on social. To the reliability of labels, one notes a conflict between the procedural logic and marketing communication logic. Therefore, global governance can promote democratization, but also privatize social regulation to the detriment of democracy. [R] [See Abstr. 67.122]
67.38 BUTLER, Daniel M.; DYNES, Adam M. —
We argue that politicians systematically discount the opinions of constituents with whom they disagree and that this “disagreement discounting” is a contributing factor to ideological incongruence. A pair of survey experiments where state and local politicians are the subjects of interest show that public officials rationalize this behavior by assuming that constituents with opposing views are less informed about the issue. This finding applies both to well-established issues that divide the parties as well as to nonpartisan ones. Further, it cannot be explained by politicians' desires to favor the opinions of either co-partisans or likely voters. A third survey experiment using a sample of voters shows that the bias is exacerbated by an activity central to representative governance — taking and explaining one's policy positions. [R, abr.]
67.39 BYEKWASO, Ndinawe —
This article deconstructs the theory of modernization and argues that the theory is a political propaganda to mislead the people of Third World countries; the social transformation the theory advocates is not for the development of Third World countries. Instead, modernization is actually gradually destroying the local productive capacity, while cultivating the Western individualism in the South. In Uganda, the policies bring [about] a service sector that neither creates ample employment opportunities nor earns foreign exchange for the country. They have undermined manufacturing and agriculture, and as a result, a large percentage of the population is experiencing food insecurity. [R, abr.]
67.40 CALLAN, Eamonn K. —
Situationism has been a lively topic of discussion in both ethics and psychology for decades. Sooner or later someone was bound to make the situationist case against civic virtue. Although Emily McTernan has interesting things to say on the topic, her argument misfires. The chief problem is that she overlooks a contextually limited project of cultivating virtue that even the most prominent situationists in philosophy now acknowledge is empirically viable. McTernan also argues that liberal norms are a better means of stabilizing liberal institutions than civic education. But that proposal is just a newfangled way of saying that we should undertake civic education.
67.41 CANTO-SPERBER, Monique —
Freedom of speech requires that every citizen be entitled to freely express opinions, however irrational, outrageous or immoral these opinions could be. The rationales of such fundamental freedom are many, but they all carry limitations which makes its defense plausible. For example, those who argue that freedom of speech allow an easier access to true beliefs and improving of reasons for beliefs, must acknowledge that it could be used in such a way as to exert a prejudice towards other people. Nevertheless, elements of contemporary culture, linked mainly to the making of opinions and beliefs seem to shed a different light on this value and the ways it could be defined. Can we go along with the traditional concept of freedom of speech which constitutes the liberal state? [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.101]
67.42 CATTANEO, Matias D., et al. —
We consider a regression discontinuity (RD) design where the treatment is received if a score is above a cutoff, but the cutoff may vary for each unit in the sample instead of being equal for all units. This multi-cutoff regression discontinuity design is very common in empirical work, and researchers often normalize the score variable and use the zero cutoff on the normalized score for all observations to estimate a pooled RD treatment effect. We formally derive the form that this pooled parameter takes and discuss its interpretation under different assumptions. We show that this normalizing-and-pooling strategy so commonly employed in practice may not fully exploit all the information available in a multi-cutoff RD setup. We illustrate our methodological results with three empirical examples based on vote-shares, population, and test scores. [R]
67.43 CESARI, Jocelyne; FOX, Jonathan —
This study develops and examines the concept of hegemonic religion and its relationship with democracy. A religion is hegemonic not only when the state grants that religion exclusive material and political privileges and benefits, but also when the religion is a core element of national identity and citizenship. We empirically examine the link between hegemonic religion and democracy using the Religion and State round 2 (RAS2), Polity, and CIRI datasets. We specifically use religious education policy, financing of religion, and religiously based laws as measures of the extent of religious hegemony in a state. We find that the presence of these religiously hegemonic traits, especially in combination, is strongly associated with a lack of democracy. However, it is possible for democracies to have some hegemonic features but not all of them. [R]
67.44 CHALMERS, Adam William; SHOTTON, Paul Alexander —
Social media have increasingly been recognized as an important and effective tool for advocacy. The extent to which organized interest groups have adopted social media as an advocacy tool, however, has been relatively ignored. This article examines the determinants of the use of social media tools by a broad range of interest organizations. We argue that social media use needs to be understood as part of an interest organization's larger set of news media lobbying strategies. We explain social media use as a function of two factors: first, the importance organizations place on trying to shape lobbying debates through the news media; second, the importance they place on shaping their public image via the news media. [R, abr.]
67.45 CHECKEL, Jeffrey, et al. —
On 4 September 2015, the Political Epistemology/Ideas, Knowledge, and Politics section of the American Political Science Association sponsored a roundtable on ideational turns in the four subdisciplines of political science as part of its annual meetings. Chairing the roundtable was J. Friedman, Department of Government, University of Texas, Austin. The other participants were J. Checkel, Department of Political Science, Simon Fraser University; M. Matthijs, School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University; and R. Smith, Department of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania. We thank the participants for permission to republish their remarks, which they were offered the opportunity to edit after the fact. [R] [See Abstr. 67.139]
67.46 CHEREM, Max —
The current definition of “refugee” should be maintained because it captures the uniqueness of refugee claims, its underlying justification is sound, and an expansion harbors its own risks. On this basis, a new argument can be offered against proposals that defend a legitimate state's right to unilaterally exclude outsiders (including refugees) by relying on protection elsewhere schemes. The standard frame focuses so much on what refugees have a claim to that it neglects why (and how) they have claims against specific actors. Moreover, this framework obscures the unfairly displaced costs likely generated by an expanded refugee definition and ignores key adjudicative and procedural aspects of non-refoulement. Focusing on non-refoulement reveals what is problematic with protection elsewhere schemes used for unilateral exclusion.
67.47 CHERNOBROV, Dmitry —
Public narratives of unexpected international events frequently help (re)imagine uncertainty as something familiar or predictable. I propose to read early perceptions of international crises through a reformulation of ontological security principles that find motivation for behavior in self-identity needs. Political imagining is shown to seek continuous self-concepts and to routinize new encounters within familiar and self-affirming frames. This article suggests a new approach to ontological continuity: instead of an unchanging narrative, its security may rest in a continuously positive version of the self, with narratives of others balancing and securing the relationship. I [then] draw on interviews about the “Arab Spring” to show how illusions of recognizing unexpected events and the political imagining this produces can be motivated by self-concepts in need of security. [R, abr.]
67.48 CHOI Seung-Whan —
Do democracies become less peaceful with one another as the overall number of democratic states in the international system increases? E. Gartzke and A. Weisiger [“Permanent friends? Dynamic difference and the democratic peace”, ibid. 57(1), March 2013: 171–185; Abstr. 63.4049; “Under construction: development, democracy, and difference as determinants of the systemic liberal peace”, ibid. 58(1), 2014: 130–145; Abstr. 64.4141] claim that they do. However, I argue that their evidence stems from a mathematical error in their statistical model. Once I correct that error, their findings no longer hold. In other words, when Gartzke and Weisiger's model receives proper specification, no dyadic and systemic difference persists, while democracy emerges as a pacifying factor that reduces the likelihood of interstate dispute. [R] [See also Abstr. 67.54]
67.49 COMPIN, Frédéric —
Can the financing of terrorism be assimilated with money-laundering when the amounts of money involved differ so markedly; the cost of financing terrorist attacks is minimal compared to the huge sums often at stake in financial crimes? There are also wide divergences in the profiles of terrorists, who are reclusive by nature, and financial criminals, who usually fully integrated members of society. Should one see a utilitarian approach at work when the financing terrorism is equated with money laundering since this facilitates the creation of a security strategy and prevents criticism of criminogenic capitalism that condones tax evasion? [R] [See Abstr. 67.122]
67.50 COPPOCK, Alexander; GREEN, Donald P. —
Field experiments and regression discontinuity designs test whether voting is habit forming by examining whether a random shock to turnout in one election affects participation in subsequent elections. We contribute to this literature by offering a vast amount of new statistical evidence on the long-term consequences of random and quasi-random inducements to vote. The behavior of millions of voters confirms the persistence of voter turnout and calls attention to theoretically meaningful nuances in the development and expression of voting habits. We suggest that individuals become habituated to voting in particular types of elections. The degree of persistence appears to vary by electoral context and by the attributes of those who comply with an initial inducement to vote. [R]
67.51 CORDELLI, Chiara —
In response to growing economic and political interdependence at the international level, contemporary theories of justice have debated whether the demands of distributive justice extend beyond the nation-state. This article addresses the reverse question: whether and how the demands of justice arise below the state, at the level of civil society associations. This question becomes pressing in light of the increasing fragmentation of national governance, and the resulting institutional interdependence between political institutions and private associations. The article argues that the extent to which these associations are directly bound by egalitarian principles depends on a complex set of factors, including their structure and size, their role in the social provision of important goods, and their institutional relation with political institutions. [R]
67.52 COSTA, M. Victoria —
This article examines the normative status of border controls from a neo-republican perspective, grounded in the value of freedom as nondomination. It makes use of Ph. Pettit's account of this kind of freedom and discusses Pettit's own remarks on the status of border controls. Against Pettit, it argues that the domination generated by border controls is ineliminable given existing political institutions, because such controls cannot avoid subjecting non-citizens to coercion in ways that are not forced to track their interests. The article also argues for an alternative neo-republican account of border controls that does not deny their coerciveness but allows for certain border-control policies in non-ideal circumstances. [R]
67.53 COURET BRANCO, Manuel —
I sustain that the discourse of economics has become one of the most substantial contributors to the erosion of the democratic ideal. The first argument used in this case against economics concerns its attempt to be considered a neo-naturalistic science; the second, the fact that economics considers democracy contradictory to the expression of its scientific rationality and; the third, the fact that economics crowds out people from decision-making processes by pushing them into the hands of experts. Because partisan political programs have essentially become economic programs, economics should contribute to substantive democracy. In order to do so, an alternative discourse to mainstream economics must be proposed. [R, abr.]
67.54 CRESCENZI, Mark J. C.; KADERA, Kelly M. —
We revisit E. Gartzke and A. Weisiger's [“Under construction: development, democracy, and difference as determinants of systemic liberal peace”, ibid. 58(1), March 2014: 130–145; Abstr. 64.4141] claim that development and dyadic difference, rather than democracy or a strong democratic community, drive peace and conflict in the international system. In so doing, we identify important inconsistencies in their theoretical argument. We also find extensive instability and errors in their empirical tests. Corrected analyses support the conclusion that a materially strong global democratic community dampens the onset of militarized violence. In addition, we show that an accurate interpretation of models including Gartzke and Weisiger's “dyadic difference” variable actually supports the conclusion that dyadic democracy reduces conflict. We recommend moving toward a more productive analysis of the interdependence between regime dynamics, political economy, and violence. [R, abr.] [See also Abstr. 67.48,250]
67.55 CRETTIEZ, Xavier —
This article examines the overused notion of radicalization and analyzes the research so far on the subject. The article, thanks to examples taken from diverse conflicts and struggles of both Islamists and nationalists, puts forward a more general and objective point of view on the notion of radicalization, one that has until now been exclusively tied to the research done on Islamic jihadists. It also presents a new way to analyze the phenomenon of progressive military involvement, favoring a step-by-step analysis of the involvement and focusing on certain determinant factors. Among them, the author favors a sociological look on the means of socialization and adaptation to violence yet also a psychological one, insisting on the link between the need for violence and the enhancement of one's self esteem. [R]
67.56 CRIADO, J. Ignacio —
Management of public administrations is in a process of transformation, as also occurs in other political dimensions, within a context of change in the technological base of our societies. This article offers a theoretical approach, as well as empirical evidence, regarding recent moves in contemporary public management derived from the adoption, use, and diffusion of social media technologies in public organizations. This article supports the idea of an emerging paradigm in public management denoted as “smart governance”, which is compared with previous paradigms on the basis of renewed principles including values derived from philosophy 2.0, open data and transparency, social media platforms, a focus on citizen participation and external knowledge in the decision-making process, and new collaboration dynamics among public employees and organizations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.11]
67.57 CROCO, Sarah E.; WEEKS, Jessica L. P. —
A growing body of literature argues that war outcomes affect leaders' tenure in office. But disagreement persists over how domestic political institutions translate performance in war into leader accountability. Some scholars argue that the tenure of democratic leaders is most sensitive to war outcomes, while others posit that autocratic leaders are more likely to be punished or rewarded for the outcomes of conflicts. We argue that existing research fails to take into account two important factors: whether the leader is viewed as culpable for the country's entry into the conflict, and whether the country features domestic institutions that make the leader vulnerable to removal from office, which varies greatly across non-democracies. We show that the tenures of culpable, democratic leaders and culpable, vulnerable, nondemocratic leaders are sensitive to war outcomes. [R, abr.]
67.58 CROUCH, Colin —
Rising inequality constitutes a threat to democracy. It is beyond the role of economic theory itself to encompass this, as damage done to democracy by capitalist behavior may seem to be an externality for economic theory, but it threatens to internalize itself in important ways. The relationship between capitalism and democracy is delicate and complex, and the former faces problems if its own behavior threatens the latter. This happens because economic wealth can be converted into political power, and vice-versa, leading to a self-reinforcing spiral of increasing economic and political inequality. First, the formal equality of universal suffrage is compromised when there is gross inequality in informal political lobbying. Second, the diversity of points of power necessary to pluralism is weakened when a small number of wealthy interests have influence over a wide range of issues. [R]
67.59 CROUCH, Colin —
Much public debate over relations between democracy and capitalism forgets the social space that exists outside economy and polity though deeply involved in them, the civil society space within which social movements and many other institutions exist. These institutions are vital to the reform of public life, though they cannot replace those of formal democracy. Meanwhile, right-wing extremism is challenging democratic and civil society institutions alike through its power to mobilize populations which increasingly have no political identity outside the nation. [R] [See Abstr. 67.200]
67.60 CROUCH, Colin —
The privatization of former public industries and the outsourcing of public services to private providers has been a hall mark of neoliberal economic strategies to increase the role of markets and reduce the role of the state in the economy. However, certain deeply rooted attributes of these processes have led them to have results almost directly opposite to neoliberalism's claims. There has been a growth to oligopoly and restricted competition, of government economic involvement in some of its least desirable forms, and a concomitant political intervention by firms. [R]
67.61 CULP, Julian —
Rising powers like Brazil, China and India have recently made significant gains in their capabilities as states. Therefore many IR scholars are claiming that these powers must now contribute more to the provision of global public goods like a clean environment, free trade and human rights. This article argues that reasonably democratic international political discourses are another global public good whose greater supply is sorely needed and that rising powers are having a positive impact on the creation of such discourses. Thus rising powers are not behaving as irresponsibly as many IR scholars assume. [R]
67.62 CURINI, Luigi; JOU, Willy —
Many scholars have investigated the relationship between ideological orientations and mass participation, and there is also a growing number of studies comparing political attitudes and behavior between electoral winners and losers. This article brings together these two strands of literature with respect to political participation, focusing on the interaction between citizens' winner/loser status and ideological distance from their government. Analysis of data from 34 countries highlights the importance of this interactive effect: while previous works suggest that losers have a greater propensity to take part in political activities, it is shown here that this relationship holds true only when losers occupy a position along the left-right spectrum distant from the government. [R, abr.]
67.63 DAHAN, Amy —
Following the first Rio Earth Summit in 1992, a multilateral process was put into place to respond to the problem of climate change, which scientists had long been warning about. This UN-governed effort for years appeared deadlocked. Greenhouse gas levels continued to rise, reaching a record high in 2013. The IPCC predicted in its fifth assessment report that global warming would very likely exceed the critical threshold of 2°C above pre-industrial levels. And yet in Paris last December, 197 states or parties to the climate convention [the UNFCCC] signed on to a first-ever universal agreement, heralded by many as a historic moment. This paper examines the past, present and future of this governance. [R] [See Abstr. 67.122]
67.64 DAVIES, Graeme A. M.; JOHNS, Robert —
This paper provides evidence to suggest why elites avoid the use of inducements and focus on more hawkish policies. Specifically it focuses on the public opinion risks associated with offering an inducement that does not result in a change in behavior of a target state. Using an experiment embedded within a wider survey instrument, we assess public ex post evaluations of government behavior towards a nascent nuclear power that is believed to threaten British national security. The study examines not only the rewards associated with successful policies and the costs of failure, but also whether those costs are particularly heavy when it is dovish policies that fail. [R, abr.]
67.65 DEMESLAY, Julie —
Since its creation in 1999, the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) has been bringing together the representatives of the Olympic movement and the public authorities. Proceeding from the criticism towards the functioning of this new consolidated model in sport, this article analyzes the difficulties of combining the governance pillars, standardized devices and anti-doping practices in sport. Thus, the interfering points of denunciation, the lack of expertise and transparency as well as the imperceptible environment are reflected in a long delegation chain that challenges the consideration of local reality within a universal normative process. [R] [See Abstr. 67.122]
67.66 DEWAN, Torun; SQUINTANI, Francesco —
We model faction-formation in a world where party politicians' objective is the development of an informed program of governance. Politicians' preferences reflect their own views and their information that, when aggregated via intraparty deliberations, influences the party manifesto. By joining a faction, a politician increases the influence of its leader on the manifesto, but foregoes his individual bargaining power. For broad model specifications, we find that a faction-formation process allows power to be transferred to moderate politicians. This facilitates information-sharing, increasing the capacity of the party to attain its objective. These positive welfare effects may hold even when factionalism restricts intraparty dialogue, and hold a fortiori when information is freely exchanged across factions. [R, abr.]
67.67 DiGIUSEPPE, Matthew; SHEA, Patrick E. —
This study explores the conditional influence of sovereign credit on leader survival. We especially focus on credit's heterogeneous effect on leadership survival across regimes. We argue that non-democratic leaders are more sensitive to credit access and cost than democratic leadership. We use event history analysis to test the conditional relationship between sovereign credit and leader tenure from 1981 to 2004. Examining both domestic and global determinants of credit access and costs, our findings are consistent with the assertion that non-democratic leadership survival is linked to credit even when addressing issues of endogeneity. [R]
67.68 DISCH, Lisa —
Do constructivists have to renounce their epistemological commitments to constructivism so as to maintain their political commitment to democratic politics? There are important differences that exist between constructivist and other democratic theories of political representation with respect to: (1) their relationship to the “standard” account of representation; (2) their intellectual lineage; (3) their approach to normative analysis. A closer look of M. Saward's “representative claim”, the most influential statement of the constructivist position on political representation today, allows to answer concerns that scholars have raised regarding the normative insufficiencies of constructivist arguments. Saward's work furthermore takes up the question how constructivist approaches generally, and the “representative claim” in particular, prompt a rethinking of how to assess political representation as democratic. [See Abstr. 67.241]
67.69 DISS, Mostapha; DOGHMI, Ahmed —
This paper proposes a comparison of four multi-winner voting rules, k-Plurality, k-Negative Plurality, k-Borda, and Bloc. These four election methods are extensions of usual scoring rules designed for electing a single winner and are compared on the basis of two criteria. The first comparison is based on the Condorcet committee efficiency which is defined as the conditional probability for a peculiar voting rule to select the Condorcet committee, provided that such a committee exists. The second comparison is based on the likelihood of two paradoxes of committee elections: the Prior Successor Paradox and the Leaving Member Paradox, which occur when a member of an elected committee exits. Aside from these two extensions, this paper is one of the very rare contributions giving exact results under the Impartial Anonymous Culture (IAC) condition for the case of four candidates. [R]
67.70 DOLAN, Kathleen; LYNCH, Timothy —
Previous research has documented that the public often views women candidates through the lens of gender stereotypes. However, as much of this work draws on experimental designs and hypothetical candidates, we have less information about whether and how voters employ stereotypes in the face of real candidates for office. This project examines one important aspect of the impact of stereotypes on the fate of actual women candidates: whether gender stereotypes have a different influence on elections for different levels and types of offices. Previous research suggests that voters are more likely to apply male stereotypes and evaluate candidates differently as the level of office increases and as we consider executive versus legislative office. We find little evidence to support claims that voters stereotype women candidates differently when they seek different kinds of offices. [R, abr.]
67.71 DONER, Richard F.; SCHNEIDER, Ben Ross —
Economists have identified the existence of a middle-income (MI) trap but have yet to analyze the politics of this trap. The authors argue that countries in the MI trap face two major institutional and political challenges. First, the policies necessary to upgrade productivity — as in human capital and innovation — require enormous investment in institutional capacity. Second, these institutional challenges come at a time when political capacity for building these institutions is weak, due primarily to the fragmentation of potential support coalitions. Politics are stalled in particular by fractured social groups, especially business and labor, and more generally by inequality. These conditions result in large measure from previous trajectories of growth. The empirical analysis concentrates on nine of the larger MI countries. [R]
67.72 DORMAL, Michel —
In the face of growing migration, the idea that voting rights should be independent of formal citizenship has become more and more attractive. However, critics object that the dissociation of political rights from formal membership in the polity undermines the foundations of democracy. This article examines the theoretical assumptions underpinning both views. While supporters of alien suffrage rely on liberal conceptions of equality and representation, critics draw on republican understandings of politics. The article concludes by sketching a third perspective, described as conflictive republicanism, which tries to reconcile the republican idea that political rights should not unnecessarily be dissociated from political membership with the liberal concern for heterogeneous interests and broad inclusion. [R]
67.73 DOYLE, David; ELGIE, Robert —
This article aims to maximize the reliability of presidential power scores for a larger number of countries and time periods than currently exists for any single measure, and in a way that is replicable and easy to update. It identifies the studies that have estimated the effect of a presidential power variable, clarifying what scholars have attempted to capture. It then identifies the measures of presidential power proposed over the years, noting the problems associated with each. To generate the new set of presidential power scores, the study draws upon the comparative and local knowledge embedded in existing measures of presidential power. Employing principal component analysis, a set of presidential power scores is generated for a larger set of countries and country time periods than currently exists. [R, abr.]
67.74 DRAGU, Tiberiu; FAN Xiaochen —
We advance research on electoral competition by developing a multidimensional model of electoral competition in which parties compete for electoral support by raising the electoral salience of position issues. We show that parties have incentives to advertise an issue on which the opponent has a more popular position or an issue on which neither party has electoral advantage. We also show that the party with the lower equilibrium vote-share prefers to emphasize more controversial issues, while the party with the higher equilibrium vote-share prefers to emphasize more consensual issues on its electoral agenda. The analysis provides a theoretical foundation for moving toward a more complete understanding of the content of campaign communication on issues on which voters disagree about which policies ought to be implemented. [R, abr.]
67.75 DRESDEN, Jennifer Raymond; HOWARD, Marc Morjé —
This article introduces the concept of authoritarian backsliding as a class of strategies for the concentration of incumbent political power in hybrid regimes. Such actions include manipulating elections, violating civil liberties, creating an extremely uneven playing field for the opposition, and reducing the institutional constraints on executive power. While often falling short of a full regime change, backsliding can significantly alter the level of political competition in a country and reduce the quality of its political life. This article develops a theoretically-grounded strategy to identify and measure backsliding events since 1989, showing that they have been much more common than is typically appreciated. The article also shows the utility of the concept of backsliding for better understanding regime stability. [R, abr.]
67.76 DRYZEK, John S. —
Justice requires democracy, as a closer look at the agents necessary to put justice into practice demonstrates. Democracy provides mechanisms to correct for problematic features of agents of justice, and democratic theory is needed to provide standards to evaluate claims to particular kinds of agency. The connection between justice and democracy then deepens to the extent the promotion of justice requires the interaction of different categories of agents. Global justice is a hard case for the argument given that global governance is still widely seen as a democracy-free zone. Global justice requires global democracy. Particular agents that need attention are those looming large in existing treatments of global justice: states, international organizations, the rich, the poor, advocacy groups, public intellectuals, corporations, and citizens.
67.77 DRYZEK, John S. —
The unusually stable Earth system of the Holocene epoch of the past 10,000 years, in which human civilization arose, is yielding to a more dynamic and unstable Anthropocene epoch driven by human practices. The consequences for key institutions, such as states, markets and global governance, are profound. Path dependency in institutions complicit in destabilizing the Earth system constrains response to this emerging epoch. Institutional analysis highlights reflexivity as the antidote to problematic path dependency. A more ecological discourse stresses resilience, foresight and state shifts in the Earth system. Ecosystemic reflexivity can be located as the first virtue of political institutions in the Anthropocene. Undermining all normative institutional models, this analysis enables re-thinking of political institutions in dynamic socialecological terms. [R]
67.78 DUBOIS, Jean-Pierre —
The development of productive forces, territorialization of politics, living identities and ways of communication, extends democratic dynamics to a world wide scale but comes up against financial globalization under a post-democratic and post-liberal “governance”. Overcoming this crisis requires new intermediations integrating individuation, articulating territorial legitimacies, linking rights' universality and cultural diversity. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Which 21st century?”. [See also Abstr. 67.7, 16, 99, 201, 205]
67.79 DURCH, William; LARIK, Joris; PONZIO, Richard —
Pursuing security and justice jointly in global governance will be vital to human progress in the 21st c. [R]
67.80 ECHEVARRIA, Jon; GARDEAZABAL, Javier —
This paper makes use of a gravity model to investigate the determinants of global forced migration. We find that omitting zero counts results in parameter estimates that underestimate covariate effects on refugee counts. We compare the pooled regression, which does not account for unobserved heterogeneity, and the fixed-effects method, which does not identify the effect of time-invariant covariates, and cannot shed much light when covariates vary little. We propose the pre-sample mean generalized method of moments (PSM-GMM) estimator, which accommodates the zeros, accounts for unobserved heterogeneity, but does not have the drawbacks of the fixed-effects methods when covariates exhibit little variation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.26]
67.81 ENGEL, Susan; HALVORSON, Dan —
“Massification” describes the significant increase in the proportion of the global population seeking tertiary qualifications. It is a defining feature of the global international education sphere and is often seen as linked to negative outcomes such as declining academic standards and increasing managerialism in universities. Massification, however, is not wholly or even mostly a negative for the generations of new students who now have access to tertiary education. Education can still be a transformative experience for students exposed to a rich learning environment. The question this symposium raises is how the disciplines of politics and international relations can ensure they maintain quality teaching and learning for students from subject design to program design. The collection aims to initiate a disciplinary debate in Australia, which has hitherto been missing. [R] [Introduction to a symposium on “Challenges in teaching politics and international relations”. See Abstr. 67.866, 1008]
67.82 ERKKILÄ, Tero —
Global country rankings have faced criticism for their normative character and methodology. Because of this, there have been attempts at creating so-called actionable governance indicators that provide more detailed and reform-oriented measurements of governance. This article analyzes the policy process behind the rise of actionable governance indicators and related changes in the production and use of indicators. It argues that the evolution of measurements can be understood as a process of field structuration, where various actors are entering the field of global governance assessments with rival indicator sets. But as the new actors tend to reproduce ideas and practices that already exist in the field, there are rather limited methodological improvements in the indices. However, the new actionable indicators are likely to become more influential policy instruments than rankings. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.1268]
67.83 EVELAND, William P., Jr.; SONG Hyunjin; BECK, Paul A. —
We add to the evidence regarding cross-national differences in political discussion by using survey data from North and South America, Western and Eastern Europe, and Asia gathered as part of the Comparative National Elections Project, combined with data on cross-national cultural differences from G. Hofstede [Culture's Consequences: Comparing Values, Behaviors, Institutions, and Organizations Across Nations, Thousand Oaks, 2001]. First, we develop a general model linking network political agreement, political discussion frequency, and voting turnout. Then, we theorize how cultural variations — focusing on individualism-collectivism and uncertainty avoidance — may affect political discussion frequency and also strengthen (or weaken) the relationships predicted in the general model. Our results provide evidence of cultural variations in political discussion as well as variations in relationship strength across cultures. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Informal political conversation across time and space: setting the research agenda”, edited and introduced by David Nicolas HOPMANN, Jörg MATTHES and Lilach NIR. See also Abstr. 67.157, 212, 222, 455, 468, 548]
67.84 EYAL, Hadas —
A unique comparative database of media news items and survey information from 15 politicians and 50 leaders of diverse NGOs was used to map how digital technology ignited a succession of consequences that altered traditional logics regarding the chances of NGOs to win the political communication competition. The independent variable “digital fit” represented a cluster of technological self-production and self-distribution affordances, and its effect on media and political success was tested. Statistical analysis and interview findings traced a precise trail of new digitally networked pathways for new types of NGOs to enter the political communication contest and win it. [R]
67.85 EYRICE TEPECIKLIOĞLU, Elem —
This article provides an analysis of African studies as a recently emerging field of study in Turkish academia. For many years, African issues had low priority in both policy and academic circles. The article argues that the recent scholarly interest in African issues is largely a product of the increasing political interest towards the continent. Although the existing literature mostly concentrates on Turkish-African relations and the study of particular African issues remain limited in number, African studies in Turkey has made progress and is still evolving with an expanding and diversifying literature. [R]
67.86 FALOMIR LOCKHART, Nicolas Pedro —
Linking International Law and IR is a significant challenge in itself. In addition, the way this linkage was constructed and the use of IL simply as to written norms hamper its development. Building on insights from IL and using a definition that captures the dynamic aspect of legal phenomena open new analytical perspectives, including the one of interpretation of international norms. We adopt this interdisicplinary approach to understand the inconsistent application of democratic clauses. The analysis of the elements of the interpretation process — the norm, the factual situation, an the interpreter — allows for distinguishing both the intervening factors and the nature of the concerned legal obligations. Different normative engagements explain how those elements combine and provide the frame for application of democratic clauses. [R] [See Abstr. 67.27]
67.87 FERRARESE, Estelle —
This paper shows how a political grammar that seeks to overcome the gender order as a hierarchical order — centered on the notion of consent — ultimately participates in reconstructing it. I first ground the claim that the grammar of consent is monopolizing academic debates on gender, or involving gender. In the second section, I highlight regimes of justification that render the relevance of women's consent conditional, examining, in the French context, two contemporary controversies, one concerning the Muslim veil and the other the criminalization of the clients of prostitution. Furthermore, I show the effects this differentiated relationship to consent has on the political status of women. [A]
67.88 FUHRMANN, Matthew; LUPU, Yonatan —
This article investigates [whether] international arms control treaties influence state policies by analyzing the efficacy of the NPT. Despite fierce debate over the last several decades, scholars still lack a full understanding of whether the treaty “works”. This debate persists, in part, because existing studies suffer from a key limitation: they are not designed to infer a causal connection between NPT membership and nuclear proliferation. Prior research cannot determine whether membership in the treaty restrains states from developing nuclear weapons or simply reflects existing preferences. To address this limitation, this article accounts for selection effects by using a measure of states' ex ante treaty commitment preferences. Our analysis of nuclear proliferation from 1970 to 2000 provides evidence that the NPT has played a key role in curbing the spread of nuclear weapons. [R, abr.]
67.89 GABLE, Alison; HENMAN, Paul, eds. —
Articles by Paul HENMAN, “Performing the state: the socio-political dimensions of performance measurement in policy and public services”, pp. 499–507; Patrick Le GALÈS, “Performance measurement as a policy instrument”, pp 508–520; Michele FOSTER, et al., “Population health performance as primary healthcare governance in Australia: professionals and the politics of performance”, pp. 521–534; Esther WILLING, “Hitting the target without missing the point: New Zealand's immunization health target for two year olds”, pp. 535–550; Cosmo HOWARD and Amber CHAMBERS, “The challenge of quantifying national well-being: lessons from the Measures of Australia's Progress initiative”, pp. 551–567; Alison GABLE and Bob LINGARD, “NAPLAN data: a new policy assemblage and mode of governance in Australian schooling”, pp. 568–582; Clare TILBURY, “Repositioning prevention in child protection using performance indicators”, pp. 583–596; Paul HENMAN, “Techniques and paradoxes in performing performance measurements: concluding reflections”, pp. 597–609.
67.90 GAIBULLOEV, Khusrav; SANDLER, Todd —
Piracy is an organized crime that is not politically motivated; however, piracy has been linked consistently to the political environment and the quality of national institutions. Provincial governance considerations and spatial aspects may influence the emergence and sustainability of piratical activities. Unlike the extant literature, we investigate the impact of fiscal and political decentralization on the incidence of piracy, while accounting for the average distance to the coast of the nearest region to the pirate incident. Fiscal decentralization generally serves as a deterrent to piracy, while political decentralization may encourage or inhibit piracy. Political decentralization may deter piracy by providing policy ownership to local officials. Alternatively, decentralization may foster piracy by inhibiting inter-jurisdictional competition or by separating local governance from the national seat of power. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.26]
67.91 GAIBULLOEV, Khusrav; YOUNAS, Javed —
Recent studies of financial development have shown that the quality of institutions is an important determinant of international financial flows to a country. Our paper contributes to this literature by examining and comparing the effects of internal conflict and terrorism on domestic credits extended to the private sector by banks in developing countries. We use a panel dataset for 125 developing countries over the 1984–2012 period to explore the relationship between political instability and bank lending. Internal conflict negatively affects domestic bank credit to the private sector, and the extent of this impact depends on the degree of ethnic fractionalization. The impact of terrorism, however, is not statistically robust. Our findings are also relevant for the literature that investigates the costs of conflict. [R] [See Abstr. 67.26]
67.92 GARCÍA GUITIÁN, Elena —
This work analyzes the visions of democracy behind current assessments of the impact of ICT in our political systems, as well as in the institutional strategies proposed to improve its democratic character. The starting point, the popular discourse on e-democracy, presupposes that the development of online participatory processes in decision-making generates positive effects that automatically enhance the democratic quality of the system. But this approach provides us with a very limited perspective to think about ICT impact on our democracies. This evaluation should be undertaken from a more complex perspective; one that encompasses the multiple interactions between citizen participation processes, organizations and institutions, which is ultimately rooted in a specific model of democracy. [R] [See Abstr. 67.11]
67.93 GASSEBNER, Martin; GUTMANN, Jerg; VOIGT, Stefan —
Over the last several decades, both economists and political scientists have shown interest in coups d'état. Numerous studies have been dedicated to understanding the causes of coups. However, model uncertainty still looms large. About one hundred potential determinants of coups have been proposed, but no consensus has emerged on an established baseline model for analyzing coups. We address this problem by testing the sensitivity of inferences to over three million model permutations in an extreme bounds-analysis. Overall, we test the robustness of 66 factors proposed in the empirical literature based on a monthly sample of 164 countries that covers the years 1952–2011. We find that slow economic growth rates, previous coup experiences, and other forms of political violence to be particularly conducive to inciting coups. [R] [See Abstr. 67.26]
67.94 GEENENS, Raf, et al. —
Representation and self-representation play an inescapable and “constitutive” role in any group process (J. Derrida). The opposite view to this “constitutive” understanding of representation stresses the importance of “constituent power” (A. Negri) as a more fundamental, pre-representative understanding of democracy. The example of the American Declaration of Independence shows how this quintessential moment in the history of American democracy is interpreted by authors on both sides of the divide. The tension between representation and constituent power can be reinterpreted as a relation of “co-originality”. The relation between these two poles is circular and resists the view that the dynamics of politics can be captured in the split of a single, foundational moment. Instead, politics have unbuilt temporal dimensions. [See Abstr. 67.241]
67.95 GÉLINEAU, François —
For years, promoters of democracy have focused their attention on designing institutions that facilitate the practice of democracy. Democracy requires support from the elite, but also from the masses. Accordingly, authors have proposed that schooling broadens the scope of citizens. These authors conclude that schooling is likely a “necessary” condition for democracy. The analysis explores the hypothesis with the use of individual-level data from several developing countries. To what extent is the propensity of citizens to blame governments for their poor economic performance affected by schooling? What are the implications of the individual-level behavior at the systemic level? We highlight the role of schooling in the democratic process. [R, abr.]
67.96 GENTRY, Caron E. —
While Christianity and feminism may seem at odds with one another, both make normative claims about justice and addressing the needs of those on the margins of power. This article explores what feminism contributes to Christian realism. The current revival of Niebuhrian Christian realism highlights how much it still has to offer as a theoretical underpinning for policy and governance. However, Christian realism remains wedded to masculinist abstractions and power structures, such as the balance of power, that are ultimately harmful to those on the margins. Thus, this article uses feminism to argue for a greater acceptance of vulnerability and obligation in Christian realism. [R]
67.97 GEORGE, Nicole; STARK, Alastair —
Community resilience is a central concept within crisis-management policy-making, but it has escaped critical analysis. This article responds to this problem by examining a community-led response to a large natural disaster (the Queensland floods of 2010–2011). The findings emerge from the application of a novel ethnographic method, uniquely informed by an insider's view of the disaster, which generated narratives from “the ground”. These narratives highlight a darker side to community resilience, which is largely unacknowledged, but needs to be understood so that we can critically appraise the concept more effectively in the future. [R]
67.98 GERTH, Martin; LINGELBACH, Gabriele —
This paper addresses the history of consumer boycotts in Germany. Social movements have used boycotts to enforce socio-moral concerns through market-related actions. These boycotts are suitable to evaluate the intersection between two (allegedly?) different logics of action — of markets on the one hand and civil society on the other. This paper studies how the relationship between these two logics changed over time by offering a diachronic comparison of “old” and “new” social movements. Despite the fact that both of them relied on anti-capitalist sentiments, their commitment to market based forms of protest differed considerably. The paper concludes with a brief look at recent adjustments between the intertwined logics of markets and civil society. [R] [See Abstr. 67.200]
67.99 GIBERT, Pierre —
The term obscurantism is today updated because of both ideological and behavioral drifts in the religious field where it took its place at the end of the 19th c. It is necessary to refuse the ideological criticism who reduces any religion to this fact, on the basis of two relevant criteria: the religious obscurantism is related to, on one hand, a simplism of assertion, and, on the other hand, a systematic violent behavior against the other reduced to the “non-believer” in a logic of arbitrary rejection. Effect of modernity causing crises of the religious consciousness, the obscurantism can be accepted neither individually nor socially. [R] [See Abstr. 67.78]
67.100 GILBOA, Eytan, et al. —
Research needs to be updated in order to better understand the multifaceted contemporary environments of both media and conflict. There are growing numbers and types of media sources, and multiple interactions between media and conflict actors, policy-makers and engaged publics from the local to the global and back. We argue that understanding the impact of media reporting on conflict requires a new framework that captures the multilevel and hybrid media environments of contemporary conflicts. This study provides a roadmap of how to systematically unpack this environment. It describes and explains how different levels, interactions, and forms of news reporting shape conflicts and peacebuilding in local, national and regional contexts, and how international responses interact with multiple media narratives. [R, abr.]
67.101 GIRARD, Charles —
This article surveys contemporary debates on freedom of expression in political and legal philosophy. Three main questions are considered, bearing respectively on the nature, limits and conditions of this freedom. First, does freedom of expression consists solely in a legal protection against state censorship or does it also encompass protections against other potential sources of censorship? Second, are the restrictions of freedom of expression aimed at protecting other rights or social interests bound to be arbitrary or can they be justified? Third, what are the social and political conditions for realizing the right to free expression? These theoretical problems shed light on recent public controversies surrounding freedom of expression, especially after the January 2015 attack against the newspaper Charlie Hebdo. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Freedom of expression — what condition?”, introduced pp. 5–12, by Denis RAMOND. See also Abstr. 67.4, 29, 41, 143, 211, 634]
67.102 GLEDITSCH, Kristian Skrede; POLO, Sara M. T. —
Previous research has shown that ethnic exclusion and restricted political access can motivate ethnic groups to resort to violence. Although these links are better established for civil wars or conventional conflict, we believe that the same logic should be applicable to ethnic terrorism as well. If so, can reforms towards greater ethnic inclusion also reduce terrorist risks? We argue that reform and changes towards greater ethnic inclusion and democratization should induce substitution and reduce the volume of terrorist violence, even if attacks by splinter groups may persist. We develop propositions on terrorist attack frequency, given group characteristics and accommodation. We take advantage of the large changes towards democratization, decreased discrimination, and increased ethnic accommodation since the third wave of democratization and the end of the Cold War. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.26]
67.103 GOLOSOV, Grigorii V. —
This study uses a nearly comprehensive set of the world's electoral democracies and authoritarian regimes, comprising 185 country-level observations, in order to examine the effects of electoral institutions upon party system nationalization. Party system nationalization is defined as the achievement of substantial electoral support for major political parties on a national basis. I hypothesize that while largely inconsequential from the perspective of alternation in power, authoritarian electoral institutions are highly consequential in that they affect party system properties in consistent, theoretically predictable ways. The empirical test confirms this hypothesis by demonstrating that in democracies and authoritarian regimes, the effects of electoral systems on party system nationalization are similar in strength and direction. These findings imply that conventional electoral engineering can be used to enable the survival of modern autocracies. [R] [First article of a symposium on “New perspectives on elections and voting”. See also Abstr. 67.632, 650, 715, 799]
67.104 GRASSO, Maria T.; GIUGNI, Marco —
The economic crisis that started in 2008 has negatively affected European nations to different degrees. This article examines the ways in which individual-level grievances interact with macro-level factors to impact on protest behavior. In particular, it examines whether the impact of individual subjective feelings of deprivation is conditional on contextual macroeconomic and policy factors. It is found that while individual-level relative deprivation has a direct effect on the propensity to have protested in the last year, this effect is greater under certain macroeconomic and political conditions. Both significant results for the cross-level interactions are interpreted in terms of their role for opening up political opportunities for protest among those who feel they have been most deprived in the current crisis. [R, abr.]
67.105 GREEN, Amelia Hoover —
This article proposes a framework for understanding variation in armed groups' abilities to control wartime violence, including violence against civilians. I argue that patterns (both levels and forms) of violence are shaped by armed group leaders' attempts to meet two conflicting imperatives. To succeed, commanders must build a fighting force capable of swift, unhesitating violence; they must also maintain some control over the level, form(s), and targeting of violence. I refer to this situation as the Commander's Dilemma. Drawing on literatures from psychology and sociology, I argue that effective behavioral control cannot be achieved via extrinsic incentives (i.e., pecuniary or non-pecuniary rewards and punishments) alone. Rather, effective control of combatant violence depends upon armed group institutions intended to align combatants' preferences with those of commanders. I therefore focus analytically on political education. [R, abr.]
67.106 GREEN, Jeffrey Edward —
Liberals almost universally conceive of plutocracy as a problem that in principle will be satisfactorily corrected in a well-ordered liberal-democratic regime, when in fact it is an inescapable problem that cannot be fully solved — at least so long as there is private property and the family — and this therefore generates a second-order challenge for liberals committed to social justice: not just how to reduce plutocracy, but how to retrospectively respond to the plutocracy that always will have existed in liberal-democratic states. Plutocracy will therefore be a permanent problem in a liberal-democratic regime. There are ways, however, in which a liberal-democratic society fully cognizant of the problem of plutocracy might have this awareness modulate, and indeed further develop, its commitment to social justice.
67.107 GREGORATTO, Federica —
There are good reasons for maintaining that the plurality of forms of life and the differentiation of social spheres, which constitute the subject of emancipation is a normatively positive feature for a flourishing political order, from a cultural, social, and economic perspectives. Nevertheless, the intent to leave some social spheres intact may turn out to be hazardous for the general political and social order. J. Habermas's Between Facts and Norms [1992] conveys a conceptual framework that would permit a diagnosis of (some of) the dangers, problems and dysfunctions — one can say, the pathologies — that may afflict present-day democracies. By focusing on the threefold conception of power presented in Between Facts and Norms, it is possible to outline some ground-rules for a Habermasian critical theory of democracy. [See Abstr. 67.284]
67.108 GRYNAVISKI, Eric —
This article defends the normative status of the right intentions requirement in just war theory. Unfortunately, despite the importance of right intentions in the history of political thought, recent discussions give the concept mixed attention, leaving it obscure and difficult to apply. The article first reviews four traditional accounts, showing their underlying (and important) differences and respective weaknesses. [It then] argues that these models fail because they are rooted in private instead of public reason. A model of right intentions as public intentions is described and justified, where an intention is right only when the motives that underlie it can be endorsed by the group it is supposed to aid, and the opportunities it provides that group are endorsable by the intervener. [R, abr.]
67.109 HAËNTJENS, Jean, ed. —
Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title, edited by the author. Articles by Arlette and André-Yves PORTNOFF; Stéphanie LEMOINE; Valérie DAVID; Jean-Marc GANCILLE and Philippe BARRE; Marthe de La TAILLE-RIVERO; Jean-Pierre LÉVY and Isabelle HAJEK; Morgan POULIZAC; Carlos MORENO; Jean-François SOUPIZET.
67.110 HAMMOUCHE, Abdelhafid —
This article focuses on the education authority as exercised by teachers or social workers, considering that its definition results from the prime socialization and subsequent experiments. I question teachers and social workers and approaches in a survey conducted [in] 2010 in Lyons [France]. Both are in continuity with what they experienced in their childhood and the distinction between teachers and social workers is hardly relevant. I account for what builds their positions by a typology that emphasizes the structuring of learning a form of authority. In this typology, the matrix is forged in the family and in relationships to the environment is the neighborhood or for that asserts a constant preponderance of adults (the “vigilant”), or on the first desire prevail membership through dialogue (the “empathetic”). [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.122]
67.111 HANISCH, Christoph —
I defend the possibility of a human right to democracy (HRD) against a particular objection. Many opponents of HRD presume a specific functional role that human rights are supposed to play: Such a right's violation sufficiently undermines a state's legitimacy and licenses (some think, even requires) humanitarian intervention. Endorsing HRD would then imply that all non-democratic regimes were rightly subject to diplomatic sanctions and even military force. This is philosophically implausible and politically dangerous. HRD must therefore be rejected. Defending the claim that HRD is possible amounts to establishing a specific conceptual space that the functionalist opponents rule out: The right to democracy might turn out to be a human right and we should not be afraid of endorsing it because of the supposed inconvenient political implications. [A, abr.]
67.112 HARRING, Niklas —
This study [examines] cross-national differences in public preferences toward different forms of political steering. Using data from the International Social Survey Program I find quite substantial variation between countries in policy preferences. I suggest that this variation can be explained by the variation in the quality of public institutions (i.e., Quality of Government, QoG). Low QoG is associated with a preference for coercive regulatory instruments and an aversion toward reward-based instruments; low QoG is correlated with low social trust, which produces suspicion of defection and an urge to punish free-riders with strong or coercive instruments. Meanwhile, the aversion toward reward-based instruments decreases as the level of QoG increases. The public administration then has the bureaucratic capacity to deal with policies that demand bureaucratic discretion and actors are less likely to free-ride. [R, abr.]
67.113 HAWKINS, Benjamin; HOLDEN, Chris —
The importance of trade and investment agreements for health is now widely acknowledged in the literature, with much attention now focused on the impact of investor-state dispute-settlement (ISDS) mechanisms. However, much of the analysis of such agreements in the health field remains largely descriptive. We theorize the implications of ISDS mechanisms for health policy by integrating the concept of global constitutionalism with veto-point theory. It is argued that attempts to constitutionalize investment law, through a proliferation of International Investment Agreements (IIAs), has created a series of new veto points at which corporations may seek to block new policies aimed at protecting or enhancing public health. The multiplicity of new veto points in this global “spaghetti bowl” of IIAs creates opportunities for corporations to venueshop. [R, abr.]
67.114 HAYWARD, Tim; IWAKI, Yukinori —
Requirements for a decent life are to be found in the dimensions both of human time and ecological space. This paper integrates temporal and ecological perspectives in order to provide an enriched conceptual framework for grasping what global justice means today. We show that while contemporary political philosophy tends to assume a somewhat undifferentiated conception of time, treating temporal justice as a futureoriented concern distinct from issues of intra-generational justice, there are richer understandings to be found in some influential schools of critical social theory. Drawing then, particularly, on A. Hornborg's theory of “unequal exchange of time and space”, and supplementing this with insights from D. Harvey, we analyze three ways in which disadvantage can be perpetrated in the dimension of time. [R, abr.]
67.115 HELBLING, Marc; REESKENS, Tim; WRIGHT, Matthew —
Over the last decade, the topic of national-identity has gained considerable importance after various heads of states have made it an important political issue in the context of ongoing globalization and European integration processes. There is also a large, mainly historical literature that has emphasized the role of the political elite in the formation of national-identities. While this argument is widely discussed in both public and academic debates, there is, surprisingly, hardly any empirical research on this issue. We do not know whether elite positions resonate with how the masses think about these issues. We therefore test this relationship by combining the 2003 wave of the International Social Survey Program and content-analysis of elite mobilization rhetoric from the Comparative Manifesto Project. [R, abr.]
67.116 HENSHAW, Alexis Leanna —
Many scholars have sought to understand what drives recruitment in armed rebel groups. While theories focused on grievance and selective incentives have been the subject of a robust body of scholarship, large-N work in this area tends to focus primarily on male recruits, and often utilizes measures that fail to account for the differing motivations of male and female rebels. Moreover, existing studies of the motives of female rebels have been regionally focused or concentrated on a single case — calling into question whether the findings are consistent across the global population of females in armed rebel groups. Drawing on a dataset measuring women's participation in seventy-two active rebel groups since 1990, this work tests hypotheses drawn from prior research to explain why women rebel. [R, abr.]
67.117 HICKEN, Allen; KOLLMAN, Ken; SIMMONS, Joel W. —
We examine consequences of party system nationalization. We argue that the degree to which party systems are nationalized should affect the provision of public benefits by governments. When political competition at the national level occurs between parties that represent specific subnational constituencies, then the outcomes of policy debates and conflicts can lead to an undersupply of nationally focused public services. We test our argument using data on DPT and measles immunization rates for 58 countries. We find that low party system nationalization is a barrier to improvements in these health indicators. Specifically, a substantial presence of regionalized parties hinders states' convergence toward international heath standards. [R]
67.118 HICKS, Timothy; JACOBS, Alan M.; MATTHEWS, J. Scott —
Do electorates hold governments accountable for the distribution of economic welfare? Building on the finding of “class-biased economic voting” in the US, we examine how electorates in advanced democracies respond to alternative distributions of income gains and losses. Drawing on individual-level electoral data and aggregate election results across 15 countries, we examine whether lower- and middle-income voters defend their distributive interests by punishing governments for concentrating income gains among the rich. We find no indication that non-rich voters punish rising inequality and substantial evidence that electorates positively reward the concentration of aggregate income growth at the top. Our results suggest that governments commonly face political incentives systematically skewed in favor of inegalitarian economic outcomes. We find that the electorate's tolerance of rising inequality has its limits. [R, abr.]
67.119 HIDALGO, Javier —
Migrants can permissibly resist immigration agents. Migrants can evade, deceive, and use force against state officials to avert the threat these agents pose when these officials are enforcing unjustified immigration restrictions. Immigration agents pose unjustified threats to potential migrants in certain cases. In particular, when state employees enforce unjust immigration restrictions, they pose unjustified threats to foreigners. If a state's immigration restrictions are unjust, then it is permissible for migrants to defensively resist this state's immigration agents. Such an argument is however unsound if foreigners have content-independent obligations to respect the immigration laws of other states. Finally, we should reject the view that foreigners have duties to comply with or refrain from interfering with the immigration laws of other states.
67.120 HOLUM, Marthe Liss —
Local governments increasingly choose to provide a wide range of services through cooperation with other local governments. Providing complex services through intergovernmental units creates collaboration risks and collective action dilemmas that need to be mitigated. Based on a longitudinal case study, an investigation is made into the dynamic processes in the governance of a public sector joint venture (JV) and the control challenges of dominated owners. The findings illustrate that the approach to mitigating collective action dilemmas is far less rational than that prescribed by the normative literature, resulting in control challenges at later stages in the relationship. [R, abr.]
67.121 HOULE, Christian —
I posit that inequality between social classes affects civil wars through two pathways: (1) it heightens the risk of political violence by fueling distributive conflicts; and (2) it reduces structural coup-proofing, which, in turn, increases the capacity of the military to fight insurgents. Combining these effects implies that the net effect of class inequality on civil war is ambiguous. Although class inequality increases the propensity for violence, in unequal countries political violence rarely takes the form of wars because such countries have strong militaries. Class inequality, however, breeds other forms of political violence. In particular, it increases the likelihood of military coups. The two effects of class inequality reinforce each other in the case of coups: inequality simultaneously stirs distributional conflicts and increases the capacity of the military to mount coups by reducing coup-proofing. [R, abr.]
67.122 HOURS, Bernard —
The good governance seems to be presented today as the main global project for societies. It is measured in terms of economic performances as much as morals qualities. This concept is analyzed here under 3 directions: the market moreover increasingly sovereign market; the total interdependence and risk management which it imposes; finally moral community supposed at the same time subject and object of the good governance. This moral community which replaces the various societies under the dominant standards of good governance is in the grip of security terror as with the violence of the market. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Governance between promises for the future and present alienation”, edited by the author. See Abstr. 67.37, 49, 63, 65, 110, 198, 217, 226, 684]
67.123 HOWARD, Jeffrey W. —
Entrapment is wrong because it subverts the moral capacities of entrapped persons, that is, it interferes with the agent's practical reasoning in ways that increase the likelihood she will culpably choose to act wrongly. Such activity is incompatible with respect for that agent. The version of subversion we observe in familiar entrapment cases involves intentional interventions by state actors against targeted individuals. Once the possibility of negligent subversion is acknowledged, however, we can recognize more diffuse, macro-level versions of the phenomenon. The case of urban injustice in the contemporary US illustrates how subversion can be structural, suggesting that a gauntlet of unjust laws makes it rational for citizens to join violent criminal drug gangs.
67.124 HUDELOT, Alexis —
Political scientists interested in videogames have until now largely depended on two main theoretical frameworks: narratology and ludology. These frameworks, inspired by film studies, have helped to make sense of the messages contained in videogames, and how they fit in the construction of a virtual and virtuous image of war. But researchers outside of social sciences have revealed numerous physical and psychological effects associated with those games, with important political implications. After reviewing the existing literature on the links between the Pentagon and the first-person-shooter (FPS) games, we propose to widen that study through the use of the cybernetic approach. [R]
67.125 HUGRÉE, Cédric —
This text deals with two debates on French social mobility in recent years. They concern the downward social mobility of recent generations and the questioning of the scales of observation of the social trajectories of parents and children. First, we analyze the life courses of people born in 1975. This leads to a nuancing of the idea of a trivialization of successive downward shifts from generation to generation and from one social group to another. It shows in particular that middle- and upper-class children born in the mid-1970s experienced a real but limited erosion of their prospects. Second, the article examines the benefits of a detailed table of social mobility from parents to children. We propose a closer look at social mobilities based on scale 2 of the French nomenclature of professions (PCS). [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.188]
67.126 IMRE, Iveta; PJESIVAC, Ivanka; LUTHER, Catherine A. —
This study looked at how newspapers operating in nations with varying degrees of governmental internet control discussed internet freedom of expression within their coverage of WikiLeaks. This was done through a thematic analysis of news items about WikiLeaks and internet freedom of expression in the left-leaning newspapers of The Guardian (UK), Le Monde (France), The Sydney Morning Herald (Australia), and The China Daily (China). The analysis revealed that government stances regarding internet control did not shape the newspapers' discussion about WikiLeaks and freedom of expression on the internet. Although governments in these countries exercise different levels of internet control, the newspapers had similar positions about freedom of expression on the internet and the role of the US in censoring it. [R, abr.]
67.127 JESSEE, Stephen —
Estimating the ideological positions of political elites on the same scale as those of ordinary citizens has great potential to increase our understanding of voting behavior, representation, and other political phenomena. There has been limited attention, however, to the fundamental issues, both practical and conceptual, involved in conducting these joint scalings, or to the sensitivity of these estimates to modeling assumptions and data choices. I show that the standard strategy of estimating ideal-point models using preference data on citizens and elites can suffer from potentially problematic pathologies. This article explores these issues and presents a technique that can be used to investigate the effects of modeling assumptions on resulting estimates and also to impose restrictions on the ideological dimension being estimated in a straightforward way. [R]
67.128 KALANDRAKIS, Tasos —
Pareto-dominated agreements are shown to prevail with positive probability in an open set of status quo in a Markov perfect equilibrium of a one-dimensional dynamic bargaining game. This equilibrium is continuous, symmetric, with dynamic preferences that satisfy the single-plateau property. It is also shown that there does not exist a symmetric equilibrium with single-peaked preferences. [R]
67.129 KALYVAS, Andreas; KREIDE, Regina; GÜMPLOVÁ, Petra, eds. —
Introduction by Petra GÜMPLOVÁ and Regina KREIDE. Articles by Wendy BROWN, “Sacrificial citizenship: neoliberalism, human capital, and austerity politics”, pp. 3–14; Hauke BRUNKHORST, “European constitutionalization between capitalism and democracy”, pp. 15–26; Banu BARGU, “Why did Bouazizi burn himself? The politics of fate and fatal politics”, pp. 27–36; Robin CELIKATES, “Rethinking civil disobedience as a practice of contestation — beyond the liberal paradigm”, pp. 37–45.
67.130 KAMMAS, Pantelis; SARANTIDES, Vassilis —
This paper examines the implications of policy intervention around elections on income inequality and fiscal redistribution. We first develop a simplified theoretical framework that allows us to examine electioncycle fiscal redistribution programs in the presence of a revolutionary threat from some groups of agents. According to our theoretical analysis, when democracy is not “the only game in town”, incumbents implement redistributive policies not only as a means of improving their re-election prospects, but also in order to signal that “democracy works”, thereby preventing a reversion to an autocratic status quo ante at a time of the current regime's extreme vulnerability. Subsequently, focusing on 65 developed and developing countries over the 1975–2010 period, we report robust empirical evidence of pre-electoral budgetary manipulation in new democracies. [R, abr.]
67.131 KANAVOU, Angeliki Andrea —
This paper underlines the relevance of ambiguity theory to understand the persistence of frames of agents and their audience with regard to “self”, “other” and the “land” in a protracted conflict such as Cyprus. It examines the case study of Cyprus from the signing of the Agreements on Cyprus (1959), through the Turkish intervention (1974) and until the Akinci election (2015). The paper shows how peace agreements may impose ways of looking that endure the ups and downs of social adaptation after the signing of peace agreements. These frames go on to constitute archetypes against which other frames are ordered or evaluated. [R, abr.]
67.132 KARMAZIN, Aleš —
Through utilizing correlative ontology, which is derived from ancient Chinese philosophy, this article offers a redefinition of the individual (subject), which subsequently helps to problematize the “particular versus universal” distinction. It is then shown how correlative ontology might be useful for criticizing and stimulating the English School of IR and its two main views (i.e., solidarism and pluralism) on humanitarian intervention. The significance is that correlative ontology helps to challenge “solidarism qua universalism” and “pluralism qua particularism”. [R] [See Abstr. 67.149]
67.133 KEANE, John —
Drawing upon early modern interpretations of civil society, which typically viewed civil society as structured by the dynamics and dysfunctions of commodity production and exchange, this essay examines why almost everywhere today market-driven civil societies produce widening gaps of wealth and income. It considers the extent to which market dynamics and market inequality are nowadays destructive of the norms and practices of civil society. It asks why markets are not describable in the positive terms of Pareto efficiency, and why they are not “naturally” zones of social cooperation, friendship and equality. The essay asks about the personal, social and political costs of inequality. It considers the reasons why citizens and their representatives must now strive for the reduction of inequalities of wealth and income, and push towards more civil societies marked by less unequal outcomes. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.200]
67.134 KELLER, Jonathan; YANG, Yi Edward —
Poliheuristic (PH) theory has received strong empirical support for its depiction of the option-selection process: it explains how leaders evaluate, weigh, and ultimately choose among a set of policy options. But PH theory does not explain how this initial set of options is generated. Foreign policy problem representation (PR) research has shown that the way in which leaders mentally represent decision problems determines which options are generated for consideration. We develop a hybrid PRPH framework in which leaders' problem representations drive an unconscious screening process that occurs prior to the conscious screening of PH stage 1. We test hypotheses drawn from this framework experimentally and find that key elements of PR (most notably, perceived threat) determine which options consciously occur to decision makers and which options are not generated during a simulated foreign policy crisis. [R]
67.135 KIEWIET DE JONGE, Chad P. —
Surveys conducted in new democracies generally demonstrate supermajoritarian support for democracy as a system of government. This consistent finding has led many to argue that standard questions overstate actual support for liberal democratic institutions and should be abandoned. However, such contentions have not been subject to systematic analysis, leaving it unclear whether “democracy” questions provide useful information for researchers. This study tests three main arguments advanced against standard questions using data from original survey experiments implemented in Honduras and from LAPOP surveys conducted in nineteen Latin American countries. The analysis demonstrates that support for democracy is overstated, and that the prime factor accounting for artificially high support is that respondents tend to focus on regimes in the abstract rather than in practice. [R, abr.]
67.136 KILGOUR, D. Marc —
Multi-winner elections are now quite common, and include the interesting subclass of elections with a variable number of winners, or VNW elections. In VNW elections, voters determine how many winners there are, as well as which candidates win. Common VNW elections include elections to bestow honorary status, such as enshrinement in a hall of fame, and elections to determine a shortlist of, say, job candidates for interviews. Such elections are VNW elections whenever the number of winners is not specified in advance. Multi-winner elections are often conducted by adapting standard procedures for single-winner elections. Approval balloting is particularly appropriate for multi-winner elections, as every ballot, and the set of winners, are subsets of the set of all candidates. [R, abr.]
67.137 KLUCH, Sofia Pinero; VAUX, Alan —
We examined the geographic concentration and persistence of terrorism using the Global Terrorism Database (GTD). The GTD logs all terrorist incidents worldwide using open-source media, and, for 1970–2013, includes over 125,000 incidents from over 200 countries and territories. We examined regional and country-level data; different terrorism forms, severity levels, and timeframes (entire period, five-year periods, and annual); and multiple definitions of “elevated” terrorism. The findings reveal that terrorism is concentrated geographically and temporally. Most countries experience peace or very low levels of terrorism; only a few experience substantial outbreaks; very few experience prolonged terrorism; and even fewer, prolonged severe terrorism. [R]
67.138 KNIGHT, Carl, ed. —
Pablo GILABERT, “Justice and beneficence”, pp. 508–533; Saladin MECKLED-GARCIA, “Two concepts of justice — and of its scope”, pp. 534–554; Richard J. ARNESON, “Extreme cosmopolitanisms defended”, pp. 555–573; Richard CHILD, “The global justice gap”, pp. 574–590; Zofia STEMPLOWSKA, “Doing more than one's fair share”, pp. 591–608; Alexander BROWN, “Global equality of resources and the problem of valuation”, pp. 609–628; Carl KNIGHT, “Climate change, fundamental interests, and global justice”, pp. 629–644.
67.139 KNIGHT, Jack, et al. —
On 3 September 2015, the Political Epistemology/Ideas, Knowledge, and Politics section of the American Political Science Association sponsored a roundtable on epistemic democracy as part of the APSA's annual meetings. Chairing the roundtable was D. Viehoff, Department of Philosophy, University of Sheffield. The other participants were J. Knight, Department of Political Science and the Law School, Duke University; H. Landemore, Department of Political Science, Yale University; and N. Urbinati, Department of Political Science, Columbia University. We thank the participants for permission to republish their remarks, which they edited for clarity after the fact. [R] [First of a two articles of a symposium. See also Abstr. 67.45]
67.140 KOCH, Michael T.; NICHOLSON, Stephen P. —
War heightens public interest in politics, especially when human lives are lost. We examine whether, and how, combat casualties affect the decision to vote in established democracies. Drawing from social psychology research on mortality salience, we expect increasing casualties to increase the salience of death, information that moves people to defend their worldview, especially nationalistic and ideological values. By heightening the importance of values, we propose that combat casualties increase the benefits of voting. In particular, we expect the effect of combat casualties to be pronounced among the least politically engaged. Using both cross-national data of elections in 23 democracies over a 50-year period and survey data from the US and UK during the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, we found that mounting casualties increase turnout. [R, abr.]
67.141 KOLBE, Melanie; CREPAZ, Markus M. L. —
Natives in Europe are often opposed to immigrants receiving social services that previously have been reserved for citizens only, but as it turns out, so are a number of immigrants. This article argues that seemingly “welfare chauvinist” attitudes among immigrants are in fact an expression of incorporation as naturalized immigrants are more critical of unconditional benefits usage. Using survey data, we compare attitudes among natives, naturalized citizens, and foreign residents, and test competing explanations for welfare chauvinism. We find that naturalization is the strongest predictor of reservations towards benefit openness for immigrants among foreign-born individuals. This article contributes to contemporary studies on the importance of citizenship for community membership, welfare chauvinism in European societies, and the growing field of immigrant public opinion research. [R]
67.142 KOLSTAD, Ivar; WIIG, Arne —
While democracy is commonly believed to reduce corruption, there are obvious endogeneity problems in measuring the impact of democracy on corruption. This article addresses the endogeneity of democracy by exploiting the thesis that democracies seldom go to war against each other. We instrument for democracy using a dummy variable reflecting whether a country has been at war with a democracy in the period 1946–2008, while controlling for the extent to which countries have been at war in general. We find that democracy to a significant extent reduces corruption, and the effect is considerably larger than suggested by estimations not taking endogeneity into account. Democracy may hence be more important in combating corruption than previous studies would suggest. [R]
67.143 KOROLITSKI, Ulysse —
Contrary to the widely-held opinion that the fallacy of revisionism justifies its suppression, its suppression ought to be chiefly understood as the upshot of a political decision to blacklist revisionist discourse on account of its insulting and incendiary nature, not out of respect for the truth. Truth is not considered wholly beside the point, however, since it is the historical truth of the Holocaust perpetrated by the Nazis that made revisionism potentially dangerous in France, and this danger might be deemed to distinguish it from the negation of other genocides, such as that of the Armenians. That the truth of a certain discourse has value in and of itself is not irrelevant, but for it to become decisive, it has to be shown to count more than protecting against the possibility of violence. [R] [See Abstr. 67.101]
67.144 KRAININ, Colin; WISEMAN, Thomas —
We present a dynamic, complete-information bargaining model of war with N countries. The analysis of a network with more than two countries significantly generalizes previous work. We consider an environment where a country's military strength varies stochastically over time as a function of endogenous consumption. If countries are sufficiently patient, then war is inevitable and will quickly spread throughout the network. We leverage insights from the limiting case to identify two key factors that promote peace among countries with limited patience: peace is easier to sustain when countries have equal military strength or when mechanisms exist to preserve any existing inequalities. Varying the number of countries does not have a consistent effect. [R]
67.145 KUOSMANEN, Jaakko —
In the aftermath of the recent economic crisis, scholarly discussions on the relationship between human rights, budgeting and budgets have been re-energized. This article focuses on the design of governing institutions in the context of public budgeting. More specifically, it introduces three institutional virtues, each of which can serve a facilitative function in the drafting of “human rights compatible budgets” (i.e., budgets that take human rights obligations adequately into consideration). These institutional virtues are: instrumental deliberation, interpretative deliberation and evaluative deliberation. [R]
67.146 KURIZAKI, Shuhei —
This study contrasts the rationalist and psychologist approaches to information failure as the cause of crisis escalation and war. Building on the psychological insights on misperception, it presents a simple game-theoretic model of crisis bargaining, where signals are subject to perceptual errors and thereby multiple interpretations. The model allows us to analyze the interplay between the problem of misrepresentation in sending signals and the problem of misperception in forming beliefs. The analysis offers a rationalist logic of signaling and perception, which links Bayesian learning, incentive problems, misperception, and war. The analysis also shows that misperception generates more than pathologies in crises — misperception, under the right condition, makes signals fully informative, reduces the risk of war, and attenuates the adverse impact of incomplete information on the risk of crisis escalation and war. [R]
67.147 LAINE, Jussi P., ed. —
Editor's introduction, pp. 465–482. Articles by Paolo NOVAK, “Placing borders in development”, pp. 483–512; Estelle EVRARD, “The European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC): towards a supraregional scale of governance in the greater region SaarLorLux?”, pp. 513–537; Stanislaw DOMANIEWSKI and Dominika STUDZIŃSKA, “The small border traffic zone between Poland and Kaliningrad region (Russia): the impact of a local visa-free border regime”, pp. 538–555; Thomas PTAK and Demian HOMMEL, “The trans-political nature of Southwest China's energy conduit, Yunnan Province”, pp. 556–578.
67.148 LAITIN, David D.; RAMACHANDRAN, Rajesh —
This article explores how language policy affects the socio-economic development of nation-states through two channels: the individual's exposure to and (in reference to an individual's mother tongue) linguistic distance from the official language. In a cross-country framework, the article first establishes a robust and sizeable negative relationship between an official language that is distant from the local indigenous languages and proxies for human capital and health. To establish this relationship as causal, we instrument language-choice with a measure of geographic distance from the origins of writing. Next, using individual level data from India and a set of 11 African countries, we provide microempirical support on the two channels — distance from and exposure to the official language — and their implications for educational, health, occupational and wealth outcomes. [R, abr.]
67.149 LANGLOIS, Anthony J. —
Responding to efforts to “resurrect” IR theory, this article suggests that the study of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) — and, more controversially perhaps, queer — global sexuality politics can bring new and transformative insights to the discipline. The study of this global sexuality politics is replete with ideas and approaches that can and should be integrated with IR theory. The article first considers the general absence of global sexuality politics within IR, and why this is significant for theorizing the international. It then surveys some recent scholarship which shows how the study of global sexuality politics can speak to and within IR. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Resurrecting IR theory”. See also Abstr. 67.132, 177, 935]
67.150 LAURENT, Sébastien-Yves —
From E. Snowden's revelations about the NSA's secret eavesdropping program to massive leaks carefully orchestrated by WikiLeaks, the rules of diplomatic secrecy that prevailed for centuries have definitely taken a hit. The tyranny of transparency is aided by considerable advances in information technology. Intelligence agencies are moving to adapt to this ineluctable trend, which is shaking up the way countries conduct their foreign relations. They are turning to conventional corporate communication methods inspired by other government agencies and increasingly tapping into open information sources like big data or social networks, supported by powerful algorithms. Created from secrecy and to serve secrecy, these agencies are beginning to let go of their obsession with keeping things hidden and indeed go beyond secrecy, thus losing what has distinguished them for the pact century. [R]
67.151 LEFÈVRE, Sylvain —
This article highlights the relevance of a sociopolitical approach of philanthropy, through five crosscutting issues: (1) the use of science as an external point of view; (2) the links between donation and collective action; (3) the relationship between wealth, inequalities and financial philanthropy; (4) the relations between donation and taxes; and (5) the relationship between government and philanthropy as a political act. This research is based on a historical perspective and proposes to analyze philanthropy as a political phenomenon despite its distance from the political field. This study is also a challenge to political science. [R]
67.152 LEKTZIAN, David; REGAN, Patrick M. —
There is reason to believe that sanctions can shorten the duration of civil conflicts. However, once sides in a conflict have moved to the use of violence to settle their dispute, it is hard for sanctions, in isolation, to impose enough cost to convince warring factions that settling a conflict has greater value than what could be expected from continued fighting. We argue that sanctions, in isolation, are unlikely to affect the duration of civil conflicts. However, when sanctions are combined with military interventions they can contribute to conflict management strategies resulting in shorter civil conflicts. We test our expectations empirically. [R, abr.]
67.153 LINEBARGER, Christopher —
I argue that the international diffusion of civil strife can occur through a learning mechanism, [perhaps] on a worldwide basis. Individuals most likely to rebel, or proto-rebels, may learn about the utility of rebellion before mobilizing and violently challenging the state. Such international learning therefore occurs during the pre-conflict process. International sources by which proto-rebels learn include active, ongoing civil wars, as well as revolutionary governments founded by rebels victorious in past wars. In order to test these assertions, I undertake empirical analyses using militant organization data that capture the year in which rebel movements first emerge, during the period 1968–2001. I then explore the spatial and temporal relationships between rebel movement emergence, civil conflict, and revolutionary regimes, using the country-year as my unit of analysis. [R, abr.]
67.154 LIPPERT, Ingmar —
Dominant environmental policy wants to be evidence-based, wants to use environmental facts. Grounded in an ethnography of the production of corporate CO2, footprints, environmental facts are analyzed as the effect of work and data-processing. In the practical reality of work, environment exists in a hybrid and tactical data space. The environmental political implications make the premises of both ecological modernization and state control of the environment questionable. [R]
67.155 LLANOS, Mariana, et al. —
This article focuses on the efforts of power-holders — at the executive or the legislative level — to influence or curb court activity informally or extra-legally, an acknowledged but under-researched topic in studies of judicial politics. We first define informal judicial interference and operationalize the concept; we then explain how we collected information on the topic through systematic cross-country interviewing. Our concept focuses on judicial intervention actions exercised by political actors once judges are on the bench. We distinguish these actions according to type — direct or subtle — and further differentiate each type according to six different modes. We provide new empirical data on informal interference in six third-wave democracies, three in Africa (Benin, Madagascar, and Senegal) and three in Latin America (Argentina, Chile, and Paraguay). [R, abr.]
67.156 LOVETT, Frank; WHITFIELD, Gregory —
Liberals have long been centrally concerned with exploring the appropriate degrees of state neutrality or impartiality towards diverse conceptions of the good. Republicans in contrast have had comparatively little to say about such issues. This paper argues that republicans cannot endorse principles of either neutrality or impartiality — principles that would serve to block perfectionism. It follows that at least some forms of perfectionism will be compatible with republican political doctrine. While some republicans may rest content with or even embrace this possibility, committed anti-perfectionists will no doubt regard it as a serious problem. Either way, this paper aims at least to initiate further discussion by exploring the possible relationships between republicanism, perfectionism, and neutrality in greater detail and clarity than has been done previously. [A]
67.157 LUP, Oana —
Do young people who came of age in democracy engage in informal political conversations more frequently compared with old generations who spent an important part of their lives in undemocratic regimes? Data from the cross-national survey study Citizenship, Involvement, Democracy conducted between 1999 and 2002 includes information about responders' participation in informal political conversations in general and with five types of social relations, namely family members, friends, workmates/colleagues, neighbors, and members of the voluntary associations to which they belong. Data were collected in both countries with a relatively recent democratic experience and countries with a longer democratic past from Europe. [See Abstr. 67.83]
67.158 MACHIN, David; VAN LEEUWEN, Theo —
We argue precisely for the need to pay increasing attention to the way that political ideologies are infused into culture more widely, in entertainments media, software, administrative processes, children's apps, healthcare and even office furniture design. We point to the way that there have been massive shifts away from traditional state forms of politics to the rule of neoliberalism and the power of the corporation which, like the former regime of power, requires meanings and identities which can hold them in place. We explain the processes by which critical multimodal discourse-analysis can best draw out this ideology as it is realized through different semiotics resources. [R, abr.]
67.159 MAINWARING, Scott —
This essay reviews five important recent books on party system institutionalization, party collapse and party-building. The first section analyzes broader lessons about party system institutionalization derived from these books. All five volumes underscore the difficulty of institutionalizing democratic party systems in contemporary Asia, Africa and Latin America. At the same time, they demonstrate that there have been some successful cases of party-building and party system institutionalization. In all three regions, variance across countries is great. The three books on Latin America show that sharp conflict and programmatic differences are good for institutionalization, partially countering earlier arguments about the perils of polarization. Across regions, erstwhile authoritarian ruling parties have sometimes helped to forge institutionalized party systems under competitive regimes. [R, abr.]
67.160 MARCOUX, Jean-Michel —
By arguing that an interdisciplinary approach must be chosen whenever an international phenomenon touches on separate disciplines, this article illustrates such a necessity by using the case of the analysis of the evolving codification of foreign investors' responsibilities. A literature review demonstrates that the analysis of this phenomenon necessitates taking into account the content and the application of international instruments as well as relations of power between the actors involved. Given that such explanatory factors are respectively the objects of analysis of International Law and IR, this analysis requires an interdisciplinary approach and ultimately contributes to consolidate the relevance of International Studies. [R] [See Abstr. 67.27]
67.161 MARING, Luke —
The literature on voting is young, but arguments have begun to form three camps. The first states that a citizen's duty to vote derives from her duty to promote the good. The second camp advances two arguments with a Kantian flavor. The first notes that it would be disastrous if no one voted, while the second states that failing to vote violates standards of fairness. Traditional accounts of excellent citizenship struggle to support a duty to vote. Therefore, a better third-camp argument should be proposed, which sees “citizen” as a role in the social practice of democracy. In addition to promoting the common good, citizens have a responsibility to avoid disrespecting the practice of democracy. In the right circumstances, failing to vote does precisely that.
67.162 MARQUEZ, Xavier —
“Epistemic” arguments for conservatism typically claim that given the limits of human reason, we are better off accepting some particular social practice or institution rather than trying to consciously improve it. I critically examine and defend here one such argument, claiming that there are some domains of social life in which, given the limits of our knowledge and the complexity of the social world, we ought to defer to those institutions that have robustly endured in a wide variety of circumstances in the past while not being correlated with intolerable outcomes. These are domains of social life in which our ignorance of optimal institutions is radical, and there is uncertainty (rather than quantifiable risk) about the costs of error. This is an argument for the preservation of particular institutions, not particular policies or outcomes. [R, abr.]
67.163 MARTIN, Christian Walter; STEINER, Nils D. —
This paper takes up an argument from R. Rogowski about the “natural affinity” between trade and an electoral system with proportional representation. We draw on literature on the historical determinants of electoral system-choice to advance the general argument that trade integration and PR are related because the adoption of PR helps to secure gains from trade. Our specific model of electoral rule changes in the age of globalization predicts that the likelihood of electoral rule change towards more proportionality increases with levels of trade integration in the world economy. The theoretical model draws on a micro model of the distributive effects of increased economic integration. [R, abr.]
67.164 MASKIVKER, Julia —
Received wisdom in most democracies is that voting should be seen as a political freedom that citizens have a right to exercise at their discretion. But I propose that we have a duty to vote, albeit a duty to vote well: with knowledge and a sense of impartiality. Fulfillment of this obligation would contribute to the epistemic advantages of democracy, and would thereby instantiate the duty to promote and support just institutions. [R]
67.165 MATAKOS, Konstantinos; TROUMPOUNIS, Orestis; XEFTERIS, Dimitrios —
Despite common perception, existing theoretical literature lacks a complete formal argument regarding the relationship between the electoral rule disproportionality and platform polarization. We build a model that incorporates the disproportionality of the electoral system in a standard Downsian electoral competition setup with mainly, but not necessarily purely, policy-motivated parties. We first show that in equilibrium, platform polarization is decreasing in the level of the electoral rule disproportionality. We then argue that the number of parties has a positive effect on platform polarization when polarization is measured by the distance between the two most distant platforms. This effect does not hold when polarization is measured by the widely used Dalton index. Constructing a data-set covering more than 300 elections, our main theoretical findings are empirically supported. [R, abr.]
67.166 MATHIEU, Félix; LAFOREST, Guy —
This article explores the significant links existing between France's, England's, and Quebec's citizenship education curriculum and their respective religious traditions, which all derive from Christianity, that is their core and common affiliation. Based on the premise that religion, as a cultural fact, leaves a profound and lasting imprint on contemporary societies, the authors show that the values and ideals issued from those religious traditions are more or less transposed into the French, English and Quebecois models of citizenship education. [R]
67.167 McCOURT, David M. —
I address two new approaches in IR theory gaining adherents and producing insightful applications: practice theory and relationalism. Practice theory draws attention to everyday logics in world politics. It stresses how international actors are driven less by abstract notions of the national interest, identities, or preferences than by context-dependent practical imperatives. Relationalism rejects the idea that entities — like states and international organizations — are the basic units of world politics. It replaces them with a focus on ongoing processes. Noting similarities in their arguments to those advanced by early constructivists, I argue that, taken together, practice theory and relationalism represent the New Constructivism in IR. A practice-relational turn became necessary because the meaning of constructivism narrowed over time, becoming tied to the role of identity, norms, and culture in world politics. [R, abr.]
67.168 McTERNAN, Emily —
This article proposes an approach to being a responsibility-sensitive egalitarian: one grounded on our valuable social practices of responsibility, rather than on a desire to mitigate the influence of luck on people's prospects. First, I argue that this practice-based approach better captures the very reasons that responsibility is significant for justice than does the prevalent approach among luck egalitarians: namely, the values of fairness, choice and respect. Second, I show that the remaining motivation of the luck egalitarian approach, of being “anti-luck”, is impoverished. I conclude by suggesting that this practice-based approach is better motivated and more palatable than existing forms of luck egalitarianism, even for those relational egalitarians who standardly criticize making egalitarianism responsibility-sensitive. [R, abr.]
67.169 MELKEVIK, Åsbjørn —
A liberal should oppose all discrimination coming from the state. This, however, may be a double-edged sword since many classical liberals have quite readily opposed progressive taxation by invoking its discriminatory nature. Some liberals will therefore conclude that one cannot establish different tax brackets, lest taxation be illiberal. This paper endeavors to refute this assumption. Progression may be compatible with the classical liberal concern for the rule of law, provided legislative discretion on tax-related matters is duly limited by the principle of generality, as well as by a certain standard of reasonable lawmaking. Through a careful distinction between four concepts of differential treatment, this paper demonstrates that progressive tax arrangements do not necessarily discriminate against the well-off, and that it can efficiently fulfill some legitimate classical liberals objectives. [R, abr.]
67.170 MÉROLA, Vittorio; HELGASON, Agnar Freyr —
What are the effects of economic mobility and macroeconomic cycles on redistributive preferences? Our main theoretical frameworks often provide conflicting predictions and empirical evidence has been contradictory. We argue that this confusion is mostly due to the crucial distinction between absolute and relative income shifts, both of which are produced during economic cycles yet are rarely separated conceptually or empirically. After relative income shifts, differences are made salient, resulting in more self-interested behavior. Conversely, after absolute income shifts, similarities become more apparent, resulting in more group-driven behavior. We demonstrate this experimentally, using a novel “redistribution game”. The results indicate that expected shifts in absolute and relative income have mostly opposite effects on preferences, highlighting the importance of carefully conceptualizing and measuring the effects of income shifts. [R, abr.]
67.171 MIGUEL BÁRCENA, Josu de —
This paper analyzes transformations in media law, from the point of view of digital journalism. Cyber-journalism can be defined as the set of legal expressions, stemming from the fundamental right of communication, which produce information in the context of technical innovations offered by the internet. Such developments challenge the traditional definition of media and its constitutional protection and individualize informative practices. This individualization forces the redefinition of the legal guarantees of the professional status of the journalist. Finally, technological changes allow the use of technological innovations that affect the prohibition of censorship and the judicial protection of the rights of public communication. [R] [See Abstr. 67.11]
67.172 MILLER, Joanne M.; SAUNDERS, Kyle L.; FARHART, Christina E. —
Given the potential political and social significance of conspiracy beliefs, a substantial and growing body of work examines the individual-level correlates of belief in conspiracy theories and general conspiratorial predispositions. However, although we know much about the psychological antecedents of conspiracy endorsement, we know less about the individual-level political causes of these prevalent and consequential beliefs. Our work draws from the extant literature to posit that endorsement of conspiracy theories is a motivated process that serves both ideological and psychological needs. We develop a theory that identifies a particular type of person — one who is both highly knowledgeable about politics and lacking in trust — who is most susceptible to ideologically motivated conspiracy endorsement. Further, we demonstrate that the moderators of belief in conspiracy theories are strikingly different for conservatives and liberals. [R]
67.173 MILLER, Michael K. —
Does a positive association between democracy and economic growth around the world encourage the spread of democracy? Although this intuitive relationship has been linked to the global ebb and flow of fascism and Communism, no study has empirically tested this question. I argue that democracy's relative economic success in the world influences perceptions of its domestic advantages and thereby shifts popular and elite preferences in favor of democracy. Looking at 172 countries from 1820–2010, I show that the world-level correlation between democracy and economic growth robustly predicts the spread of democracy and represents a major source of its historical advance. The results provide new insights into the foreign influences on democratization, China's challenge to the liberal democratic order, and the political legacy of the global financial crisis. [R]
67.174 MINDUS, Patricia —
To better understand what issues today's technologies raise in relation to political liberty, understood as self-determination, attention should shift from the level of internet content to its more basic architecture and governance. Mainstream political science has long eschewed the field of internet governance. There is nonetheless an interesting debate on how we should handle this new world we have in common that is constituted by the infosphere. The paper shows why the debate on the control of the internet is often misleading: too much attention on traditional institutional actors has obscured the fact that the “seats of power” are now elsewhere. In order to move within the private ordering that currently characterizes internet governance, in a way that is respectful of fundamental rights, we need to rethink the relationships between social powers. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.11]
67.175 MINKOFF, Debra —
This article contributes to long-standing debates about the influence of voluntary association membership on political participation by drawing on recent advances in counterfactual analysis. Propensity score matching methods are used to assess the effects of different forms of membership (active and passive) in distinct organizational forms (civic and political) on political activism, taking selection bias into account. Results demonstrate that organizational membership increases levels of nonconventional political action — for active and passive members in both political and civic groups. [R, abr.]
67.176 MIRONOVA, Vera; WHITT, Sam —
To what extent can pro-social norms (re-)emerge among rival groups following intense intergroup conflict? One school of thought posits that violence can strengthen intragroup bonding norms, entrenching parochialism and sustaining in-group biases. However, recent studies suggest that intergroup bridging norms can also improve once conflict ends. Our research offers insights into how pro-social bridging vs. parochial bonding norms evolve after violence. To measure dynamics of social norms, we employ surveys and dictator game experiments with ethnic treatments which we administered in Bosnia in 2003 and replicated in 2013 using well-balanced samples of ethnic Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs in a difference-in-difference research design. We find that pro-social bridging norms improve over time. However, we also observe persistent parochial biases in terms of how in-groups are perceived and treated relative to out-groups. [R, abr.]
67.177 MUELLER, Justin —
The theoretical distinctiveness of imperialism as a phenomenon appears in juxtaposition against normal sovereign state rule and effectively “begins” at the transgressions of state power beyond some accepted space of normalized sovereign dominion. While the problems of what imperialism “is” and what it “does” have been thoroughly examined, “when” imperialism is has not. This article offers a critique of the conventional temporality of imperialism and its subjection to a spatial ideology, and instead articulates a critical temporality of imperialism that avoids some of the conventional conception's limitations, especially that of naturalizing state rule and its claims to legitimacy. [R, abr.][See Abstr. 67.149]
67.178 MYERS, C. Daniel —
Studies have demonstrated that altruistic punishment can motivate prosocial behavior in settings that require group cooperation. This paper extends these findings to the voter participation game. Using a laboratory experiment, we find that some subjects are willing to punish abstainers and that punishment increases participation. However, not all subjects respond to punishment equally. We find that punishment increases turnout more among subjects with a egoist social value orientation (SVO) than among subjects with a pro-social SVO. This suggests that increased opportunities for altruistic punishment do not just increase participation, but may also change the composition of the electorate. [R]
67.179 NEHRING, Klaus; PIVATO, Marcus; PUPPE, Clemens —
Sequential majority voting over interconnected binary decisions can lead to the overruling of unanimous consensus. We characterize, within the general framework of judgment aggregation, when this happens for some sequence of decisions. The large class of aggregation spaces for which this vulnerability is present includes the aggregation of preference orderings over at least four alternatives, the aggregation of equivalence relations over at least four objects, resource-allocation problems, and most committee selection problems. We ask whether it is possible to design respect for unanimity by choosing appropriate decision sequences (independently from the ballot). Generalizing and sharpening a classic result by Shepsle and Weingast, we show that respect for unanimity can indeed be thus guaranteed in the cases of the aggregation of weak preference orderings, linear preference orderings, and equivalence relations. [R, abr.]
67.180 NEUMAYER, Eric; PLÜMPER, Thomas —
We analyze spatial spillover effects in international tourism as a consequence of transnational terrorist attacks. Specifically, we hypothesize that attacks executed in Islamic countries on citizens from Western countries will generate spatial spillovers of three kinds. First, tourism from the victims' countries to Islamic destination countries other than the location of the attacks will decline. Second, tourism from other Western countries to the country in which the attacks took place will decline. Third, tourism from other Western countries to other Islamic destination countries also will decline. These spatial spillover effects occur because the terror message is strategically addressed at Western citizens in general rather than the tourists' countries of origin per se. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.26]
67.181 NEWMAN, Benjamin J. —
This article ties together research on gender, income inequality, and political ideology, by exploring the effect of gender-based earnings inequality on women's belief in a fundamental tenet of the “American Dream” — meritocracy. Focusing on gender-based earnings inequality in women's local residential context, and drawing upon relative deprivation theory, this article argues that variation across local areas in the relative economic status of women should influence the ideological outlook of resident women. In contrast to relative deprivation theory, but consistent with rising expectations theory, I argue that ideological disillusionment should peak in contexts in which women's earnings fall closely behind men, and that ideological optimism should rebound in contexts in which women's earnings have achieved parity with that of men. [R, abr.]
67.182 NG, Karen —
I explore and defend ideology critique as a method for critical theory whose operation is best understood as descended from the project of the critique of reason. Tracing this genealogy is necessary for two reasons: First, it allows us to understand what critical theory calls the dialectics of immanence and transcendence (the classic problem of being embedded in the social reality we want to criticize according to a non-external standard) as a structural feature of ideology critique, which, contrary to popular opinion, need not be overcome. Rather, this essential characteristic of ideology critique is common to all modes of critique that accept a socialized and historicized version of the Copernican turn. [R]
67.183 NIELSEN, Julie Hassing —
The past decades have witnessed an explosion in the use of experiments. Though experiments have been increasingly applied, their recognition as useful methodological tools to investigate EU-related research questions has lagged behind the rest of the political science community. This article, first, by summarizing the use of experiments in EU research, provides an overview of the evolution of the use of experiments within EU studies. This includes a content exploration of the pioneering subareas within EU studies where experimentation is frequently used. Particular focus is paid on election, framing and deliberation studies. Second, the article argues for the promising potentials experimentation provides for EU studies, overcoming problems of causal estimation as well as endogeneity concerns. It addresses some critiques often made against experimentation, arguing for a renewed view on validity. [R]
67.184 NIEMAN, Mark David —
This article takes a game-theoretic and latent variable approach to modeling the effect of international social hierarchies on conflict among states. I start with the premise that international states are social actors, nested within informal social networks of friendly and conflictual relationships. Rather than lateral relationships among equals, networks among states tend to have a vertical or hierarchical structure. Although international hierarchical relationships may arise as a result of material power asymmetries, this article focuses on non-material asymmetries that stem from political legitimacy or policy innovation. I argue that, within these hierarchies, states adopt one of two roles — a dominant or a subordinate. Each resulting (dyadic) dominant-subordinate relationship is a social contract, in which the subordinate concedes some autonomy in exchange for the dominant's protection. [R, abr.]
67.185 OCHOA ESPEJO, Paulina —
Does physical presence in a territory confer social and political rights? Regarding the rights of immigrants, existing answers to this question often base such rights on the immigrants' ties to a political community. But, if ties to the political community are the main criterion for rights, then it seems that territory does not do any real work in the argument. In contrast, this paper takes territory seriously: it argues that physical presence in specific places can confer full political rights and obligations on individuals. Territorial presence confers these rights because there is a certain class of place-specific duties that individuals cannot properly fulfill unless they have rights to participate in the political organization claiming jurisdiction over the place they happen to be in. [A]
67.186 ÖNNUDÓTTIR, Eva H. —
This paper focuses on how characteristics of parties and party voters explain the styles of representation emphasized within parties. Styles of representation are defined at the party level as the proportion of representatives within parties who are partisans, delegates or trustees. Each style manifests due to different incentives related to the characteristics of their party and/or their party voters. The findings show that the main explanatory factors for the proportion of partisans are parties' leadership control over nomination and party socialization. The main determinant for the proportion of trustees is how often parties have been represented in government. For delegates the results are mixed, but it is indicated that a high proportion of party identifiers among party voters is related to a high proportion of delegates within parties. [R]
67.187 OOMEN, Barbara —
Scholars seeking to understand processes related to law, politics, and human rights need to, as Peter Baehr did, not study human rights from a legal perspective alone, but take on the viewpoint of a political scientist. One particularly useful inroad towards understanding the place of human rights in today's world is by focusing on their legitimacy. A discussion of what constitutes legitimacy and how to assess it draws attention to the processes of mobilization, renegotiation and vernacularization of human rights within a particular context. Two Dutch examples — the place of human rights in national parliament, and in so-called human rights cities — demonstrate how the legitimacy of human rights is challenged, but also strengthened within given contexts.
67.188 PAGIS, Julie; PASQUALI, Paul —
This introductory article explains the principles and challenges of a sociology concerned with observing social mobility in the making. It contributes to the renewal of a classic field of research that remains largely confined to statistical approaches focused on measuring “social fluidity”. Emphasizing the contributions of a longitudinal ethnography of trajectories and experiences of social shifts, it argues for the need for more reflexive uses of statistical and analytical categories commonly used to study social mobility. A cross-reading of the articles collected in this issue then sheds light on the diversity of paths along which social mobilities take place. The analysis of ascending mobility that is not based (or little) on schooling sheds a new light on the best known works on the subject. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Social mobility(ies)”, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 67.25, 125, 189, 215, 224, 495, 505, 1277]
67.189 PASQUALI, Paul; SCHWARTZ, Olivier —
Since it was published in France in 1970, La culture du pauvre (The Uses of Literacy) has exerted a strong influence on several generations of social scientists and historians. Its analysis of working-class lifestyles and the experiences of scholarship students still has a significant impact on French studies dealing with social mobilities and class relations. Paradoxically, though, these analyses have rarely been debated or revisited. Based on recent research and various empirical evidence (including unpublished material), this paper [asks]: How did this book become a classic in French social sciences? What new perspectives has it afforded, or neglected? Finally, and above all, is it still relevant when looking at contemporary French society? This paper is an invitation to more reflexive and informed uses of the Hoggartian analysis. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.188]
67.190 PEPERKAMP, Lonneke —
Just war theory premised upon a certain conception of war — as armed conflict between two states — and on a clear demarcation line between the situations of war and peace. This however, seems to no longer fit the political reality. More often than not, we find ourselves in a grey area. This “new” political reality, the changed character of war(fare), and the often blurry boundaries between war and peace, pose serious challenges to just war theory. This paper analyzes one solution: an extension of the bipartite conception of the theory. A branch called jus ante bellum, preventive peacemaking, is sometimes suggested to precede jus ad bellum. And jus post bellum, justice after the war, is the welcomed branch that could provide post war guidance. This paper explores what it means to adopt these branches. [R, abr.]
67.191 PEREIRA WATTS, Izabela —
This paper [examines] central dilemmas originating from the efforts of building peace and democracy in fragile states after war. We [consider] the tensions and contradictions in post-conflict democratization, the challenges facing interim governments and the role of the international community. We first analyze the structural and common dilemmas of peace-building and democratization in the aftermath of civil war, such as temporal, systemic, horizontal, and vertical dilemmas. The paper proposes a spiral of interrelated additional eight dilemmas: security, safety, moral, sequencing, design, transparency, financial, and resources. Second, the different dilemmas will be addressed in relation to elections. Third, constitutionalism is a sine qua non mechanism for establishing the new “social contract” based on the principles of democracy and the rule of law. [R, abr.]
67.192 PÉREZ-MUÑOZ, Cristian; RUSTOM, Critstián —
After analyzing the arguments in favor of different salary-setting mechanisms, we argue that there are good normative reasons to favor those salary-setting methods that partially limit legislators' capacity to set their own salary. While we favor a middle way between unrestricted and completely restricted salary-setting mechanisms, we show that this path is not unique. Different partially restricted salary-setting mechanisms have substantially diverse policy implications. In particular, we argue that it is desirable to favor those salary-setting mechanisms that are able to attract high-quality citizens to run for office but that at the same time promote moderation in the magnitude of the salary adjustments. [R]
67.193 PEVNICK, Ryan —
This article provides a conceptual overview that highlights the key questions of democratic theory at stake in the debate about campaign finance. First, against the common view that the debate is a one-front confrontation between egalitarians and their opponents, the article outlines three distinct reform positions. These positions aim to eliminate the dependence of public officials on wealthy supporters, equalize citizens' opportunity for political influence, or ensure that advocates of competing positions have equal resources with which to contest elections. Second, the article articulates a challenge faced by advocates of all of the main reform positions: they must show that the ideal for which they advocate can be meaningfully pursued without undermining broader commitments to individual liberty in the background culture. This generates deeper difficulties for the reform movement than ordinarily recognized. [R]
67.194 PHILIPS, Andrew Q. —
Despite a vast number of articles, the political budget cycle literature contains many conflicting theories and empirical results. I conduct the first ever meta-analysis of this literature in order to establish whether a link between elections and government budgets exists. Using data on 1198 estimates across 88 studies published between 2000 and 2015, I find evidence of a statistically significant — yet substantively small — increase in government expenditures and public debt around elections, and reductions in revenues and fiscal balance. Using meta-regression analysis combined with Bayesian model averaging, I find support for some of the context-conditional theories in the literature. The findings also shed light on how certain decisions may affect a study's findings. This has implications for current and future research on political budget cycles. [R, abr.]
67.195 PIAZZA, James A. —
Do states with oil wealth experience more terrorism and, if so, why? Drawing from the intrastate war literature, this study considers several factors that prospectively mediate the relationship between oil wealth and terrorism: state weakness; rentier state authoritarianism; corruption of government officials; income inequality; human rights violations; foreign military intervention; and heightened separatist activity. Based on structural equation modeling on a sample of 130 non-OECD countries for the period 1970–2012, the paper produces two main empirical findings. First, while onshore oil production increases terrorist attacks in countries, on- and off-shore production and oil revenues from exports do not increase such attacks. Second, the impact of oil on terrorism is mediated through increased human rights abuses. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.26]
67.196 PISANO, Vittorfranco —
Most terrorist organizations that exist today pursue political and religious objectives, and almost all of these organizations claim to fight for the purposes of Islam, although their acts profoundly diverge from the religious principles they supposedly defend. Many analysts have mistakenly named this phenomenon “religious terrorism”. This problem has reached explosive dimensions with the self-proclaimed Islamic State (ISIS), which has been qualified as an “unprecedented threat to international peace and security” by the UN Security Council. ISIS, inexorably anti-West and anti-Shiite, aspires to become a global Islamic empire and impose an ideology inspired by Salafism.
67.197 POTTER, Joshua D.; DUNAWAY, Johanna L. —
Many scholars speculate about the political implications of internet proliferation. The internet might, for example, open new channels of communication, which should benefit ideologically extreme and electorally small parties. On the other hand, the internet might push party systems toward normalization, ultimately reinforcing the extant dominance of incumbent parties. We draw on data from 205 small and extreme parties in 35 countries and focus on both party- and system-level outcomes to investigate some of the most pressing research questions from this debate. We find that where party systems were previously concentrated or restrictive, internet proliferation has no effect on votes for small and extreme parties. By contrast, in more permissive settings, internet proliferation has had the small — but measurable — effect of driving up votes for these parties. [R, abr.]
67.198 POUCH, Thierry —
When analyzing international trade between nations, two schools of thought are brought into opposition. The first one considers goods as a potential way to increase the nations' wealth, and as one of the founding principles of the pacification process in societies. On the contrary, the second one shows that as soon as goods are traded, they necessarily fly the flag, and the players of the trade have started a game of commercial rivalry to win the highest market share. The agricultural goods are one of the demonstrations of this ratio of power in the global economy. [R] [See Abstr. 67.122]
67.199 POWELL, Jonathan; CHACHA, Mwita —
An extension of the capitalist peace literature reports that economic ties can prompt belligerents in civil conflicts to peacefully resolve their disputes and can attract third-party intervention from states with strong economic ties. This pacifying effect of economic ties, we argue, is applicable in the context of coups d'état: as a state becomes more economically interdependent with the rest of the world, the opportunity costs of domestic political disturbances are raised for both the targeted state and its financial partners. These costs influence belligerents to use constitutional means to resolve their disputes while providing stronger incentives to foreign economic partners to influence the calculus of these belligerents as they consider the coup attempt. We investigate the influence of a dozen indicators of economic openness on coups in a global sample of states from 1952 to 2007. [R, abr.]
67.200 PRINZ, Michael —
The focus is on the changing relationship between the membership basis and the management of consumer cooperatives in 19th and 20th c. Europe. The democratic potentials and the many social functions of cooperative societies are emphasized. They have never been embodiments of ideal democracy. Nor can one observe a unilinear trend towards oligarchy, erosion and decline. The constellations differed from period to period and from one country to the next. The present situation in Europe is heterogeneous, the internet offers new possibilities, the field can be politicized. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “Capitalism and civil society”. See also Abstr. 67.59, 98, 133, 206, 529, 651, 667, 755, 781]
67.201 PUILL, Gérard Le —
Provide food to 9 billions people will require to break to the present huge chemical-inputs consuming model of agriculture and to adopt agroecology. Food challenges are described at global level. Referring to the case of France, the author analyzes the possibilities to develop a productive, diversified and farm jobs-creating agriculture, able to stoke a great quantity of carbon, enough to slow global warming and to limit the consequences. [R] [See Abstr. 67.78]
67.202 QUACKENBUSH, Stephen L. —
Bargaining models argue that wars usually terminate when the information gap closes enough to create a bargaining range. Although this convergence is assumed to be straightforward, factors that identify the information regarding the likely military outcome to the belligerents have not been identified. One of Clausewitz's main ideas was that states can win wars by attacking the enemy's centers of gravity, which I argue provide an important way through which information convergence is achieved. I examine the importance of three centers of gravity — capturing the enemy's capital, destroying the enemy's military forces, and eliminating enemy allies from the war — on war outcomes through a quantitative analysis of wars from 1816 to 2007. [R]
67.203 RAINEY, Carlisle —
Previous research in political methodology argues that researchers do not need to include a product term in a logistic regression model to test for interaction if they suspect interaction due to compression alone. I disagree with this claim and offer analytical arguments and simulation evidence that when researchers incorrectly theorize interaction due to compression, models without a product term bias the researcher, sometimes heavily, toward finding interaction. However, simulation studies also show that models with a product term fit a broad range of non-interactive relationships surprisingly well, enabling analysts to remove most of the bias toward finding interaction by simply including a product term. [R]
67.204 RHODES, P. J. —
M. I. Finley sought to rescue the “demagogue” as an essential ingredient in Athens' democratic processes. This paper explores the interactions of politicians and the assembly. There is some evidence for pressure on men to attend and to vote on a particular side. There were many occasional speakers and proposers in addition to the few most active politicians. Speakers could be supported by cheers or heckled. Nobody could count on the assembly's voting as he wanted consistently time after time. Politicians sought to cultivate an image, whether the aloof, magisterial image of Pericles or the extravagantly populist image of Cleon. Orators had to master a range of strategies to succeed, but there was not a simple division between élite politicians and a lower-class demos to whose tune they had to dance. [R, abr.]
67.205 ROUET, Albert —
In a complex society there are many signs to interpret, more or less clear. What are the relevant conditions to speak about hope? Short-term expectations do not constitute hope for deep changes. The design of time has to be re-examined in order to pass from an imperialism of necessity to a worthy of man fraternity. On other words, we have to work back from what make human beings responsible for their common history. [R] [See Abstr. 67.78]
67.206 RUCHT, Dieter —
In western countries, critique of capitalism was in decline since the 1970s. With the rise of Global Justice Movements and a wave of subsequent movements (Occupy, anti-austerity movements, Blockupy, a further generation of antifascist groups), the left-wing critique of capitalism regained momentum and attractiveness. This critique, however, contains new elements and partially transcends the traditional leftist anti-capitalism. The essay presents (1) a general typology of positions critical towards capitalism and (2) sketches the evolution of recent leftist movements including changes of their size and positions within a two-dimensional ideological framework. Finally, (3) the essay offers a brief discussion of the link between the critique of capitalism and civil society. [R] [See Abstr. 67.200]
67.207 RYCKMAN, Kirssa Cline —
Repression is the expected response to anti-government protest; however, leaders can also accommodate demonstrators. Committing to human rights treaties is considered in this environment, where treaty commitments are conceptualized as a policy concession that leaders can grant dissenters. Past research has shown that top-down domestic pressures, such as new democratic regimes, can influence treaty commitments. This article extends this line of research by considering the influence of bottom-up domestic pressure, arguing that nonviolent, pro-democracy movements can pressure leaders into concessions, as these movements are risky to repress but threatening to ignore. Leaders are expected to seek “cheap” accommodations, and commitments to human rights treaties provide a relatively low-cost concession that also addresses demonstrators' pro-democracy demands. [R, abr.]
67.208 RZADCA, Robert; STRUMINSKA-KUTRA, Marta —
This article proposes a conceptual framework explaining the phenomenon of local governance-learning. The framework is grounded in organizational learning, institutional theory and in a case study of local governance practices undertaken in the process of public dispute-resolution. Our analysis offers an advancement in the knowledge on governance-learning by (1) specifying different types of governance-learning, which are linked to the structure of learning, not to its motivation, (2) linking the micro-level of local governance practices with the mezzo-level of organizational structures, and with the institutions regulating governance on the macro-level and (3) explicating the difference between learning and institutional change. We introduce the category of astonishment, which we treat as a prerequisite of governance-learning. [R, abr.]
67.209 SALAZAR REBOLLEDO, Grisel —
The quality of laws on access to information can be explained by traditional static indicators as well as by dynamic variables such as the effects of time. The “traces of time” affect the quality of these laws. The moment at which a law on access to information is adopted has an impact on its quality, due to the process of learning and dissemination it involves; and in countries undergoing a transition to democracy, with a history of lack of transparency, the enactment of such a law is seen as a step that can reverse the perception of secrecy. Explanations based on static indicators, such as levels of political rights and civil liberties, fail to allow understanding of the diversity of content of transparency laws, nor their capacity for compliance. [R]
67.210 SANGIOVANNI, Andrea —
By setting out three little-discussed ways in which justification, formulation, and grounding of principles can depend on practices, it is possible to clarify what is at stake in contemporary debates. Even if we accept the force of G. A. Cohen's central arguments against “fact-infested” political philosophy, they leave open a wide array of ways in which practices can matter. Seeing the diversity of ways in which practices can matter will provide a series of strategies for those who want to argue that social practices receive a more prominent place in political theorizing. If practices can indeed be important in mediating the application of higher-level principles, then social interpretation must play a larger and more explicit role in political philosophy than one might otherwise expect.
67.211 SCANLON, Thomas M. —
“The difficulty of tolerance” deals not only with freedom of expression, but also with other forms of activity that affect the nature of a society by influencing what others believe and how they act. This essay develops the idea of “informal politics”. “The difficulty of tolerance” is concerned with the costs of having certain rights generally recognized, and with the problems posed by their open-ended character. Its particular concern is with the risks involved in having society always open to being altered by the activities of individuals and groups whose values one does not share. I argue that one must bear this risk as the price of recognizing one's fellow citizens as equal members of society — and thus equally entitled to play a role in determining how that society evolves. [R] [See Abstr. 67.101]
67.212 SCHÄFER, Anne —
This article explores how interpersonal political communication moderates the effect of news-media usage on political knowledge; discussant heterogeneity, and expertise are further contingent factors. Using data from the Comparative National Elections Project, these interactive relationships are investigated in East and West Germany around the 1990 election in a comparative manner. The learning effects of media consumption are both reinforced and attenuated by frequent discussions: Reevaluating media content induces both clarity and confusion. And it is not simply that more interpersonal communication matters. Heterogeneous discussions (which provide information on the “other side” and contribute to a broad understanding of the political landscape) and political experts (who offer high-quality information) are most conductive to learning from media sources. [R] [See Abstr. 67.83]
67.213 SCHEUERMAN, Wiliam E. —
A significant shift appears underway in contemporary thinking about civil disobedience. While liberal Anglophone philosophers once regularly underscored how politically motivated law-breaking could be interpreted as supportive of the rule of law, present-day accounts decreasingly depict conscientious illegality as expressing what M. L. King, a key political inspiration behind so much of the academic debate, dubbed the “very highest respect for the law”. This “anti-legal turn” in theorizing about civil disobedience represents a political and theoretical dead end. We revisit the original context in which philosophers initially formulated what became the dominant liberal account, before then turning to recent scholars' critical assessment of that moment. Though they have directed powerful criticisms against the liberal view, their critique's anti-legal undercurrents throw the baby out with the bath water. [A]
67.214 SCHNEIDER, Monica C., et al. —
We provide a novel approach to understanding the political ambition gap between men and women by examining perceptions of the role of politician. Across three studies, we find that political careers are viewed as fulfilling power-related goals, such as self-promotion and competition. We connect these goals to a tolerance for interpersonal conflict and both of these factors to political ambition. Women's lack of interest in conflict and power-related activities mediates the relationship between gender and political ambition. In an experiment, we show that framing a political career as fulfilling communal goals — and not power-related goals — reduces the ambition gap. [R]
67.215 SCHOTTÉ, Manuel —
Composed primarily of regional business leaders, the population of French professional football club presidents is particularly rich for sociological study. Coming from modest families and typified by lower educational levels, these men escape the most common modes of elite social (re)production. They represent an atypical population characterized by the originality of the path its members took to achieve an eminent position. While the literature has thus far focused on cases of social mobility through education, this article highlights another, very different modality of ascension based on other advantages and other circuits of legitimation. The article both gives an account of little-studied forms of social mobility and provides some elements for characterizing a group overlooked in the literature: the business petite-bourgeoisie. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.188]
67.216 SEKERÁK, Marián —
I examine the plausibility [of] Catholic social teaching (CST) in the light of the current debates on democratic innovations. It seems that the idea of global governance, as offered by the CST, is focused mainly on pure institutional boosting and seeking the most appropriate “global political authority”, which observes “consistently the principles of subsidiarity and solidarity (and) seeks to establish the common good”, as written by Benedict XVI. I suggest that a viable type of global democracy should make room for active peoples' engagement. Viewed from this perspective, I introduce some elements of public deliberation into the global democratic network. Such an improvement could help to reach more credible global governance and achieve an expected level of its efficacy. [R, abr.]
67.217 SELIM, Monique —
The permanent construction of new identities is more and more powerful in the global governance, scrutinized here from four domains: sex, kinship, origin, religion: in these social and political, imaginary and symbolic fields, which are markets, a double process of dissolution and recreation of identities appears as an ideological skape of globalization. These phenomena of identities' scissiparity show the liquidity and the fluidity of the present productions of subjectivity and indicate new forms of governance. [R] [See Abstr. 67.122]
67.218 SEVERS, Eline; CELIS, Karen; ERZEEL, Silvia —
This article critically reviews the extant literature on social group representation and clarifies the advantages of intersectionality theory for studying political representation. It argues that the merit of intersectionality theory can be found in its ontology of power. Intersectionality theory is founded on a relational conception of political power that locates the constitution of power relations within social interactions, such as political representation. As such, intersectionality theory pushes scholarship beyond studying representation inequalities — that are linked to presumably stable societal positions — to also consider the ways in which political representation (re)creates positions of privilege and disadvantage. [R] [First of a series of articles on “Intersectionality and political science research”. See also Abstr. 67.597, 666, 1227]
67.219 SHESTERININA, Anastasia —
Research on civil war mobilization emphasizes armed group recruitment tactics and individual motivations to fight, but does not explore how individuals come to perceive the threat involved in civil war. Drawing on eight months of fieldwork with participants and nonparticipants in the Georgian-Abkhaz war of 1992–1993, this article argues that social structures, within which individuals are embedded, provide access to information critical for mobilization decisions by collectively framing threat. Threat-framing filters from national through local leadership, to be consolidated and acted on within quotidian networks. Depending on how the threat is perceived — whether toward the self or the collectivity at its different levels — individuals adopt self- to other-regarding roles, from fleeing to fighting on behalf of the collectivity, even if it is a weaker actor in the war. [R, abr.]
67.220 SINGH, Himatbir —
This article examines the international border as an existing real boundary that creates exclusions for the people who reside in these areas. The reality of border as a geographical factor of exclusion can be seen in the poor infrastructure, border outposts, fencing, presence of military, smuggling etc. Restrictions and the stigma of being residents of a particular villages, the deployment of military in the villages, clash of interests between military and residents, surveillance and people's suspicion about other villagers and the security personnel enhances the invisible borders that are experienced as a reality as a part of daily life of border area residents. This paper highlights the people's perspective of exclusions experienced by them and how it affects their daily lives. [R, abr.]
67.221 ŠIRINIĆ, Daniela —
While present studies of congruence investigate whether some countries perform better than others in terms of the levels of median citizen congruence, they cannot say much about the extent to which political elites give adequate concern to every group of citizens in the representative process. I introduce the concept and measure of inequality in congruence and demonstrate its properties by comparing gender groups. I also ask whether virtues of proportional electoral arrangements endure when we consider group differences in ideological representation. Empirical tests that were conducted on data from 88 legislative elections in 33 countries strongly suggest that gender inequality in congruence is in fact considerably smaller in countries with majoritarian arrangements. [R, abr.]
67.222 SMITH, Amy Erica —
How does disagreeing about politics with friends and family affect the ability to make voting decisions? Existing theory and evidence are based largely on the American case. In comparative context, disagreement's effects should vary across party systems, depending on the complexity of the information environment and the extent to which disagreement is commonplace. I identify a paradox: in two party systems, exposure to disagreement will be less frequent but more impactful. Using a cross-national dataset spanning elections, I examine how context shapes the experience and consequences of disagreement. Multilevel analysis confirms that in democracies with fewer parties, citizens encounter less disagreement and decisions are generally made earlier. However, when disagreement is encountered it more strongly hampers decision-making. [A] [See Abstr. 67.83]
67.223 SONG Jiewuh —
The legal permission of universal jurisdiction allows states to exercise jurisdiction over a few international law violations regardless of where, by whom, or against whom the violations occur. On the standard account, universal jurisdiction is made justifiable by the exceptional moral gravity of the regulated violations. This account, I argue, can explain neither the narrow subject matter nor the expansive scope of universal jurisdiction. On my alternative account, universal jurisdiction is justifiable as a way of filling enforcement gaps to which only some international legal norms are prone. By appreciating how these particular gaps would have to be filled, we can see that many of the familiar criticisms of universal jurisdiction — e.g., that it infringes upon sovereignty rights or disrupts peaceful international relations — are misguided. [A]
67.224 SORIGNET, Pierre-Emmanuel —
This paper draws on a long-term ethnographical survey with contemporary dancers, focusing particularly on repeat interviews with respondents, in some cases over about fifteen years; in other cases, various members of the dancers' circle of acquaintances (parents, spouses, siblings, close friends) were interviewed. The paper considers the social conditions of possibility in the artistic calling of contemporary dancers of working-class origin. We examine the resources which underlie atypical social trajectories of mobility — all the more fragile for being reversible. We look in detail at the effects of ascending mobility on the evolution of relationships with the immediate family and close friends. We extend the analysis by considering the forms of politicization engendered by taking a job to which cultural capital is so central. [R] [See Abstr. 67.188]
67.225 SPARROW, Robert —
There is case to be made for symmetry in relation to our attitudes towards the movement of cultural goods across national borders and the movement of people. Liberals should either extend the same concern they have for the freedom of movement of cultural goods to the movement of people or they should reconsider their attitude towards cultural flows. A focus on the implications of such demands of symmetry is necessary because of the dominant role played by liberal ideas in contemporary Anglo-American political philosophy and since some of the most interesting recent philosophical debates about immigration have been conducted within a liberal framework. However, the demands of symmetry weigh equally on those who adopt a conservative, socialist, or communitarian approach to politics.
67.226 SPURK, Jan —
Governance, usually praised in political circles and in the media as a reasonable response to failures of politics and to the absence of global regulation, is analyzed in this article as a strategy in order to impose a new “apparatus” (M. Foucault) that can run everywhere: globally, and locally, in companies and in universities, etc. We characterize governance as a post-state strategy and develop five examples of governance. Then we will show that governance has the purpose to maintain or restore order in the world according to its criteria, an order which is based on instrumental reason. Governance is also the expression of a new quality of politics, institutions and, at the end, the organization of social life that reforms or establishes the seriality of contemporary societies. [R] [See Abstr. 67.122]
67.227 STAHEL, Richard —
This article outlines the role of globalized mass media in the perception of environmental and social threats and its reciprocal conditionality in the globalized society. It examines the reasons why the global environmental crisis will not lead to a world-wide environmental movement for change of the basic imperatives of the world economic-political system. Coherency between globalized mass media and wide-spreading of consumer lifestyle exists despite the fact that it deepens the devastation of environment and social conflicts. Globalized mass media owned by transnational corporations are not only a part of the current global economic-political system, but also the prerequisite of its creation and existence, as well as social contradictions and conflicts. [R]
67.228 STARK, Oded; ZAWOJSKA, Ewa —
If a merger of groups of people is viewed as a revision of their social space, then the merger alters people's comparators and increases social stress. We use social stress as a proxy measure for looming social protest. As a response to the post-merger increase in social stress, we consider a policy aimed at reversing the negative effect of the merger by bringing the social stress of the merged population back to the sum of the pre-merger levels of social stress. We present, in the form of an algorithm, a cost-effective policy response which is publicly financed and does not reduce the incomes of the members of the merged population. We then compare the financial cost of implementing such a policy when the merger involves more or fewer groups. [R, abr.]
67.229 STEVENSON, Hayley —
A growing literature highlights moral reasons for embracing global democracy. But democracy also has instrumental value: the rule of the many is epistemically superior to the rule of one or the rule of the few. I draw on the tradition of epistemic democracy to develop an instrumentalist justification for democratizing global governance. I develop an epistemic-democratic framework for evaluating political institutions — one composed of three principles. The likelihood of making correct decisions within institutions of global governance increases when those institutions maximize (1) human development and capacity for participation; (2) their internal cognitive diversity; and (3) public opportunities for sharing objective and subjective knowledge. Applying this framework to global governance produces a better understanding of the nature and extent of its “democratic deficit”, as well as the actions required to address this deficit. [R, abr.]
67.230 STOKES, Leah C. —
Climate policy has broad public support but concentrated opposition in communities where costs are imposed. This spatial distribution of weak supporters and strong local opponents mirrors opposition to other policies with diffuse public benefits and concentrated local costs. I use a natural experiment to investigate whether citizens living in proximity to wind energy projects retrospectively punished an incumbent government because of its climate policy. Using both fixed effects and instrumental variable estimators, I identify electoral losses for the incumbent party ranging from 4 to 10%, with the effect persisting 3 km from wind turbines. There is also evidence that voters are informed, punishing only the government responsible for the policy. I conclude that the spatial distribution of citizens' policy preferences can affect democratic accountability through “spatially distorted signaling”. [R, abr.]
67.231 STRAEHLE, Christine —
The literature on cosmopolitan justice has yet to address what principles to adopt when duties of global justice and duties of social justice are in conflict. I address D. Miller's contention that some may fall into the justice gap since we need to prioritize duties of social justice in cases of conflict. I argue that Miller's analysis depends on three stipulations: the incommensurability of the values underlying duties of social justice and those of global justice; the need to justify duties of justice to their holders; and the need to consider the necessary institutions to realize and implement justice obligations. I show that both conceptions of justice pursue moral equality as the underlying and commensurate value. I propose that the currencies of justice we employ in the two contexts of justice are different. [R, abr.]
67.232 TANSEY, Oisín —
Recent studies have suggested that post-Cold War coups are more likely to be followed by democratic elections than their Cold War predecessors; analysts attribute this trend to international policies of democratic conditionality. Some argue that we live in an age of the “democratic coup”. This paper raises questions over any optimistic view of the capacity of coups to contribute to long-term democratization. An analysis of countries' post-coup trajectories after 1991 demonstrates that there is a clear trend of holding elections within five years of the coup. However, I show that most countries experiencing coups fail to go on to establish high-quality democratic rule. Instead, they often consolidate into some form of authoritarian rule. The paper ratifies the importance of the international political environment but highlights the role of international autocratic sponsors. [R, abr.]
67.233 TERLAZZO, Rosa —
Many theorists think that we should avoid using the concept of adaptive preferences entirely, because utilizing it either necessarily or contingently involves disrespectful treatment of those persons judged to have them. The major criticisms of the concept can all be understood as claims about two main kinds of respect: primary and secondary recognition respect. If seen as a local rather than a global trait, autonomy can justify exempting persons from coercive intervention. An autonomy-based account is a hybrid account, which offers a new way of incorporating substantive content into what is ultimately a content-neutral account of autonomy. Incorporating substantive content indirectly allows us to show persons secondary recognition respect while retaining what is valuable about the concept of adaptive preferences.
67.234 THALER, Mathias —
This article contributes to the growing literature on pragmatism in political theory by revisiting the role of moral absolutes in politics. More specifically, it proposes the idea that pragmatism can support a particular defense of the ban on torture. In contradistinction with deontological accounts, it argues that the principles underlying the ban on torture should not be construed as transcendental values that impose external constraints on political action, but as constitutive rules that emerge from, and are sustained by, a web of intersecting social practices. While pragmatists vehemently reject the introduction of absolutes in politics, their anti-foundationalist conception of reasoning crucially hinges on the sustainability of adjustable banisters along which judgments are formed. The article suggests that the torture prohibition ought to be reinterpreted as one such banister. [R]
67.235 THOMSON, Henry —
Prominent theories stress the role of economic grievances in promoting political instability and conflict. They often point to inequality in the ownership of land as a primary source of such grievances. However, cross-national empirical studies fail to confirm a link between unequal distributions of land and civil war. These findings, I contend, stem from problems in theorizing and measuring rural inequality. This article distinguishes between the effects of total landholding inequality and the concentration of land ownership on conflict. Total landholding inequality, which includes landlessness, captures economic grievances in the countryside and is positively associated with conflict. Gini coefficients of landholding concentration capture both grievances and landowners' capacity to organize as rebels and a repressive rural elite. My findings provide evidence that landholding inequality is an important underlying cause of civil war. [R, abr.]
67.236 THORSON, Emily —
Across three separate experiments, I find that exposure to negative political information continues to shape attitudes even after the information has been effectively discredited. I call these effects “belief echoes”. Results suggest that belief echoes can be created through an automatic or deliberative process. Belief echoes occur even when the misinformation is corrected immediately, the “gold standard” of journalistic fact-checking. The existence of belief echoes raises ethical concerns about journalists' and fact-checking organizations' efforts to publicly correct false claims. [R]
67.237 TOOMLA, Raul —
Although being considered illegal entities and largely ignored, de facto states have received some extent of acceptance such as foreign representations short of embassies located in their capitals. This paper examines the conditions which lead to this informal engagement measured by the number of foreign representations to the contested states. We study the position of non-recognized states in the international system and the factors that condition this position. Using fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis, this paper establishes sufficient and/or necessary conditions that lead to more informal diplomacy between established states and their non-recognized counterparts using data from eight cases. [R]
67.238 TRAVLOS, Konstantinos —
In this manuscript I present a rapid evidence assessment of articles that use quantitative methods to analyze peace and conflict dynamics, and topics relevant to conflict processes, in temporal domains that include periods before 1816. The study of pre-modern international relations using quantitative methods is a minority endeavor in the field. Using a semi-random ample of 54 articles published between 1970–2015, I familiarize scholars with this scholarly corpus. I evaluate what that corpus can tell us about the argument that the pre-1816 period is too different from the post-1816 period for useful cross-period comparison. The findings do not support such an argument of difference. [R]
67.239 TYSON, Scott A. —
I develop a theory of strategic voting that captures an endogenous link between the costly decision to vote and the costly decision to become politically informed. I then use the theoretical model to study the effects of different public policy instruments on the incentives of voters to cast informed votes. I show that policies that directly target the cost of political engagement, by influencing either the cost of information acquisition or the cost associated with casting a vote, have an ambiguous effect on the overall level of informed voting, and thus have unclear welfare implications. I also show that compulsory voting provides an incentive for voters to acquire political information so as to ensure that the vote they are compelled to cast actually benefits them, which overall, increases the level of informed voting. [R]
67.240 UPADHYAY, V. —
There is a growing general consensus that the 200-year-long period of Western domination of the world is coming to an end and a new multipolar world is emerging. But when it comes to the content of the new emerging multipolarity, many rather widely divergent views are expressed. Is the present-day multipolarity different, in fundamental senses, from the phases of multipolarity the world has seen in the past? These and related questions are discussed in this paper. [R]
67.241 URBINATI, Nadia —
Anti-democratic contents go hand-in-hand with citizens more directly than ever before making opinions democratically. We are witnessing, on the one hand, the re-emergence of charismatic leaders and demagogues who exploit people's rage against government's impotence and turn it against liberal and parliamentary democracy; and, on the other, a process going in quite the opposite direction as it claims to promote the diffusion of politics in view of reaffirming ordinary citizens' voice against the established political elites. All-new stories are cases of a revolt against intermediary bodies — political parties and professional journalism — that have made possible the stabilizing of representative government in the last two centuries. These all-new stories pertain to a transformation of political representation whose consequences are still undetermined. [First of a series of articles on “Counter-representation and the constructivist turn”, edited by the author, Femmy THEWISSEN and Marta RESMINI. See also Abstr. 67.35, 68, 94]
67.242 URE, Michael —
Is resentment a justifiable political emotion? We can distinguish three different concepts of resentment: moral resentment, socio-political resentment and ontological ressentiment. This paper explains how moral resentment is one of the pillars of political justice. Second, it suggests that if we accept a notion of collective responsibility then we can conceive socio-political resentment as an important emotion for identifying and addressing systematic injustices. However, socio-political resentment also has the potential to galvanize ontological ressentiment. Nietzsche's criticism of “slave” ressentiment and his alternative political ideal illustrates how ontological ressentiment gives rise to different kinds of totalitarian or perfectionist politics. Democratic political theory therefore needs to investigate how to prevent socio-political resentment from sliding into ontological ressentiment to avoid the spread of such dystopian political ideals. [A] [See Abstr. 67.270]
67.243 VADLAMANNATI, Krishna Chaitanya; SOYSA, Indra de —
Some argue that the right kinds of institutions mitigate, or even prevent, the development of “natural resource curses”. Rulers with access to resource wealth, however, are unlikely to adopt such institutions, because doing so would undermine their discretionary power. We examine this proposition by testing whether countries with access to natural resource wealth prove less likely to adopt transparency-promoting Freedom of Information (FOI) laws. Using panel data on 139 countries between 1980 and 2012 (33 years), we find that, after accounting for current levels of democracy and the quality of institutions, countries deriving rents from natural resource are, indeed, less likely to adopt FOI laws. We also find that oil, but not other kinds of resources, is robustly related to a lower probability of adopting FOI laws. [R, abr.]
67.244 VAHABI, Mehrdad —
While the distinction between public and private goods is essential in developing a normative theory of non-predatory states, this article focuses on a positive theory of predatory states. Since the predatory relationship between the state and its subjects depends on the power of the state to grab or to appropriate coercively and the subject's ability to escape or hide, the boundaries of the state are decided by the nature of the assets that can be taken more or less easily. Accordingly, I introduce a new distinction between captive and fugitive assets that positively captures the frontiers of a state space. The US railroading in the 19th c. provides an illustration regarding the explanatory power of an asset-appropriating perspective of the state compared to a public goods approach. [R]
67.245 VAN DER PLOEG, Piet; GUÉRIN, Laurence —
According to many governments and educationalists, education should aim to develop dispositions conducive to political participation and solidarity, because democratic citizenship presupposes participation and solidarity. But there are radically different views on the nature of good citizenship. We examine the implications of this dissensus for citizenship education. Education, we contend, should involve and develop autonomy and open-mindedness. We argue that this requires a more critical approach than is possible when political participation and solidarity are conceived of as goals of education. [R]
67.246 VERCAUTEREN, Pierre —
In the recurring debate on the nature of power in international relations, the appearance of emerging powers (the so-called BRICS) brings a new element as it expresses a redistribution of power in the international system. A critical question, therefore, concerns how such a debate has been affected by the phenomenon of emerging countries, especially through their strategies vis-à-vis global governance. There is some evidence to suggest that the rise of these countries, based on their economic and financial development, attests to the growing importance of economic influence in the substance of contemporary power. However, the observed limitations of governance are indicative of contemporary power which remains more reactive (i.e., the capacity to avoid unwanted changes) than the translation of a capacity to produce changes in the sense desired. [A]
67.247 VRAGA, Emily K., et al. —
Although a growing body of literature examines exposure to social, news, and political information via social media, we have little understanding of how users delineate these categories. In this study, we develop over 100 discrete Facebook stimuli varying these topics, and then test to what extent and which users match our definition of those posts. Our results suggest that users and researchers often agree on defining social and political content, but are more likely to disagree on categorizing news content. Therefore, researchers should carefully define all concepts — especially news — when considering prevalence and effects on social media users. [R]
67.248 WAGNER, Richard E. —
To be successful, political enterprises must raise sufficient revenue to return profits to investors. Those profits are disguised through indirect transactions and ideological formulations, but are profits all the same. There is thus a simple explanation for why political enterprises grow relative to commercial enterprises: they grow because they offer higher returns to relevant investors than what those investors could obtain through commercial enterprises. The analytical challenge a theory of entangled political economy must face is to explain the profit-seeking reality of the sub-system of political enterprises that operates inside a society. This article sketches the main conceptual issues with which a theory of entangled political economy must contend, and closes by considering possible implications for efforts to limit the reach of the political within society. [R]
67.249 WALL, Steven —
Particular features of political traditions — features that distinguish them from other political traditions established in other places and times — contribute to their normativity. A political tradition is authoritative for people if it guides them in their political activity, giving them reasons that they would not otherwise have. By understanding these reasons, and their grounds, we can come to understand the moral significance of political traditions. Attention to the authority of political traditions, in turn, will illuminate how the political morality of societies depends on their past. That political morality is so dependent on the past is an important and neglected truth of political conservatism that needs to be brought into sharper focus.
67.250 WEISIGER, Alex; GARTZKE, Erik —
In recent publications, we inquire whether the pacifying effects that are often attributed to democracy are likely to continue to hold as the world democratizes. Critics raise questions about the theoretical logic and especially the empirical results that we present. After clarifying our theoretical arguments, we discuss the central empirical critiques. We demonstrate that M. J. Crescenzi and K. M. Kadera's [Abstr. 67.54] finding of a pacifying effect of systemic democracy is driven not, as they claim, by the use of a better measure of systemic democracy, but by the unjustified decision to omit systemic regime difference from their analysis. Once we restore this variable, we find no evidence that democratization produces a system-level pacifying effect. We agree with our critics that the inclusion of dyadic regime difference produced misleading estimates for lower-threshold democracy. [R, abr.]
67.251 WENDEMUTH, Andreas; SIMONELLI, Italo —
We consider scenarios with distributed decision processes, e.g., coupled majorities and personal union in parliament chambers, supranational decisions and supervisory boards. When computing the adoption rate for reaching a decision in these scenarios, multiple linear inequality restrictions in combinatorial countings are present. These rates cannot be computed in closed form. We introduce a general method for incorporating multiple inequality conditions in multiple majority decisions, which significantly reduces the number of involved summations and removes restrictions on the summation indices. Exact solutions are provided through (1) integral representations which can be evaluated numerically, and (2) unrestricted, contracted sums over discrete events. Further, we provide methods to reduce the number of necessary summations by splitting or recurring the original problem to easier sub-problems. [R, abr.]
67.252 WESTFALL, Aubrey; CHANTILES, Carissa —
Political gender quotas have become the institutional solution for most governments hoping to increase women's descriptive and substantive representation in national and local government, despite the lack of consensus over whether quotas have a consistent positive effect on the lives of women. We argue that the different forms in which quotas are implemented result in diverse effects in the substantive representation of women's issues. Using women's health to illustrate the substantive effect of women's political participation through quotas, we utilize multilevel models to find that quotas are effective at placing women into legislative office and that this descriptive representation is associated with positive conditions for women's health. However, the strength of the relationship depends on the type of quota implemented. [R, abr.]
67.253 WEYLAND, Kurt —
What light can IR theory shed on how developing countries such as Brazil have achieved regional leadership and international influence? This comprehensive examination of Brazilian foreign policy over the last few decades argues that Realism provides a better account of Brazil's strategy than Liberalism and Constructivism. Despite changes of government and regime, Brasília has persistently pursued relative political gain, especially international influence. However, because this rising country has faced an established hegemon in the form of the US, it has not been able to employ conventionally Realist instruments and tactics. Its subordinate position in the current power constellation has forced Brazil to forego political or military confrontation and instead use economic cooperation, both with the hegemon and its weaker neighbors. [R, abr.]
67.254 WILLIAMS, Laron K. —
We know surprisingly little about how government and opposition parties interact to determine the occurrence of no-confidence motions and their chance of success. In this project, I develop a simple formal model that identifies the factors influencing when opposition parties propose no-confidence motions and their outcomes. I find support for these expectations by estimating an empirical model that is explicitly derived from the underlying theoretical model. Unlike previous empirical studies of government stability, this project honors the strategic interactions that occur between government and opposition parties. In addition to the possibility of the motion passing, opposition parties are motivated by electoral considerations, which induce different behaviors at various stages of the electoral cycle. [R, abr.]
67.255 WOLAK, Jennifer —
Why do people call for states' rights and the devolution of national authority? Are they driven by partisan motives, where they like devolution the most when the President is of the opposing party? Or are calls to shift the balance of federal power rooted in sincere support for decentralized political authority? Using survey data from 1987 to 2012, I explore how support for devolution varies across time and individuals. I find that people are not strictly partisan in how they think about devolution. While people are more likely to favor decentralization when the President is of the opposing party, they are no more likely to want devolution when their own party controls state government. [R, abr.]
67.256 WOLFORD, Scott; RITTER, Emily Hencken —
States frequently form military coalitions; these collaborations matter for international politics, yet their origins are poorly understood. Building coalitions in international crises improves military prospects. At the same time, it requires policy concessions to compensate partners. We show that a national leader's job security affects her willingness to make this tradeoff. First, politically insecure leaders are more willing to form coalitions than secure leaders. The former face greater incentives to accept tradeoffs in order to bolster their chances of victory and thereby improve their chances of remaining in power. Second, politically insecure leaders are also less selective in their choice of partners. Their willingness to make larger policy concessions leads them to form coalitions with states of increasingly divergent foreign policy preferences. A sample of crises from 1951–1999 provides statistical support for these arguments. [R]
67.257 WOOD, Tim —
This article posits that gross breaches of the human right to political participation — in electoral contexts and more generally — are a central (if so far implicit) preoccupation of international criminal law. In particular, drawing on case law concerning attacks instigated by political organizations against their opponents, the author suggests that infringements of political participation can and do pervade the contextual elements of crimes against humanity. More concretely, depending on the circumstances, the author argues that deprivations of political participation may constitute the underlying offence of persecution. The elucidation of this link serves to refine our understanding of crimes against humanity, enhance the potential for comprehensive transitional justice, promote the systemic integrity of international law and highlight the importance attached to democratic values. [R]
67.258 WUCHERPFENNIG, Julian; HUNZIKER, Philipp; CEDERMAN, Lars-Erik —
Postulating grievance-based mechanisms, several recent studies show that politically excluded ethnic groups are more likely to experience civil conflict. However, critics argue that endogeneity may undermine this finding since governments' decisions to include or exclude could be motivated by the anticipation of conflict. We counter this threat to inference by articulating a causal pathway that explains ethnic groups' access to power independently of conflict. Focusing on postcolonial states, we exploit differences in colonial empires' strategies of rule to model which ethnic groups were represented in government at the time of independence. This identification strategy allows estimating the exogenous effect of inclusiveness on conflict. We find that previous studies have tended to understate the conflict-dampening impact of political inclusion. [R, abr.]
67.259 YARCHI, Moran —
The current study examines different types of terror organizations' messages targeting foreign audiences. The analysis focuses on the organizations' usage of public diplomacy in promoting their messages and distinguishes between the different types of organizations (limitedversus total-conflict). Messages promoted by four terror organizations — Hamas and Hezbollah (limited-conflict organizations) and Al Qaeda and the Islamic State (total-conflict organizations) — are analyzed. [R, abr.]
67.260 YPI, Lea —
This article defends the value of partisanship for political commitment. It clarifies what political commitment is, how it resembles and differs from other forms of commitment, and under what conditions it can prosper. It argues that political commitment is sustained and enhanced when agents devoted to particular political projects form a lasting associative relation that coordinates future action both on behalf of their future selves and of similarly committed others. Partisanship contributes to the feasibility of such projects, and helps strengthen them from a motivational and epistemic perspective. Although partisanship is also often criticized for sacrificing individuals' independence of thought and action, if we value political commitment, this is a necessary trade-off. [R]
67.261 YU, Sherry —
This article examines the effect of political factors on sovereign default. Using a theoretical model, we find that political instability increases the likelihood of default. To test this theoretical implication, we use a panel logit model to estimate the effect of long- and short-run political factors, along with other macroeconomic variables, on the probability of default. Data from 68 developed and developing countries between 1970 and 2010 is used to conduct the study. Our findings suggest that a country is more likely to default when (1) it has a relatively younger political regime in place; (2) it faces a higher chance of political turnover; and (3) it has a less democratic political system. [R, abr.]
67.262
Articles by Robin NIBLETT; Dominik MUTTER and Peter WITTIG; Stefan HEUMANN; Katharina LOTTER.
67.263 —
Articles by Gweltaz EVEILLARD; Bertrand SEILLER; Marion UBAUDBERGERON; Benoît PLESSIX; Pascale DEUMIER; Francesco MARTUCCI; Sébastien TOUZÉ; Sébastien FERRARI; Éric MILLARD.