Abstract
(a) International law, organization and administration/Droit international, organisation et administration internationales
67.813 AASKOVEN, Lasse —
There is considerable variation in levels and changes in public employment within and between developed democracies. This article highlights the importance of fiscal transparency in determining changes in public employment. It argues that economic growth increases public employment under low fiscal transparency and that this effect is strongest in years of election. These hypotheses are tested on a panel of 20 OECD countries from 1995 to 2010. The analyzes show substantial evidence in favor of the arguments. Fiscal transparency lowers the positive effect of growth on public employment, a relationship, which is most robust in election years. [R]
67.814 ADAMS, James; EZROW, Lawrence; WLEZIEN, Christopher —
Recent studies document that voters infer parties' left-right positions from governing coalition arrangements. We show that citizens extend this coalition-based heuristic to the European integration dimension and, furthermore, that citizens' coalition-based inferences on this issue conflict with alternative measures of party positions derived from election manifestos and expert placements. We also show that citizens' perceptions of party positions on Europe matter, in that they drive substantial partisan sorting in the electorate. Our findings have implications for parties' election strategies and for mass-elite policy linkages. [R]
67.815 AHRENS, Petra —
The EP's Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality (FEMM Committee) is a core actor within the EU's gender equality policy machinery. Its capacity to act, though, is shaped by the institutional setting within the EP. Using a qualitative approach, this article shows how this particular committee exploits parliamentary rules and routines to maximize its influence. Existing scholarship has suggested that the voluntary nature of its membership implies a weak position within the EP. However, there is evidence to support a contrary interpretation that its voluntary membership assures institutional persistence, thematic inclusion, organizational attention and networked integration. [R] [See Abstr. 67.352]
67.816 ANNENKOV, Vladimir; KONONOV, Leonid; FOKINE, Yuri —
Globalization in nuclear area resulted in transformation of the global nuclear challenges. New approaches towards international relations development in nuclear area are required in order to decline a level of global nuclear danger. It is offered: (1) to establish international institution of independent experts on nuclear issues, which is supposed to play a key role in intergovernmental disputes resolution alongside with existing international institutions; (2) to start international cooperation of concerned academia and universities targeted to: create an integrated research and scientific environment for tackling global nuclear challenges; providing opportunity to create a single educational environment for professional training of independent experts based on common methods, approaches and educational programs, and also designed for governmental and international personnel, students and future international relations employees. [A, abr.]
67.817 AOUN, Elena —
The Syria refugee crisis in Lebanon carries daunting challenges at the human, social, economic, political and security levels. As such, it would require a decisive mobilization of the policies and instruments the EU possesses in the framework of its European Neighborhood Policy and as a crisis-manager and peacemaker. Though it prides itself on being the major international donor supporting both Syrian refugees and host communities in Lebanon, the EU has been privileging an essentially humanitarian response. Fieldwork confirms the limited impact of such a response and suggests that many tensions are left to build in this close neighborhood with potential political and security fallouts on the EU itself. [A] [See Abstr. 67.842]
67.818 BADAWI, Nesrine —
This paper calls for comparative analysis of international humanitarian law and Islamic laws regulating armed conflict by focusing on the underlying assumptions and interests informing both systems (rather than on rule-based comparison). It argues that examination of the biases inherent to each legal system can potentially inform scholars to understand better the paradigms shaping each of them. The paper builds on contextual and critical interpretations of both fields of law to assert the need for “critical comparativism” rather than functionalist comparativism. Unlike functionalist comparativism, which treats international law as the “objective” benchmark against which other legal traditions are measured, “critical comparativism” treats the two legal systems examined as alternative manifestations of power structures which, when contrasted against each other, help shed more light on the inherent bias in each legal system. [R]
67.819 BATORY, Agnes —
This article investigates how and to what extent member states comply with EU obligations in terms of process and outcome. It demonstrates how norm-conform behavior unfolds, or fails to unfold, in an interaction between a member state and the European Commission. The empirical focus is on recent rule-of-law crises in France, Hungary and Romania. The argument is that member states engage in symbolic and/or creative compliance, designed to create the appearance of norm-conform behavior without giving up their original objectives. The cases illustrate that creative and symbolic compliance strategies may be successfully employed by member states because they enable the Commission to disengage from conflicts it judges too costly and yet maintain its credibility, and are conditioned by the visibility of failure to change facts on the ground. [R, abr.]
67.820 BEAUVALLET, Willy; MICHON, Sébastien —
This paper analyzes transformations in the backgrounds of French MEPs and in their paths of access to the EP. This subject makes sense not only in relation to the European political and parliamentary space but also to the French political field. Our contribution is based on a prosopographical survey of all MEPs elected in France since 1979 and on new methods of analysis of the political and social trajectories: sequence-analysis and optimal matching analysis. These methods allowed us to place electoral careers and their dynamics at the center of our analysis. The resulting analysis objectivizes the social and political properties of the individuals behind them, as well as the transformations of paths of access to the European political profession between 1979 and 2014. [R]
67.821 BENVENISTI, Eyal —
The negotiations over the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) exemplify the efficacy and the consequences of fragmentation as a “divide and conquer” strategy. By choosing this negotiating strategy and by maintaining secrecy over the contents of the envisioned rules, the negotiators exclude diverse stakeholders in developed and developing countries who will be affected by agreements that establish rules for the global economy. This essay outlines the challenges to democracy — at the domestic and global levels — posed by these negotiation processes and by their envisioned outcomes. It then assesses the potential institutional responses that might eventually arise and replicate, at the global level, checks and balances among stakeholders that have traditionally been secured domestically by national constitutions and enforced by national courts and legislatures. [A, abr.]
67.822 BIRCHLER, Kassandra; LIMPACH, Sophia; MICHAELOWA, Katharina —
Many argue that autocratic regimes allocate revenues from foreign aid with the aim of stabilizing their rule rather than serving economic and social development. However, donors often condition foreign aid on reforms in recipient states. We argue that when those conditions for reform focus on participative processes and government accountability, they positively affect democratization. We evaluate our claim based on different types of World Bank and IMF lending programs for a panel of 100 low- and middle-income countries over the years 1980–2011. Our results suggest that aid positively affects democratization when it strengthens domestic accountability mechanisms and thereby reduces its fungibility for recipients. The World Bank and the IMF's poverty reduction strategy programs provide a notable case of this effect. [R]
67.823 BLACK, Ryan C.; OWENS, Ryan J.; BROOKHART, Jennifer L. —
The US Supreme Court recently employed foreign legal sources to interpret US law, provoking widespread political and legal controversy. Scholars have yet to examine systematically the conditions under which justices cite foreign law, however. Applying theoretical approaches from international relations and judicial politics scholarship, we search every Supreme Court opinion between 1953 and 2009 for references to foreign law. Justices strategically reference foreign law to prop up their most controversial opinions. They also borrow law from countries whose domestic political institutions are viewed as legitimate; and, surprisingly, conservatives are as likely as liberals to cite foreign law. These findings add important information to the discussion over citing foreign law, and highlight how geopolitical context influences domestic legal policy. [R]
67.824 BLAUBERGER, Michael —
Increasingly, the EU faces the additional challenge of whether and how to intervene domestically against member state violations of European fundamental values such as democracy, rule of law, and fundamental rights. This contribution addresses the normative justifications as well as the chances of success of potential EU safeguards. Empirically, the focus is on political developments in Hungary and Poland; the “Haider sanctions” against Austria in 2000 serve as an important background. It will be shown that EU safeguards are relatively easy to justify in principle, but it is much harder to make them effective and to avoid unanticipated consequences in practice. Rather than relying on a strategy of “trial and error”, the EU, therefore, needs to carefully assess the potential impact of its safeguard measures prior to their application. [R, abr.]
67.825 BOGDANDY, Armin von —
The article investigates competing understanding of European law. It supports a broad concept, embracing EU law, supplementing international instruments, the European Convention on Human Rights, various domestic laws enacting or responding to such transnational law, as well as European comparative law. Whereas so far the idea bringing these different regimes together has been to advance European integration, the article suggests that the idea to provide for a European legal space is more helpful today. So conceived European law identifies the puzzling complex of interdependent legal orders, frames corresponding theoretical as well as doctrinal reconstructions, and allows forces with diverging outlooks to meet in one legal field, on one more neutral disciplinary platform. Within this framework, European comparative law finds a new mission as well as a sound legal basis. [R]
67.826 BORDACHEV, Timofei —
The current crisis and pause in development of the EU-Russia relations provide a unique chance to shed the burden of past problems and start new relations from scratch. Both sides should sort out their values and get rid of the ballast generated by the bureaucratic inertia or false understandings of partnership. Russia and Europe are unlikely to evolve a common vision for the future. Their future is not in unity but in co-existing next to each other. It is time that Russia and the EU clearly formulate their real interests and try to make relations predictable. To achieve this, however, both sides need to answer some basic questions. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1037]
67.827 BRACIC, Anna —
This article tests the ground-level effectiveness of two strategies that aim to eliminate discrimination: a powerful, top-down combination of incentives and norm-promotion and a bottom-up NGO-based effort. The study uses a hard case, that of discrimination against the Roma (commonly known by the disfavored term “Gypsies”), spans three towns, Murska Sobota and Novo mesto in Slovenia and Cakovec in Croatia, and includes altogether 606 subjects. Levels of discrimination are estimated via trust games played with money, which are particularly appropriate because the Roma are widely stereotyped as cheaters and thieves. The findings suggest that the EU accession process, widely regarded as a strong incentive-based and norm-promoting rights-change mechanism, may not substantially reduce discrimination on the ground. [R, abr.]
67.828 BRESSANELLI, Edoardo; CHELOTTI, Nicola —
This article analyzes the role of the European Council in two key legislative packages on economic and budgetary coordination, the Six-pack and the Two-pack, which were negotiated under the ordinary legislative procedure. It assesses how and to what extent the key actor in the literature on the new intergovernmentalism — the European Council — is able to curb the powers of the supranational institutions — the Commission and the EP — in a policy area where the community method has been applied since the Treaty of Lisbon. It tracks the development of the legislative negotiations — from the stages preceding the Commission's proposal to their conclusions, relying on official documents, press reports and 30 original interviews with key decision-makers. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.849]
67.829 BROWN, Robert L. —
The author analyzes the relationship between state interests and the likelihood of international cooperation. He argues that while divergent interests create demand for treaty negotiations, converging interests are required for treaties to enter into force. [R]
67.830 CAMPISI, Julian M.; SOTTILOTTA, Cecilia Emma —
International competition for the attraction of FDI is becoming fiercer in an era of extended globalization. Unlike other EU member states such as Spain, France or even the UK, in Italy there is concern due to decades of stagnation in terms of economic growth and inward FDI. After discussing the extant literature on FDI attraction policy tools, and following a comprehensive account of the country's overall investment environment, the article explores the role of policy uncertainty and fragmentation as further possible determinants for Italy's mediocre performance. The paper also examines two brief case studies from the infrastructure sector, whereby the interaction between governments and investors often plays a pivotal role in the success of FDI projects. [R]
67.831 CARAVELI, Helen —
This article places the core-periphery division in the EU within the framework of global imbalances and the dramatic geopolitical changes which have affected them in the past decades. These changes, which have been shaping the new world order, amount to the restructuring of developed economies with the engulfing of manufacturing by the financial sector; the shift in the geography of industrial activity resulting from the increased outsourcing and offshoring of production and increasing services; the transfer of competitiveness from West to East, to dynamic Asian economies, notably China; the emergence of chronic trade and financial imbalances in the global system, leading to the “debt-fueled growth” of many advanced economies. [R, abr.]
67.832 CARMONA CONTRERAS, Ana —
This paper [examines] the major characteristics of the European space of fundamental rights, subsequent to the ratification of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. The emerging picture is one of complexity and work-in-progress, where the traditional roles of national constitutions and domestic legal systems are experiencing a deep transformation. The existence of different levels of protection of the fundamental rights according to the EU Charter and national constitutions, respectively, creates serious conflicts between the both legal spheres; their resolution requires a fine balance between the logic of European integration, on one hand, and the need for mutual accommodation of national legal framework, on the other. [R]
67.833 CATALANO, Serida L.; GRAZIANO, Paolo R. —
This paper applies the Europeanization “toolkit” to EU democratization policies in Morocco within the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) framework. To this aim, the bottom-up and top-down dimensions of EU-Morocco relations are analyzed diachronically both before and after the Arab Spring. The analysis shows that the Moroccan ruling elite has used the anchor to the EU as a survival strategy and that the EU has merely responded to Moroccan political liberalization rather than having influenced it. Therefore, the paper debates the extent to which the very notion of Europeanization might be used with respect to democratization policies in Morocco, and it shows an overturning of the sender-receiver relationship proving that Europeanization has been used instrumentally rather than having any autonomous supportive effect on democratization. [R]
67.834 CHATIN, Mathilde; GALLAROTTI, Giulio M. —
In a new global order that has moved well beyond the bipolar world of the Cold War, scholars are trying to assess how the power structure of international power is changing. Pre-eminent among the nations that will be challengers for primacy in the new world order are the emerging powers. Leading this cadre of emerging powers are the BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). This special issue explores an important and neglected type of power possessed by the BRICS: their soft power, both individual and collective. This introduction summarizes the principal arguments of the contributions to this special issue, and also examines the concept of soft power. [R] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “Soft power”. See Abstr. 67.856, 948, 990, 1081, 1105, 1113, 1124]
67.835 CLOSA, Carlos —
Arguments in favor of a more explicit and clearer EU stance on secession from a member state — two different cases for secession and their implications — the inadmissibility of unilateral secession within the EU — consensual secession does not create a legal entitlement for automatic membership — the need to follow the route of Article 49 TEU — no need for a specific secession provision in EU treaties. [R]
67.836 COEN, David; VANNONI, Matia —
This article investigates the revolving-doors phenomenon in the EU. It proposes a management approach that treats this phenomenon as a form of corporate political activity through which companies try to gain access to decision-makers. By using sequence-analysis to examine the career paths of almost 300 EU affairs managers based in public and private companies across 26 countries, three different ideal-typical managers are identified: those coming from EU institutions and public affairs; those who make a career through the private sector; and those who establish themselves in national political institutions. This identification confirms that EU institutions need different types of information and companies need EU affairs managers with different professional backgrounds able to provide it. [R, abr.]
67.837 CONNOLLY, Sara; KASSIM, Hussein —
Do international organizations affect the views of the people who work for them? Disagreement persists about whether the beliefs of staff are formed before they join, after they enter the institution, or are shaped by instrumental calculation. Drawing on an original dataset based on the first fully representative survey of the European Commission's workforce, this article breaks new ground by putting different definitions of “supranationalism” to the test and by capturing multiple ways in which individuals may be affected by the experience of working for the organization. For the first time, it demonstrates that commitment to “supranationalism” varies between Commission staff groupings, that the influences on belief vary with the measure of “supranationalism” used, and that both post-recruitment experience and pre-recruitment roles play a part in shaping beliefs. [R]
67.838 COSTELLO, Rory; THOMSON, Robert —
Party cohesion in legislatures is a topic of longstanding concern to political scientists because cohesion facilitates democratic representation. We examine the cohesion of transnational party groups in the EP, and study the oftentimes competing pressures to which MEPs are subject from their EP party groups and national governments. Our explanation focuses on the conditions under which MEPs take policy positions that differ from those of their party groups. We propose that national governments lobby their national MEPs more intensely on issues of high national salience and on which they are in a weak bargaining position in the Council. The analyses offer a unique approach to the study of party cohesion based on the policy positions taken by each national delegation of MEPs in each of the three main party groups. [R, abr.]
67.839 CURRAN, David; WILLIAMS, Paul D. —
This article analyzes the UK's approach to UN peace operations and whether Britain is prepared politically, bureaucratically, financially, and militarily to increase its contributions to them. The article begins with an overview of UK engagement with UN peacekeeping since 1956 before discussing the political issues that govern British decisions about peacekeeping. The third section then assesses several challenges that would need to be addressed in order for the UK's increased participation in UN missions to be effective. Finally, the article outlines the main factors pushing the UK towards greater engagement with UN peace operations, including opinions voiced by select domestic, international, and institutional audiences. [R] [See Abstr. 67.888]
67.840 DANIEL, William T. —
This article examines an alternative logic for candidate renomination to the EP, based upon the size and ideological nature of an MEP's home party, as well as timing of EP elections. I derive expectations from the second-order election hypothesis to show that parties from outside of the national mainstream should expect to benefit disproportionately from EP elections and therefore renominate experienced incumbents at higher rates. Using original data on the career behavior of MEPs during the 2009 and 2014 elections, I find that such parties are more likely to treat EP contests as “first order” in their importance, particularly when European elections are held during the midterm period of the national election cycle. [R, abr.]
67.841 DEBUSSCHER, Petra —
Can gender equality quality criteria developed for assessing EU internal policies be used unequivocally for evaluating EU external policies? Or might a methodological adaptation be necessary? The author evaluates the two-dimensional quality model of A. Krizsan and E. Lombardo [”The quality of gender equality policies: a discursive approach”, ibid. 20(1), 2013: 77–92] and examines what a reorientation of the model would entail to better allow for the analysis of gender policy implemented outside of Europe. The author argues that to allow for an in-depth analysis of EU gender policy abroad, the model's procedural criteria ‘“empowerment of women's rights advocates” and “transformation with reference to the prevailing context” need to be brought center-stage and mainstreamed throughout the research design. The author explicitly involves the views of gender activists from the national context in the analysis and uses their perspectives as a touchstone for the evaluation of quality. [R, abr.]
67.842 DELCOUR, Laure, et al. —
One can examine the various implications of Eurasian integration for the EU's relations with post-Soviet countries, including Eastern Partnership countries, the Russian Federation and Central Asian republics (primarily Kazakhstan) by reviewing the reasons behind the launch of the Eurasian integration project and the EAEU's implications for the EU's policy in the post-Soviet area. Eurasian integration is likely to affect the EU's relations with EaP associated and non-associated countries, and finally with other EAEU members. Such an analysis leads to recommendation on how the EU may factor Eurasian integration in its policies (primarily in the revised European Neighborhood Policy) and how it could find a balance between a regional and bilateral approach towards its eastern neighbors. [First article of a thematic issue on “The European Neighborhood Policy”. See also Abstr. 67.817, 863, 946]
67.843 DESIDERÁ NETO, Walter Antonio —
As is well known, Mercosur was conceived as an economic bloc. However, over time, it has also behaved as an international coalition. This article traces this process in the period 1991 to 2012 via two indicators: the voting behavior of the four original Mercosur member states in the UN General Assembly, and positions adopted on international political issues in the communiques emanating from the bi-annual Mercosur presidential summits. The period under review is divided into two further periods: 1991–2002 and 2003–2012. [R]
67.844 DUCHËNE, Hélène —
Le Sommet de l'OTAN à Varsovie doit être considéré comme un succès avec une Alliance dont la détermination et l'unité ont été réaffirmées face aux menaces actuelles. Les pays membres y ont pris des engagements dont le renforcement des moyens consacrés à la défense, à travers l'augmentation des budgets. [R]
67.845 EGEBERG, Morten; TRONDAL, Jarle —
In order to harmonize implementation practices within the EU, we have witnessed a development from “indirect administration” to more “direct administration” in the sense that national agencies work closely with the European Commission, EU agencies and sister agencies in other member states, partly bypassing national ministries. Thus, stronger coordination across levels may counteract strong coordination at the national level. This “coordination dilemma” seems to have been largely ignored in the literatures on EU network governance and national “joined-up government”, respectively. The coordination dilemma is theoretically and empirically illustrated by the seeming incompatibility between a more direct implementation structure in the multilevel EU administrative system and trends towards strengthening coordination and control within nation states. Second, the article discusses organizational arrangements that may enable systems to live with the coordination dilemma in practice. [R, abr.]
67.846 ELORRIETA, Berezi —
The EU's cohesion policy has acquired vital importance both in budgetary and political terms. However, with the advent of a new global economic and political framework, it is assuming some new roles and goals for which, in principle, it was not devised. On the one hand, it is adopting a nature that is more closely dedicated to the enhancement of competitiveness than that of the traditional correction of imbalances, becoming a crucial instrument for strengthening the economic strategies. On the other hand, the absence of a precise definition of the term can allow territorial cohesion to become the Trojan horse via which the EU exercises true spatial planning in Europe. In its conception, cohesion policy lacked a truly territorial approach, but its evolution shows a marked tendency towards acquiring a territorial dimension. [R, abr.]
67.847 EYLEMER, Sedef —
The establishment of a European political union has been advocated as a way of restoring shattered confidence in the EU. Whereas these debates recall neo-functionalist/supra-nationalist approaches to European political integration, the enduring crucial role of national preferences in the integration process keep inter-governmentalist arguments on the agenda as well. Furthermore, the increasing divergences within the EU endanger the unity and cohesion required by apolitical union, bringing forward arguments in favor of differentiated integration as an alternative model for post-crisis Europe. This paper argues that these debates reveal the persisting complexity of reconciliation on the possibilities and means of building a European political union and stimulate conventional controversies rather than clarifying the political finality of the EU. [R, abr.]
67.848 FABBRINI, Sergio —
After clarifying the concept of intergovernmental union, the article analyzes the performance of the latter during the euro crisis. The economic policy side of the EMU epitomizes the intergovernmental union because based on the principle of voluntary coordination between member state governments as a condition for advancing the process of integration. Tested during the euro crisis, because of the distrust emerged between member states, EMU has ended up in creating a highly centralized policy regime, where the creditor member states have come to play a domineering role with regard to debtor member states. Hierarchical relations between national governments have finally substituted consensus with domination. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.849]
67.849 FABBRINI, Sergio; PUETTER, Uwe —
This special issue follows up on a stream of recent contributions on what has been identified as a particular phase of post-Maastricht European integration: the “new intergovernmentalism” and “the intergovernmental union”. This literature considers the EU's core intergovernmental forums for policy coordination, the European Council, the Eurogroup and the Foreign Affairs Council as central to EU decision-making. These bodies perform functions related to policy initiation and implementation which were traditionally associated with the European Commission. Intergovernmentalization is primarily detectable in new areas of EU activity such as economic governance and foreign affairs which operate mainly outside the community method and in policy sectors which depict a mix of legislative and non-legislative decision-making mechanisms. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title. See Abstr. 67.828, 848, 859, 871, 904, 931, 932, 953, 974, 997]
67.850 Farrall, Jeremy; PRANTL, Jochen —
There is skepticism about whether a state like Australia can secure its interests and exercise influence on the UN Security Council (UNSC). A case study of Australia's experience as a UNSC member in 2013–2014 shows that it directly influenced UNSC decision-making in a number of ways: first, in the response to the MH17 incident; second, pushing forward UNSC practice through the first-ever resolutions on both “small arms and light weapons” and police in peacekeeping; and third, as chair of three sanctions committees, influencing the decision-making environment towards greater transparency. While Australia did not achieve all its objectives, it made its views well-known. A second case study demonstrates that Australia was able to achieve many of its foreign policy objectives in East Timor in 1999 through strategically engaging with key UNSC players. [R, abr.] [First article on a thematic issue on “Australian diplomacy today”, edited and introduced, pp. 581–589, by Caitlin BYRNE, Melissa Conley TYLER and Susan Harris RIMMER. See also Abstr. 67.417, 996, 1068, 1069, 1079, 1082, 1109]
67.851 FARSAKH, Leila —
After the Oslo peace process got underway in the early 1990s, international donors allocated billions of dollars in aid to the occupied Palestinian territories to kick-start the process of economic development deemed necessary to state-building. This article argues that although much of the money was directed at democracy-enhancement and civic engagement projects, contrary to stated intentions, it actually undermined rather than promoted those outcomes. Donor countries, led by the US and the EU, designed and implemented programs with complete disregard for the reality underlying the Palestinian predicament — the military occupation and the broader context of Israel's settler-colonial project. Such projects have contributed to the ongoing fracturing of Palestinian politics and the growing authoritarianism of the Ramallah government, leaving the Palestinian economy less viable and more dependent on Israel than ever. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.949]
67.852 FELSEN, Jan von der; BREEDE, H. Christian —
This article dives into the ambiguity of language and examines how it impacts alliance politics within NATO, specifically looking at the perceptions and roles of Canada and Germany. It approaches the matter through the comparative framework of discourse-analysis and, more broadly, communications theory. Next, a case study of Canada's and Germany's policies in Afghanistan during the last decade demonstrates how language has been used in both countries to frame the concept of war. Based on various approaches to language and messaging, the use of the term “war” has different meanings for Canada and Germany. Utilizing four distinct avenues of approach in terms of matter, appeal, self-revelation and relationships, this article presents an innovative way to assess how culture impacts international politics at state and organizational levels. [R, abr.]
67.853 FONT, Nuria; PÉREZ DURÁN, Ixchel —
The reinforcement of the legislative and oversight powers of the EP by virtue of successive treaty reforms over the last two decades has been in parallel with an expanding process of agency creation at the EU level. While these two institutional developments entail major transformations of legislative-executive relations in the EU, the EP oversight of EU agencies remains an underexplored topic of research. Based on an original dataset on parliamentary written questions overseeing EU agencies asked during the 2009–14 Legislature, the article analyzes MEPs questioning activity overseeing EU agencies. The article argues that legislative oversight of agencies through written questions is driven by MEPs' national party opposition status as well as by agency salience and size. [R]
67.854 FRANCESCO, Fabrizio de —
In the past two decades, international organizations have been designing and promoting transnational benchmarks for evaluating the quality of governance. The World Bank and the OECD have been competing in devising and legitimizing indices across policy areas. Previous studies have demonstrated how international organizations can influence national governments by means of governance indices. However, a comparative analysis is still missing of the choices international organizations have made in establishing their own indices of good governance. By focusing on regulatory reform, this paper first sets a framework to compare the different types of authority that organizations can pursue through benchmarking. It then applies this framework to the specific case of the OECD and the World Bank, to examine how they differ in their conceptions of and use of policy benchmarking. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1268]
67.855 FREISTEIN, Katja —
Diffusing their knowledge and enhancing the potency of their ideas, international organizations like the World Bank employ indicators and other instruments that seem objective and easily accessible in any given context. Beyond producing certain kinds of knowledge and governance effects in the global sphere, the creation of new indicators can be understood as a social practice by international organizations that ensures their competence and mandate to act, for instance against poverty. Drawing on indicator research, Foucauldian governmentality studies and neo-institutionalism, the article studies and compares several key examples of poverty indicators used by the World Bank to identify the effects of employing indicators on international organizations. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1268]
67.856 GALLAROTTI, Giulio M. —
This article offers a complementary analysis to the prevailing literature on soft power by addressing the issue of multilateral soft power. While the prevailing literature on soft power tends to look at how soft power manifests itself within individual nations, this article analyzes the manifestations of collective soft power in the vehicle of a multilateral organization. This can be referred to this as compound soft power. Such an analysis looks at a macro-level class of soft power. In doing so, it looks more broadly at the configuration of the forest, in contradistinction to the prevailing research on soft power, which looks predominantly at individual trees. While this analysis of compound soft power is undertaken specifically within the context of the BRICS, it is intended to be generalized to the study of all international organizations. [R] [See Abstr. 67.834]
67.857 GASTINGER, Markus —
We argue that one prime source of Commission autonomy in bilateral trade negotiations was the informational advantage that it acquired during the pre-negotiations, preceding the adoption of negotiating directives by the Council. Initially, the Commission was entirely unmonitored owing to the lack of Treaty provisions applying to this stage in the negotiations. The Commission used this information asymmetry strategically vis-à-vis the Council to move outcomes closer to its ideal point. Later, member states have stepped up police-patrol monitoring manifesting itself empirically through two different channels. First, they have shifted the institutional arena for more political aspects to annual ministerial meetings. Second, preparatory works on a technical level are today followed by national experts. We examine this argument by adopting a principal-agent perspective and against the backdrop of EU-India relations. [R]
67.858 GILSON, Julie —
This article examines the current attempt by the EU and Japan to negotiate a Strategic Partnership Agreement (SPA). Sitting alongside negotiations for an Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA), this SPA represents an attempt to reignite bilateral relations between these two global powerhouses. Still confined by the origins of their institutionalized partnership in 1991, this article argues that both sides find it hard to break away from earlier functional and normative assumptions about their relative significance and about each other, in order to forge a new meaningful, overarching partnership. It examines the development of Japan-EU relations building up to the preparations for this SPA, against the background of path-dependent processes of engagement. [R, abr.]
67.859 GLENCROSS, Andrew —
This paper examines the actions of the European Council during the Eurozone crisis through the lens of political constitutionalism. This analysis examines the role of political inputs in shaping the EU constitutional developments, whether supranational or intergovernmental, to demonstrate the “legitimacy paradox” of new intergovernmentalism. That is, the European Council claimed the electoral legitimacy to rescue the euro, but in doing so opened up new avenues for contesting EU legitimacy, notably in relation to national budgetary decision-making. For, unlike with supranational constitutional agency, the European Council has the means to politicize its actions. However, the strategy taken during the sovereign-debt crisis is shown to be one of depoliticization to prevent the domestic contestation of EMU reform. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.849]
67.860 GOULD, Matthew; RABLEN, Matthew D. —
We analyze democratic equity in council voting games (CVGs). In a CVG, a voting body containing all members delegates decision-making to a (time-varying) subset of its members, as describes, e.g., the relationship between the United Nations General Assembly and the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). We develop a theoretical framework for analyzing democratic equitability in CVGs at both the country and region levels, and for different assumptions regarding preference correlation. We apply the framework to evaluate the equitability of the UNSC, and the claims of those who seek to reform it. [R, abr.]
67.861 GRENADE, Wendy C. —
On 23 June 2016, 52% of Britons voted in a referendum to exit (Brexit) the EU while 48% opted to remain. This is a watershed moment in world politics, given the implications for the future of the UK, the EU and the rest of the world. This paper uses the case of Brexit to analyze paradoxes of regionalism and democracy. The central question is, what does the case of Brexit suggests about the contradictions of democracy and regionalism in the 21st c.? Importantly, what broad lessons may be gleaned from the case for regionalist projects among Commonwealth countries? [R] [See Abstr. 67.905]
67.862 GROSSKLAUS, Mathias; REMMERT, David —
Although the EU's engagement beyond its borders is ultimately about power, the concept remains under-utilized in empirical analyses of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). This article therefore proposes political steering as an analytical framework to conceptualize and track the empirical use and entanglements of diverse forms of power, high lighting genuine soft mechanisms. These bind actors to discursive practices because formalized sanctions or institutions are absent. This case study of the EU's human rights and rule-of-law promotion in Morocco reveals how such soft mechanisms are intertwined with indirect steering mechanisms to achieve technicalization of policy reform at the governmental level and parallel politicization at the societal level. [R]
67.863 GSTÖHL, Sieglinde —
This article asks to what extent the EU's current fragmented approach towards the neighbors of its neighbors in the Middle East, the Sahel and the Horn of Africa as well as Central Asia is effective. It argues that the EU's policy frameworks towards these regions are inadequate in terms of their cross-regional interconnections and the lack of an overarching strategic framework. They could be rendered more effective by tying them closer to the European Neighborhood Policy and embedding them in an “EU Strategy for the Neighbors of its Neighbors” which would draw on the existing instruments of cooperation and focus on building bridges across the EU and its immediate and broader neighborhood. [A] [See Abstr. 67.842]
67.864 GUISAN, Catherine —
EMU is a political program at risk: its reform must reconnect with the original Community ethos as well as institutional and policy changes. Historically this ethos manifested itself in public practices of power as action in concert (“promise”) and generosity (“gift”), which Arendt, Mauss and Ricoeur's political thought helps define. The 2012 Fiscal Compact moved away from such practices. Some Greek civil society organizations have demonstrated more genuine commitment to promise and generosity during the Greek fiscal crisis. This is not unique to Greece. EU parliaments and executives must consult with civil society meaningfully to properly integrate EMU within EU law. [R]
67.865 HAJDINJAK, Sanja —
The article explores the Croatian and Montenegrin EU accession path as a two-sided disciplining process established through the negotiations. The “success” of the EU's civilizing mission in the two countries is determined through the feedback/dialogue relationship formed between the EU and the candidate country. I analyze two aspects of the accession negotiations: cooperation with the ICTY and the rule of law institutions. In Croatia, the domestic elites' determination to ensure the membership paired up with the EU's civilizing mission in the Balkans. In Montenegro, the EU membership has not outright represented the mythical return to Europe, hence initially self-civilizing was not high on the list of the priorities. Moreover, Montenegro was the success story of the Balkans and the EU initially did not insist on the institutional development. [R, abr.]
67.866 HALVORSON, Dan —
The article critically reflects on current strategies for first-year IR teaching in Australia to meet the challenge of providing an engaging and high-quality learning environment in large classes with widely fluctuating student entry scores, university preparedness, and educational capital and language competence. It argues that a successful approach to improving the quality of first-year IR teaching and to accommodating the diverse learning needs of all students is to run these courses in multiple streams, with one dedicated to providing a richer, more active IR learning experience. In the era of “massification”, allowing students a level of guided autonomy in aligning their learning preferences with teaching methods is likely to increase engagement and motivation, thereby improving retention and degree progression. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.81]
67.867 HANSEN, Annika S.; GIENANTH, Tobias von —
In the last decade, the number and scale of UN peace operations have grown worldwide. These developments have mostly taken place in Africa, which today accounts for 83 percent of the UN uniformed personnel. The article describes different patterns of missions and the array of special political missions. It outlines how UN peace operations take place in volatile environments in which a number of political issues remain unresolved. mandates are more robust, but resources are limited and the consent of host governments is fragile. The article concludes with the reminder that technical measures to improve peace operations will have limited effect as long as the underlying political issues remain unaddressed. [R]
67.868 HARDIE, Iain; MAXFIELD, Sylvia —
We address the impact on international monetary power of the size and nature of the US's international financial assets and liabilities. Financial globalization makes critical a focus on a nation's international financial assets and liabilities, its “external balance sheet”. We suggest an expansion of Cohen's existing framework of international monetary power to include the implications of valuation changes in these external balance sheets, focusing on sources of valuation, sensitivity and vulnerability of the US economy to these changes and implications for US ability to use monetary statecraft. By focusing on developments since 2007 and on events over the financial crisis period, we show that the increased size and nature of the US's external balance sheet has reduced US autonomy and monetary power. [R, abr.]
67.869 HARDT, Heidi —
African Union member states are formally responsible for deciding on peace operation mandates, yet evidence from the African Union Peace and Security Council indicates that states informally delegate some decision-making autonomy to the commission. Given the commission's formal responsibilities in implementation, why have member states delegated any decision-making in international security? This article argues that, faced with resource limitations, African Union states surrender some decision-making autonomy to access relevant information, make informed decisions, and strengthen mandates. The argument challenges assertions that delegation does not occur in security decision-making. Findings draw on interviews with African Union ambassadors, commission staff, and other regional organization elites. [R]
67.870 HARMAN, Sophie —
This research note reflects on the use of film as a method in researching politics and international relations in African countries. It is based on the experiences of producing a feature-length drama about the everyday risk of HIV/AIDS, using real people and their stories in Tanzania. The intent of the film, Pili, is to challenge international aesthetics of HIV/AIDS in film and how people understand the complexities and structural politics of disease. It is argued that the film itself is not the only outcome or contribution to knowledge. The external narrative or process of how the film was made, the method of doing, also produces new ways of thinking about ethics, collaboration, and navigating the state in conducting research. [R, abr.]
67.871 HILLEBRANDT, Maarten; NOVAK, Stéphanie —
To justify the limited publicity of their sessions, members of the European Council and Council regularly argue that they require a “space to think”. This article analyzes the relative success of the plea for this “space to think” in both legislative (Council) and non-legislative (European Council and Council) modes of decision-making. We consider the concept of the “space to think” as well as the manner in which it is integrated into the theories of new intergovernmentalism and intergovernmental union. We then analyze how the European Council and Council have developed the “space to think” in their daily practices. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.849]
67.872 HÖPNER, Martin; EHRET, Lena —
Three hopes are associated with the new parliamentary early warnings system: It is hoped that the principle of subsidiarity will gain effectiveness, that the European political system will gain legitimacy, and that the pre-constitutional preconditions of a European democracy will further develop. In order to derive insights about the validity of these hopes, this article conducts an in-depth analysis of the conflict over the Commission's “Monti II” proposal. “Monti II” was the first regulation proposal against which more than one-third of member states' parliaments raised reasoned opinions (the so-called “yellow card” procedure). The analysis shows that the hopes rest upon far-reaching premises with respect to the origins of the breaches of subsidiarity and with respect to the nature of the respective conflict lines. The hopes, therefore, go much too far. [R]
67.873 JAFFER, Nabila —
This paper analyzes implications of SCO's expansion to South Asia. The first section gives an overview of the origin, formation, and development of the SCO. This section helps in analyzing the implications of the expansion of the context of the underlying principles and goals of the organization. The second section helps in understanding the scenarios and determinants of SCO expansion. The third section explores how this enlargement can boost the global outreach of the SCO and how it is perceived in the global context. It also examines the implications of SCO enlargement in regional context by focusing on what potential opportunities and challenges new members would bring to the organization in the context of adverse bilateral relations between India and Pakistan. [R]
67.874 JAKOBSEN, Peter Viggo —
Denmark became a staunch supporter of UN peacekeeping during the Cold War because it simultaneously served its interests and values and this winning combination meant that it relatively quickly became internalized as part of Denmark's foreign policy identity. Denmark turned its back on UN peacekeeping when NATO took over from the UN in Bosnia in 1995. Since then Denmark has prioritized NATO- and US-led operations. The Danish shift was driven by the interest in supporting the Western great powers as well as an altruistic desire to improve UN Protection Force's (UNPROFOR) dismal humanitarian record in Bosnia. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.888]
67.875 JAN, Amir —
Iran's nuclear program has been the main cause for its confrontation with the West for the last three decades. Both sides' flexibility, however, formally paved the way to concluding a comprehensive agreement, known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, in Vienna on 14 July 2015. The Nuclear Deal Framework of April 2005 was the founding stone of the JCPOA. The announcement that the JCPOA has been finalized brought relief on both official and public levels. No doubt, the true spirit and future of the agreement lies in Iran's and the West's intentions. But the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and IAEA need to play their pivotal roles for the true protection of the agreement so that tensions between the West and Iran de-escalate.
67.876 JEANGÈNE VILMER, Jean-Baptiste —
Systems of lethal autonomous weapons (LAWs) do not yet exist, but could well transform the nature of future wars. Since 2014, the UN has been deliberating over this new generation of weapons, whose development certain states would like to see banned. Although such a ban seems unlikely, a code of “good practice” should be drawn up to manage their use. [R]
67.877 JONES, Lee —
All reliable indicators suggest that ASEAN's Economic Community (AEC) will not be successfully established by its 2015 deadline. Why? Against technocratic, realist and constructivist accounts, this article offers an explanation rooted in the political economy of ASEAN's member-states. Economic liberalization agreements promote the rescaling of economic governance, involving regulatory changes that may radically redistribute power and resources. Consequently, they are heavily contested between coalitions of social and political forces, without outcomes reflecting the outcome of these struggles. The argument is demonstrated by exploring the uneven sectoral liberalization achieved under the AEC, the constrained integration of ASEAN's energy markets, and the limited deregulation of skilled labor migration. [R]
67.878 KALEHSAR, Omid Shokri —
The primary objective of the EU is the diversification of energy resources. Thus, Iran and Azerbaijan have the potential to become key suppliers of gas to the European market. Iran may involve itself as a player in the trans-Anatolian and trans-Adriatic gas-pipeline projects. Azeri companies have a potential role in this also, investing in the current energy sector from a close, and therefore more knowledgeable, proximity. Energy cooperation could help both Iran and Azerbaijan to improve their mutual relations and develop ties. However, energy resources in the Caspian Sea — and the exact delineation of the maritime borders within it — are a major contributor to the rift between the two, impeding a cohesive policy on sharing oil and gas revenues from their common inland sea.
67.879 KALJADIN, Aleksandr N. —
The article addresses key aspects of the UN Security Council (UNSC) adaptation to the 21st c. realities. The author argues that the scale and diversity of major challenges to the world strategic stability in the foreseeable future are such that nations can cope with them successfully only by acting together and taking full advantage of the UNSC facilities to manage global processes. The survival and sustainable development of a polycentric world require maintaining and upgrading the UNSC proficiency, expanding collaboration between the major powers in this format, on the basis of international law. The need is stressed to do away with the under-representation of the developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America in the UNSC and meet their reasonable demands for membership in the UNSC on a permanent basis. [R, abr.]
67.880 KANDEL, Maya —
A closer look at the founding principles and main characteristics of US foreign policy since the end of the Second World War helps draw a model, or rather a matrix, of current US foreign policy. The origins of US foreign policy today are deeply rooted in American history. There are some continuities and interruptions between this model or matrix on the one hand and current politics on the other, which lead one to the conclusion that American leadership is increasingly hustled today. [R, transl.]
67.881 KARLSRUD, John; OSLAND, Kari M. —
Norway has been a firm supporter of, and contributor to, UN peacekeeping operations. However, while increasing its financial support since the end of the Cold War, Norway has significantly downscaled its troop contributions to the UN, focusing on NATO operations. Rather than interpreting this as lessened interest in the UN, we point out that support and commitment cannot be measured solely in numbers of troops deployed. Norway's commitment to UN peacekeeping should be understood as part of its strategic culture, here read as a synthesis between self-interest and solidarity, and between the UN and NATO. This article details the institutional, political and material challenges and opportunities for renewed engagement in UN peacekeeping. [R] [See Abstr. 67.888]
67.882 KARLSSON, Christer; GALIC, Katarina —
Constitutional change can be achieved either by changing the explicit wording of the constitutional document, or by way of changing the meaning of the constitution while leaving the constitutional text unaltered. This study systematically compares the use of these different modes of constitutional change in the new EU member states. The results show that implicit constitutional change is the more frequently used method, but also reveal substantial differences between member states. By comparing constitutional change trajectories in the Baltic States, the study reveals that public opinion, constitutional rigidity and constitutional courts stand out as important determinants for EU-induced constitutional change. [R]
67.883 KENTIKELENIS, Alexander E.; STUBBS, Thomas H.; KING, Lawrence P. —
In recent years, the IMF has re-emerged as a central actor in global economic governance. Its rhetoric and policies suggest that the organization has radically changed the ways in which it offers financial assistance to countries in economic trouble. We revisit two long-standing controversies: Has the policy content of IMF programs evolved to allow for more policy space? Do these programs now allow for the protection of labor and social policies? We collected relevant archival material on the IMF's lending operations and identified all policy conditionality in IMF loan agreements between 1985 and 2014, extracting 55,465 individual conditions across 131 countries in total. We find little evidence of a fundamental transformation of IMF conditionality. [R, abr.]
67.884 KIRCHNER, Stephen —
I compare data on members' compliance with G20 summit commitments to proxy measures of the quality of domestic policies and institutions. While the proxies predict G20 compliance, it turns out that G20 compliance has no power to predict subsequent changes in domestic policies and institutions. The main implication of this data is that international economic and political cooperation is a symptom, not a cause, of domestic policies and institutions. Improvement in domestic policies makes the best contribution to advancing the G20 agenda, but such improvements do not appear to depend on the G20 process. [R]
67.885 KJØNDAL, Kjerstin Lianes; TRONDAL, Jarle —
This study suggests that international bureaucracies in practice may operate relatively independently of member-state governments, even when embedded in de jure intergovernmental international organizations and when operating in policy areas subject to tight member-state control. The case presented is the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). It is shown that bureaucratic independence at actor level demonstrates how IAEA officials enjoy behavioral independence — actor-level independence is contingent to a considerable extent on how the IAEA secretariat is internally organized. This pattern is accounted for by applying an organization theory approach. The study thus illustrates secretary activism within formally intergovernmental organizations, but also the limitations and conditions thereof. [R]
67.886 KOLMAS, Michal —
China's rise has inspired a variety of interpretations arguing for either its potentially disruptive or alternatively its benign impact on Asia-Pacific security. This article focuses on the upsurge in Beijing's multilateral diplomacy since the beginning of the 1990s, reflected in China's willingness to take part in many regional institutions, such as Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the Six Party Talks (6PT), East Asia Summit (EAS) or APEC. But what are China's motivations for participation in these institutions? Are they instrumental, driven by pragmatic self-interest, or moral, driven by normative values of peace? Or, has China merely accepted the need to play a socially “appropriate” role within the region? The article offers a theoretically informed typology of the different kinds of motivation that can explain China's multilateral diplomacy in the last three decades. [R, abr.]
67.887 KOOPS, Joachim A. —
This article examines Germany's past, present and future approach to UN peacekeeping, particularly in the context of a potential “European return to UN Peacekeeping” and the country's recent commitment to contribute to the Multidimensional Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA). By applying a conceptual framework for assessing facilitating and inhibiting factors related to Germany's past and current participation in UN peacekeeping operation, the article argues that core reasons for German troop contributions range from bilateral partnerships and multilateral pressures, to the role of individual policy entrepreneurs and inter-organizational aspects. Yet, Germany's culture of restraint and public skepticism towards military operations act as important inhibiting factors. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.888]
67.888 KOOPS, Joachim A.; TERCOVICH, Giulia —
This introductory article outlines the main rationale of the Special Issue and places the topic of the so-called “European Return to UN Peacekeeping” in the wider context of recent policy developments and conceptual discussions related to the literature on UN troop contributions. It then outlines some of the key findings of the nine case studies (Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands and the UK) included in this issue. The article concludes that despite a recent engagement of a group of European countries in the Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), expectations of a large-scale “return of Europe” to UN peacekeeping are premature. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue on “A European return to UN peacekeeping?”, edited by the authors. See Abstr. 67.839, 874, 881, 887, 914, 918, 951, 952, 956]
67.889 KOVAČEVIĆ, Bojan; SAMARDZIC, Slobodan —
With the escalation of the Eurozone crisis it has become evident that neither member states nor the EU have a sufficient level of autonomy to make policy choices related to the most sensitive issues of distributive justice. The implementation of the Fiscal Compact will decisively affect economic and social life in Europe; yet it is hardly possible to discern who should take credit or the blame for the nontransparent penalty mechanism embedded in this contract and aimed at regaining the Eurozone's stability. In this new historical context, institutions of constitutional democracy, being present on the national and to an extent on the European level, have been deprived of their original purpose. Instead of making power visible and accountable, they have actually enlarged the scope of an unaccountable power. [R, abr.]
67.890 KUCIK, Jeffrey; PELC, Krzysztof J. —
International law is clear: international courts' rulings have no formal authority beyond the case at hand. This tenet is consistent with the incentives of sovereign states wary of delegating too much authority to courts. By contrast, the authors claim that even in the absence of formal authority, the rulings of international courts can affect behavior by mobilizing pro-compliance groups in countries not party to a dispute. They test these beliefs in the context of the WTO through a novel approach. Because WTO rulings have implications for the fortunes of publicly traded firms, they examine whether financial markets bet on there being spillover effects beyond the case at hand. They rely on two quantitative case studies to test for a cross-border and a cross-industry spillover effect. [R, abr.]
67.891 KUCIK, Jeffrey; PELC, Krzysztof J. —
Transparency is one of the most contested aspects of international organizations. While observers frequently call for greater oversight of policy-making, evidence suggests that settlement between states is more likely when negotiations are conducted behind closed doors. The WTO legal body provides a useful illustration of these competing perspectives. As in many courts, WTO dispute-settlement is designed explicitly to facilitate settlement through private consultations. However, this study argues that the privacy of negotiations creates opportunities for states to strike deals that disadvantage others. Looking at productlevel trade flows from all disputes between 1995 and 2011, it finds that private (early) settlements lead to discriminatory trade outcomes: complainant countries gain disproportionately more than the rest of the membership. When the facts of a case are made known through a ruling, these disproportional gains disappear entirely. [R, abr.]
67.892 KWIECIEŃ Roman —
The article addresses the issue of legitimacy of state government in international law with particular focus on the regime-change problem. Regime-change is understood as the forcible replacement by external actors of governance structure of a state. I argue that the effectiveness of state authority is still the main criterion of legitimacy of government in international law based on the UN Charter. It follows that the legitimacy of a government stems from international law. Nonetheless, a government loses its legitimacy when it commits violations of the international law or is unable to prevent them within the state's territory. Then, a change of such an ineffective regime is legally permissible. Neither unilateral humanitarian intervention, nor unilateral pro-democratic intervention is legally justified in international law in that context. [R, abr.]
67.893 LANGAN, Mark —
Brexit will of course have major implications for trade between Commonwealth African nations and the European continent. In the short term, the European Commission's Economic Partnership Agreements with regional groups such as the East African Community will be complicated by the UK's decision to leave the European project. Moreover, there are longer-term consequences to be considered, not least the role which the UK — as an independent trade actor — will adopt in its trade relations with Commonwealth African countries. This article examines the impact of Brexit for Commonwealth African nations' trade with Europe (including the UK). It particularly points to several potential pitfalls arising from the Brexit referendum vis-à-vis African development. [R] [See Abstr. 67.905]
67.894 LEWIS, Patsy —
Britain's decision to leave the EU has sent shockwaves not just within Europe but across the globe. In the Caribbean, it has heightened uncertainty about the Caribbean Community's (CARICOM) ability to survive its own fissures, most recently expressed in Jamaica's decision to review its membership of CARICOM. This article explores some of the challenges CARICOM is experiencing, in particular Jamaica's dissatisfaction with and position within the group. It argues that despite parallels between Britain and Jamaica and their position in their respective groupings, the rationale for CARICOM is fundamentally different from that underlying the European integration experience. It concludes that CARICOM is unlikely to unfurl because the factors driving the process — small size, global marginality and common challenges — provide a strong impetus for their cohesion. [R] [See Abstr. 67.905]
67.895 LIERSE, Hanna; SEELKOPF, Laura —
Since the creation of monetary union, European governments have received loans from the international financial markets at low interest rates. The recent sovereign debt crisis has, however, once more revealed the structural dependence of capitalist governments on capital markets. Countries such as Spain and Greece are charged unsustainable interest rates and their policy decisions have come under scrutiny by international bond holders who fear losing their investments. Based on a unique dataset of European tax policy decisions from 2008 to 2010, we show that financial market pressure, in the form of rising bond yields, has forced European governments to raise their taxes, especially in the more regressive field of indirect taxes. [R, abr.]
67.896 LISAKAFU, Jacob —
Since 2001, the African Union (AU) has enjoyed increasing attention from scholars. Most of these scholars focus, however, on the evolution of the AU in general or on the Peace and Security Council and its components and how it links with regional organizations and the UN. This article adds to the existing literature by looking closely at the role and place of the Permanent Representatives Committee (PRC) in the decision-making framework of the AU. It also critically analyzes the potential of the PRC and the challenges facing it as one of the most important decision-making committees of the AU. Lastly, it examines the evolution of the PRC and its functions. Finally, among other things, the article questions the lack of transparency practiced by the PRC and proposes new approaches. [R, abr.]
67.897 LOH, Dylan Ming Hui —
This paper examines the effects and expressions of norm-compliance in ASEAN and the “unintended consequences” arising from such compliance. This is done through an analysis of ASEAN's responses in humanitarian assistance and disaster-relief (HADR) efforts in the Typhoon Haiyan disaster and in the search for missing flight MH370. It argues that the lethargic ASEAN responses in the Haiyan disaster and the uncoordinated search efforts for missing flight MH370 are unintended outcomes arising from norm-adherence specifically to the norms of “respect for sovereignty” and “consensual decision-making” which constrained the range of ASEAN responses. [R]
67.898 LUKASHIK, Alexander —
Russia's focused, dedicated efforts translated into wide-ranging practical results. Russian presidency has become a landmark in BRICS development, improving the countries' collaboration within the framework of the association and enhancing its role in international affairs. BRICS today is a community of sovereign and equal states that are active generators and participants of integration processes and are capable of assuming a share of responsibility for the international situation. Moreover, BRICS has firmly established itself in the global system of coordinates as a catalyst for the creation of a new international architecture. The evolution and consolidation of the multipolar world is a dominant vector of this process, while BRICS is one of its prime motive forces.
67.899 MADEIRA, Mary Anne —
Why are industries highly active in some battles over international trade policies, but in other instances, individual firms are highly active and industry groups are subdued? I argue that rising intra-industry trade in the postwar period has undermined traditional trade coalitions and created new opportunities for individual firms to become politically active. Drawing on new trade theories from economics, as well as work on firm heterogeneity and lobbying, I argue that industry associations become less active as intra-industry trade increases due to competing trade preferences among member firms. [R, abr.]
67.900 MAIER, Daniel —
Since the early 2000s, the UN Security Council has mandated multidimensional, integrated peace operations in complex environments which are confronted by high levels of threats for civilians and peacekeepers alike. In light of the core mandate “to protect civilians”, the traditional principles of UN peacekeeping are coming under increasing pressure by a call for more robust mandates. In this regard the so-called Capstone Doctrine has facilitated the development of an integrated planning process. The use of Security Council benchmarks for peace and stability has thereby led to an improved assessment of the effectiveness of peace operations. [R]
67.901 MALEŠIČ, Marjan —
EU security efforts are strengthening and accordingly the analysis checks the level of their support among the European public. The analysis focuses on two issues: the formation of the EU's common security and defense policy, and the development of a mechanism to provide and coordination of aid in of disasters. The analysis is guided by data obtained by the Eurobarometer and Slovenian Public Opinion surveys. The descriptive use of the data offers an insight into the basic standpoints, opinions and beliefs of the European and particularly the Slovenian public about the EU's security efforts. [R, abr.]
67.902 MANERO SALVADOR, Ana —
The proliferation of Israeli settlements in the West Bank is one of the main stumbling blocks to move the peace process forward, insofar as it constitutes a serious violation of International Humanitarian Law. While the EU excludes from the scope of application of the association agreement with Israel the products originating in the settlements, and for this it has developed different measures notably the labeling, there is a debate about the fulfillment of the international obligations of the EU and its member states on this phenomenon. This paper sheds light on this issue, where International Humanitarian law, international responsibility and the European law does not always interact harmoniously. [R]
67.903 MARCHETTI, Raffaele —
This article examines the different strategies used by transnational actors in advocacy against the death penalty. In particular, it studies the strategies adopted by the transnational campaign for the moratorium on capital punishment in view of the UN General Assembly vote of 2007 and subsequent years (2008, 2010, 2012, and 2014). The article shows that a variety of different strategies are used in the organizational, institutional, and communicative domains. Within the broader debate on norm-diffusion, this article sheds light on the under-investigated area of specific tactics, which include horizontal networking, multilayered political lobbying, reason-based framing, and emotion-based story-telling, deployed by transnational activists to induce key actors to change their policy preference. [R]
67.904 MARICUT, Adina —
“Integration without supranationalization” is a recent phenomenon in EU politics characterizing new areas of policy activity which emerged on the EU agenda at Maastricht or beyond. Among fields like economic governance, foreign and security policy or social and employment coordination, the domain of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) appears to deviate from the pattern. While being a new area of EU activity which originally evolved on the basis of policy coordination arrangements, JHA has been gradually supranationalized in respect to decision-making procedures. However, given the political sensitivity of the issues it covers, JHA is far from functioning as a standard field of EU legislative decision-making, even after the Lisbon Treaty. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.849]
67.905 MARSHALL, Peter —
The article looks at the implications of Brexit for Britain and its place in the world. It considers how effective Britain can be in utilizing its diplomacy, its trade links, and the application of soft power to secure its interests post-Brexit. The article concludes with an assessment of the possible role of the Commonwealth in assisting Britain going forward. However, in order for positive outcomes to be achieved both in regard to the Commonwealth and Brexit more generally, Britain must persuade its international partners of the merits of the new forms of cooperation being suggested, but also for the people of Britain to shape proactively the future direction of the country. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Brexit and the Commonwealth: what next?”, edited and introduced by Peter CLEGG. See also Abstr. 67.861, 893, 894, 915, 917, 930, 1056, 1165, 1258]
67.906 MARTEL, Andréanne —
The role of affected populations in humanitarian responses as well as the effects of local participation have become the topics of numerous discussions. Participation in post-emergency situations can be analyzed through the strategies applied by aid organizations but also the perceptions of the affected populations. Furthermore, the use of camp committees as a participative strategy has raised several issues of legitimacy and representation, which those active in the aid community have attempted to address. In this context, does the model of local participation erected as a norm by the humanitarian expert community represent a new form of conditionality of aid? Based on interviews conducted in 2012 and 2013, this article examines the various strategies developed in light of the conflicts, constraints, and resistance encountered in internally displaced camps (IDP) in Haiti. [R, abr.]
67.907 MASTENBROEK, Ellen; VAN VOORST, Stijn; MEUWESE, Anne —
Theoretically, ex-post legislative (EPL) evaluations play an important role in the European regulatory cycle. By critically assessing the administration, compliance or outcomes of legislation, they may allow for learning and inform enforcement. At the same time, the European Commission may have incentives not to evaluate, as EPL evaluations may lead to undesired policy change or repeal. Furthermore, the development of systematic, high-quality EPL evaluations is threatened by more technical problems in the sphere of evaluability. Hence, the odds are against the systematic production of high-quality evaluations in the EU. This article assesses this argument by conducting a meta evaluation of the coverage and quality of ex-post legislative evaluations by the European Commission, using two novel datasets. [R, abr.]
67.908 MENDELSKI, Martin —
Liberal representatives of the EU and adherents of liberal constitutionalism assess the recent “constitutional crises” in Central and Eastern Europe as an attack on democracy and the rule of law. This one-sided assessment results, among others, from an inadequate rule-of-law evaluation methodology. I identify the EU's rule-of-law evaluation deficit, which is reflected in three fundamental problems: (1) a quantitative “more is better” mindset, (2) a biased assessment of the rule of law, (3) partisan “rhetoric action” in the name of the rule of law. The EU's evaluation deficit is illustrated with selected examples of judicial reform and constitutional crises in CEE (e.g., Romania, Poland, Hungary). It is argued that the EU should either abstain from evaluating rule of law in member states and candidate countries or change its deficient evaluation approach. [R, abr.]
67.909 MIRONOVA, Dar'ja Sergeevna —
The article focuses on the main aspects of NATO development in the context of global financial and economic crisis. The consequences of this crisis have greatly influenced not only the economic sector of Euro-Atlantic countries, but all spheres including the defense policy. The article [examines] the impact of budget cuts on NATO. Since the onset of the crisis, national governments of NATO member countries have implemented cuts to defense programs and assets. This problem was deepened by disparity of the NATO defense shares between the EU members states and the US, as well as differences in defense budgets of the US European allies. The author concludes that the eventual economic recovery and a broad NATO reform will help to keep the Alliance relevant. [R, abr.]
67.910 MOHAY, Agostan —
The EU is an important member of the international community: it possesses international legal personality and is engaged in various international relations. Yet the relationship between international law and the law of the EU cannot be described easily. [Concerning] the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice (CJEU), the issue is rather complex and differentiation is required as regards different sources of international law and EU law. It should be analyzed whether this complicated relationship is more similar to a dualistic or a monistic approach. It must also be investigated whether the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice is fully coherent in this regard and whether a content-based approach is possible. Of special relevance is the status of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) in the EU legal order. [R, abr.]
67.911 MOÏSI, Dominique —
Europe is currently threatened by three “isms”: Jihadism, Putinism and populism. Leaders of EU member states are not measuring up to the amplitude of the crisis, and have simply shrugged responsibility onto Brussels. After the shock of Brexit, the European project has to find a second wind. Making the federal leap remains, for now, and illusion. The priority is to strengthen the existing system before attempting to come up with a new “Concert of European Nations”. [R] [See Abstr. 67.957]
67.912 MORALES PEDRAZA, Jorge —
The limitation, reduction, prohibition or elimination of specific types of weapons, particularly nuclear weapons is, and will continue to be, one of the most important challenges that the international community should face in the 21st c. To overcome these challenges a multilateral approach through the UN and its main organs and specialized international organizations involved in non-proliferation, disarmament and arms control issues is needed. These organs and specialized international organizations are: the General Assembly and its main subsidiary bodies, the Security Council, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty Organization (CTBTO) and the Conference on Disarmament (CD). [R]
67.913 MOREIRO GONZÁLEZ, Carlos J. —
The European Court of Justice has established a consistent case law strengthening the fundamental role of member states judges acting as EU ordinary judges, assigning them some powers in interim measures, when public interest of the EU or its public order is threatened. [This] increases the duty of diligence of the national judges in charge of interim measures, who must ensure the effectiveness of those provisions and legal principles at issues, as well as prevent infringements of such fundamental elements of EU legal order, which claim to be protected and applied in its entirety among all member states. The whole of the ECJ decisions which developed the regime of competence on interim measures for national judges, stands out for its dynamism, high technicality and because it tends to some didactics. [R, abr.]
67.914 MURPHY, Ray —
This paper argues that Ireland has been a consistent contributor to peacekeeping since 1958 and examines how the nature of Irish participation has evolved. The maintenance of an effective UN forms a key objective of Irish foreign policy within which peacekeeping and a policy of military neutrality have come to play a central role. In 1993, Ireland revised the legal basis for participation. This brought about a fundamental change in policy, after which participation in peacekeeping not specifically of a police nature was permitted. Ireland displays evidence of both self-interest and altruism in relation to peacekeeping. Unlike many other European countries, it did not “withdraw” from engagement during the 1990s. Despite greater clarity around decision-making processes in recent years, it is still difficult to discern a clear Irish policy strategy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.888]
67.915 MURRAY-EVANS, Peg —
This article critically interrogates claims that a British exit from the EU (Brexit) will create opportunities for the UK to escape the EU's apparent protectionism and cumbersome internal politics in order to pursue a more liberal and globalist trade agenda based on the Commonwealth. Taking a historical view of UK and EU trade relations with the Commonwealth in Africa, the author highlights the way in which the incorporation of the majority of Commonwealth states into the EU's preferential trading relationships has reconfigured ties between the UK and its former colonies over time. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.905]
67.916 MUSLIU, Vjosa —
This article discusses to what extent meanings and discourses on “EU membership” on the one hand and on the “Balkans” on the other, have shifted within Western Balkan countries in the past few years as a result of financial crisis in the EU. Focusing on Kosovo and Bosnia and Herzegovina, the article uses J. Derrida's deconstruction to problematize the return of terms such as “Balkan” and “Balkanized”, as a way to explain failures of the economic system. The article concludes that in the case of BH and to a lesser extent in Kosovo, there has been a de-mythicization of the EU. [R]
67.917 NAMUSOKE, Eva —
The Commonwealth has long been conceptualized as “a family of nations” in a reflection of the size, diversity and shared values of the organization. As the discussion in post-Brexit Britain engages with questions of race and immigration, it is important to consider the role the Commonwealth played in the referendum campaigns. The combination of the Leave campaign's promises to reinforce ties with “kith and kin” in Commonwealth countries with the xenophobia that defined the campaign prompts the question what exactly does the Commonwealth mean in modern Britain? The EU referendum revealed two Commonwealths — one reflecting the backgrounds of Britain's ethnic minorities, and one centered on the three majority white nations of Australia, New Zealand and Canada. This article investigates these conflicting visions of the Commonwealth in the referendum. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.905]
67.918 NILSSON, Claes; ZETTERLUND, Kristina —
In June 1993, Sweden contributed 1,041 soldiers to UN missions, making up some 1.5 per cent of the total number of UN troops. Two decades later, the picture looked very different. In June 2013, Sweden deployed only one person to UN-led peacekeeping operations, excluding military observers and staff officers. This article explains the shifts in Swedish contributions to UN peacekeeping. It first provides a background to Swedish historically strong support for UN peacekeeping, examining Sweden's policy of neutrality and non-alignment as well as sense of moral duty to champion a more equal world order. [It then] discusses the sharp decline in Sweden's participation from the mid-1990s and its underlying reasons, such as the desire to transform the Swedish Armed Forces. The ensuing section considers Sweden's participation in UN peacekeeping today. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.888]
67.919 NITOIU, Cristian —
The Ukraine crisis and Russia's contribution to it have raised numerous concerns regarding the possible emergence of a new “Cold War” in Europe. At the same time, Ukraine's popular choice and enthusiasm for European integration expressed clearly on the streets of Kyiv seem to have caused Russia to adopt a (neo)revisionist attitude. In this context, relations between Russia and the EU (and the West) have been limited, frozen and directed on path towards conflict. This article analyzes how the traditional dichotomy between conflict and cooperation in EU-Russia relations was replaced by conflict in the context of the Ukraine crisis. It contends that the breakdown of the symbolic and peaceful cohabitation between the EU and Russia has been influenced by the fact that both actors have chosen to ignore key tensions that characterized their post-Cold War interactions. [R, abr.]
67.920 NOLTE, Detlef; COMINI, Nicolás Matías —
South America features a very particular regional architecture, one which is characterized by the proliferation and overlapping of regional organizations, with UNASUR at the center. UNASUR is an intergovernmental organization with no supranational institutions. The article argues that institutional flexibility, which is both a core element of South American regionalism and a specific institutional feature of UNASUR, corresponds with the key interests of the founding members of this organization. Based on this assumption, the article analyze the strategies and policies of the various Argentinean governments during the period when UNASUR was created (1999–2008). [R, abr.]
67.921 O'BRIEN, Peter —
Many experts underscore a firm difference between (US) American and European approaches to combating terrorism. Other scholars contend that, since 11 September 2001, European governments have emulated the US by “securitizing” immigration and trampling on the civil and human rights of immigrants of Muslim heritage. Still other analysts discern within Europe distinct national styles of counterterrorism such as French assimilation and deportation versus British multiculturalism and conciliation. This article finds neither a coherent policy strategy nor an unmistakable political consensus in Europe regarding counterterrorism. Instead, a comparative analysis reveals a jumble of ethically inconsistent and practically contradictory measures. [R]
67.922 OGBONNAYA, Ufiem Maurice —
The nobility of the objectives and aspiration of the African Union's Agenda 2063 towards the developmental needs of the African people are laudable, as are the attempts to ensure collective action, despite the “shield of sovereignty behind which too many corrupt leaders have hidden”. However, these objectives may be threatened by the upsurge in militant Islamism and terrorism within and outside Africa, a fact not being addressed by Agenda 2063. Yet while Agenda 2063 does not address the challenges posed by terrorist networks within the continent, which are threatening human security as well as the sovereignty, territoriality, legitimacy and stability of political regimes, these issues are at the core of the agenda. This article argues for Agenda 2063 to step up its efforts to combat both terrorism's roots and threat to development. [R, abr.]
67.923 OHLER, Christoph —
The article analyzes the development of the European financial architecture from 1993 to 2013, i.e., from the beginning of the internal market for financial services to the Single Supervisory Mechanism (SSM). It builds on the thesis that organizational decisions in the area of public administration are mainly driven by three factors: policy objectives, constitutional restraints, and available resources including staff and finances. The ongoing debt crisis in Europe led to a new assessment of the supervisory system, [and] the European Council established the SSM, [making] the ECB directly responsible for significant banks whereas the less significant banks are still supervised by the national competent authorities. This reform reduces considerably the extent of the decentralized model, streamlines supervisory practices, and bypasses [existing] constitutional constraints. [R, abr.]
67.924 OLSEN, Espen D. H.; TRENZ, Hans-Jörg —
We critically examine the question of how to link the “micro” of deliberative mini-publics with the “macro” of the democratic system. To explore this puzzle, we relate to EuroPolis, a transnational deliberative experiment that took place one week ahead of the 2009 European Parliamentary elections. The main argument is that although the scientific design of deliberative polls is a necessary condition for the fulfillment of the criteria for equal participation and informed opinion-making of selected citizens (the micro-dimension), this does not necessarily translate into a democratically representative and legitimate proxy for the broader political constituency (the macro-dimension). This problem is potentially exacerbated in deliberative settings that cut across domestic political cultures and nationalized public spheres. [R]
67.925 PABST, Martin —
The UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) assisted to ensure that the ceasefire was respected by the conflict parties Morocco and the Polisario Front. However, MINURSO was incapable of organizing a referendum of self-determination. The mission as well as the mutually accepted settlement proposal is now in a deep crisis. In response to statements made by UN Secretary-General Ban Kimoon, Morocco expelled most of the international civilian MINURSO staff in March 2016. Meanwhile, frustration is rising among Sahrawi refugees in the occupied territory and in refugee camps, and the conflict parties are preparing for a potential rekindling of armed conflict. [R, abr.]
67.926 PASTOR PALOMAR, Antonio —
This paper is focused on the network of shared embassies and consulates between Spain and several European or Ibero-American states, as well as cases between Spain and EU delegations. The 1961 Convention and the 1963 Convention set the key international legal framework, and yet it can be started that there is a progressive development of the law. Two laws have recently been approved in Spain on foreign action and on treaties and other international agreements that can develop new forms of diplomacy, such as co-location. This practice has not yet been made public, although it has been declared of strategic interest by the Spanish administration. In conclusion, it has been demonstrated the need to show and order this practice made up of international agreements. [R]
67.927 PETITEVILLE, Franck —
This article questions frequently made claims that international organizations (IOs) “depoliticize” international regulation. Based on a review of the literature in sociology, political science and anthropology on IOs, the paper provides a systematic analysis of the dialectic relationship between politicization and depoliticization in IOs. We identify the main processes through which depoliticization occurs: the use of ethics and norms, the political neutralization of official rhetoric, and the mobilization of multiple forms of expertise as a tool of apolitical self-legitimization. We also explore the factors that may explain IOs' tendency to depoliticize, namely decision-making and diplomatic constraints linked to the intergovernmental structure of their managing bodies and the administrative and cultural constraints inherent to IO bureaucracies. [R, abr.]
67.928 POLLICINO, Oreste —
This article, after a brief reference to Articles 7 and 8 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU and to the manner in which such provisions were interpreted in the first stage of the case law of the Court of Luxembourg, focuses on the reasoning of the Court in the decisions under examination. The article highlights, in particular, the role played by the provisions of the Charter in the reasoning of the judges and its impact on the final decisions taken by the Court. The concluding remarks then analyze the consequences which seem to derive from the assessment made by the Court of Justice, when it focuses on the digital domain instead of the analog, which translate into a reduction in the level of protection of certain fundamental rights. [R] [See Abstr. 67.11]
67.929 PREUNKERT, Jenny —
The article [examines] how the introduction of the euro changed the environment for government debt-managers and therefore altered government debt-management strategies. It argues that the common currency has led to the institutionalization of a transnational field. In this new European field, the strategies of its members are a treatment of both the common shared rules and the mutual awareness of each other and their role in the field. In times of stability, the European field pushed the competition among government debt-managers and therefore resulted in converging tendencies in government debt-management approaches without overcoming all differences. Contrary to this, during the crisis and therefore in times of an unstable environment, government debt-management approaches became more divergent and more hierarchic. [R]
67.930 PRICE, Sophia —
Development cooperation between the EU and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of states has provided a vehicle for the UK's ongoing relationship with the majority of the Commonwealth, although this was widely overlooked in the run-up to the UK referendum and its aftermath. Membership of the EU has provided the UK with the opportunity to collectivize its obligations to ACP Commonwealth states and a framework for its development cooperation relations across the Global South. This has augmented British leadership in global development and the alignment of development policy and practice at the global, regional and national levels. This paper argues that withdrawal from the EU would be a lengthy and costly process that threatens to undermine the UK's position in global development, current levels and sources of development funding and existing and nascent trade relations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.905]
67.931 PUETTER, Uwe —
This article builds on the analysis of institutional change in the EU as projected by two closely related approaches: deliberative and new intergovernmentalism. Consensus and deliberation play a pivotal role within these perspectives. The two concepts are seen as key for understanding institutional change within the European Council and Council environment. Euro-crisis decision-making, which by several authors is seen as evidence of either hard intergovernmental bargaining or as a transformation of consensus politics into domination, thus may undermine a core assumption of the new intergovernmentalism. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.849]
67.932 PUETTER, Uwe; FABBRINI, Sergio —
This article synthetizes the contributions of the special issue along three major lines of reasoning. First, the European Council is considered as a catalyst of post-Maastricht integration. This is mainly due to its policymaking role in core new areas of EU activity. Second, inter-institutional relations that have emerged between the European Council, the Council, the Commission and the EP in the post-Maastricht era and in particular the post-Lisbon era are seen to reflect both the centrality of the European Council and a novel way of initiating and implementing EU policy. Finally, the political process within and around the European Council is considered that has taken place against the background of the most recent crises conditions. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.849]
67.933 REIS DA SILVA, André Luiz; SPOHR, Alexandre Piffero; LORETO DA SILVEIRA, Isadora —
This article traces South-South cooperation political lineages connecting the Non-Aligned Movement and the IBSA (India, Brazil, South Africa) Forum. In order to determine whether IBSA could be considered the “heir” to Bandung's principles, we analyze the concepts of “Third World” and “Global South” as well as their current applicability, the interpretations provided by existing literature on the IBSA grouping, and its member countries' shared views on different issues of the international agenda. The article also considers the historical evolution of “Southern” diplomatic thought and actions. IBSA's actions and history, as well as its members, are studied to grasp how they are related to the Third World movement in the Cold War. [R]
67.934 RIEKER, Pernille; GJERDE, Kristian Lundby —
Recent developments in European security have shown the growing need for a better understanding of the security dynamics on the European continent. This article presents an analysis of differing Russian and European perceptions of European security in general, and concerning the crisis in Ukraine in particular. We provide an impartial presentation and analysis of the dominant Russian and EU discourses. This we see as essential for investigating the potential for constructive dialogue between Russia and the EU. If simplistic assumptions about the motivations and intentions of other actors take hold in the public debate and policy analyses, the main actors may be drawn into a logic that is ultimately dangerous or counterproductive. With this article we offer a modest contribution towards discouraging such a development in Russia-EU relations. [R, abr.]
67.935 ROACH, Steven C. —
This article focuses on the different meaning of affects and emotions, and theorizes about the affective qualities of values in world politics. Affective values arise from the ceaseless, unconscious striving(s) to contest the outside control over one's life. It distinguishes between negative affective values, which represent the evocation of fear, shame, and distrust to shape and project the creative energies of resistance, and positive affective values that signify the material and practical strategies that convert these energies into an awareness of one's insecurity in the world. The tension between positive and negative affective values allows us to understand the transformative link between emotions and values. Focusing on the norm of humanitarian intervention, it contextualizes positive affective values in terms of the new resilience initiative of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P). [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.149]
67.936 SÁENZ DE SANTA MARÍA, Paz Andrés —
The article analyzes the conventional practice of the EU from the perspective of the law of treaties, dealing with its most significant aspects. After indicating some particularities in the member states' treaty making power, the article addresses several topics, such as the frequent use of the provisional application, the limited practice concerning reservations, the resort to inter se agreements, the variety of clauses used, and the difficulties to determine the nature of some agreements. moreover, it examines some misrepresentations caused by the EU practice in the Spanish practice. The study highlights that the law of treaties is a useful tool for the Union and the EU has also enriched the law of treaties with imaginable contributions. [R]
67.937 SARDADVAR, Sascha —
The continuing integration of the EU, both vertically and horizontally, changes the relations between its economies and inevitably affects interregional distribution of production and wealth. At the same time, the EU is shaped by vast interregional disparities. This article first discusses theoretical approaches to explain the interplay between core-periphery relations and economic integration. It shows that human capital and its migration behavior play a critical role in economic geography models of core-periphery relations as well as in neoclassical growth models. In both theoretical approaches, the free mobility of labor and investments tends to favor those economies which are initially well-equipped with physical and human capital. The empirical part shows that interregional inequality as measured by the distribution of the EU's GDP decreased steadily until 2008, but has increased slightly since. [R, abr.]
67.938 SCHILLING, Warner R.; SCHILLING, Jonathan L. —
The authors analyze how leaders weigh the costs and benefits of using assassination to advance their foreign policy interests. They conclude that the decision-making process is prone to bias, especially when dependent on the identity of the likely successor. [R]
67.939 SCHIMMELFENNIG, Frank —
This article analyzes organizational differentiation, a process in which states refuse, or are being refused, full integration but find value in establishing in-between grades of membership. It describes how the EU's system of graded membership has developed, and it explains the positioning of states in this system. The core countries of the EU set a standard of “good governance”. The closer European countries are to this standard, the closer their membership grade is to the core. Some countries fall short of this standard and are refused further integration by the core: their membership grade increases with better governance. Other countries refuse further integration because they outperform the standards of the core countries: their membership grade decreases as governance improves. These conjectures are corroborated in a panel analysis of European countries. [R, abr.]
67.940 SCHMALZ, Stefan; WEINMANN, Nico —
The article analyzes the recent wave of labor unrest in Western Europe after the 2008 financial and economic crisis. It draws theoretically on the global capitalism school and a labor power resource approach, and empirically on a database on social conflict (JenaConDa). Unlike the last cycle of contention between 1968 and 1973, the post-2008 conflicts have changed in two respects: First, the uneven and combined development of European integration has led to a spatially uneven distribution of workers' protests. Second, in the current wave of conflict, new forms of non-institutionalized conflicts have emerged. [R]
67.941 SCHNYDER, Melissa —
This paper assesses how well supranational umbrella organizations represent the interests of their constituencies in EU policy-making. I examine two prominent European umbrella organizations — The European Council on Refugees and Exiles and The European Network Against Racism — and their national member organizations. I hypothesize that, due to the notoriously diverse set of actors and issue priorities that comprise migrant inclusion, not all interests are represented equally well at the supranational level, leading to some degree of “representational strain”. I first analyze the dimensions on which issue priorities are structured at both the umbrella and constituency levels, and secondly, the degree of congruence between the interests of national members and European umbrella organizations. [R, abr.]
67.942 SCHWARZ, Oliver —
Which factors shape the process of EU enlargement in South-Eastern Europe? This question continues to be a puzzling subject of scholarly debate. A set of hypotheses can be derived from current literature on EU enlargement. Broadly speaking, these hypotheses fall into two general categories: internal and external factors. Building on these factors, the analysis elaborates on the idea of different paths of EU enlargement, adopting a qualitative comparative perspective. More specifically, the study applies fuzzy-set QCA to eight candidate states from South-Eastern Europe. The results show that the factor of political transformation is a necessary condition for EU enlargement in South-Eastern Europe. However, political transformation is not individually sufficient for the outcome of enlargement, but only in conjunction with other factors. [R, abr.]
67.943 SELCHOW, Sabine —
In June 2015, High Representative F. Mogherini presented her strategic assessment The European Union in a changing global environment as the express point of reference for the new EU Global Strategy. Grounded in the premise that this assessment is not simply a description of the state of the world but plays into the construction of social reality, this article sets out to understand the openings and closings of possibilities that it holds. My analysis generates a number of concrete insights, ranging from insights into the distinct nature of the challenges the EU is facing, to the discovery that there is no “existential threat” and the importance of “regions” as a guiding category. [R, abr.]
67.944 SHAPOVALOVA, Natalia —
This article examines the little-explored issue of non-state actor (NSA) participation in the CSDP. Despite the fact that NGOs and civil society are shielded from formal access to CSDP, EU staff in both Brussels and the missions engage with them informally. Drawing on interviews with policy-makers and NSA representatives, the article analyzes the practices of the EU in its engagement with NSAs, focusing on civilian missions in Georgia and Palestine. It shows that such engagement is more intense during implementation at the level of CSDP missions rather than during policy-making in Brussels. [R, abr.]
67.945 SHAWKI, Noha —
The Millennium Development Goals guided international poverty-reduction efforts from 2000 until 2015 and they will be succeeded by the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which will be guided by a new set of goals, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It is argued here that since the process of formulating SDGs, targets, and indicators for their implementation brought together actors with different (and sometimes competing) issue-frames, values, and agendas for discussions that clarify the content of norms and their scope, this process can bring about norm-contestation and norm-change. This article uses an issue raised in the context of the SDGs — land rights — to illustrate processes of international norm-contestation, evolution, and change. It contributes to the growing body of literature that views norms and their content and boundaries as dynamic. [R]
67.946 SOBOL, Mor —
A decade since the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) was launched and following the policy's ineffectiveness in bringing peace, stability and prosperity to the neighborhood, the EU has faced fierce criticism from scholars and policy-makers alike. Despite various attempts to redesign, rebrand or rename the policy and even with the new institutional structure of EU foreign policy, there is little reason to believe that the ENP will be effective. By examining key events and official Communications throughout the development of the ENP, it is possible to observe that the actors responsible for the policy's implementation, namely the European Commission, the HR and the EEAS, are held hostages by EU Member States which are unable (or unwilling) to take the initiative forward. [See Abstr. 67.842]
67.947 STRELKOV, Alexander —
The article explores the recent shift in the EU's approach towards candidate states in the Western Balkans. It argues that the European Commission has started to pay greater attention to parliaments in candidate states in order to promote and secure accession-related reforms. As a result, national parliaments in candidate states have greater opportunities to shape the content of these reforms, including those in the rule of law sector. Consequently, the article elaborates on the factors that could potentially affect Balkan parliaments' involvement in the accession process. [R]
67.948 STUENKEL, Oliver —
Has soft power in the emerging world risen commensurately to its hard power? Can the BRICS' soft power rival that of the West as emerging powers expand their global presence? An analysis of the questions above shows that, despite remarkable economic growth during the first decade of the 21st c., BRICS countries' capacity to enhance their soft power is highly uneven, and they still struggle to rival established Western powers in most of the concept's dimensions. Still, the BRICS grouping, created on the basis of economic forecasts, is increasingly being used as a platform to enhance soft power, primarily through the creation of the New Development Bank and a series of other institutions. [R] [See Abstr. 67.834]
67.949 TABAR, Linda —
This paper examines the humanitarian assistance that flooded the occupied Palestinian territories after the beginning of the second intifada (2000–2005). It provides a critical analysis of the international development aid directed at Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, where the Oslo process was territorialized, to the exclusion of the vast majority of the Palestinian people. Today, Palestinians are challenging the dominant development discourse and neoliberal economic model set in place by the Oslo Accords, wherein development recast Israeli settler colonialism as an externality, which the putative Palestinian state-building project would transcend. Returning to Yusif Sayigh's view that development cannot occur under settler colonialism, Palestinians are articulating alternatives to the Oslo post-conflict paradigm that emphasize self-reliance and resistance. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Palestinian economic development”, edited and introduced, “Twenty-first century Palestinian development studies”, pp. 7–15, by Raja KHALIDI. See also Abstr. 67.851, 1023]
67.950 TADEM, Teresa S. Encarnacion —
This paper elucidates how domestic and external factors have shaped the negotiating policy of the Philippines in bringing about incremental gains not only for its benefit but also for other developing countries during the WTO Agreement on Agriculture Doha Development Round (DDR). The internal factors include the following: (1) executive monopoly of the WTO negotiations; (2) issue-based fragmentation and dispersal of authority; (3) the autonomy and flexibility of the Philippine WTO negotiator; (4) the involvement of civil society in the WTO negotiations, and (4) the central role of the Department of Agriculture as the lead agency in the WTO negotiations. A major reason for this is attributed to an external factor which is the centrality of agriculture as a major WTO issue among developing countries. [R, abr.]
67.951 TARDY, Thierry —
French policy towards UN peacekeeping reflects the ambivalence of what France wants to achieve in the field of conflict management and through which institutional frameworks it prefers to work. On the one hand, France is greatly involved in the design and decision-making process of contemporary UN-led peacekeeping operations. On the other hand, after having been present in the field during the early 1990s, France underwent a major policy shift that led it to distance itself from UN operations. This chapter offers a narrative of French policy and perceptions vis-à-vis the virtues and limits of UN peacekeeping operations in the twenty-first century. It examines the French level of contributions, decision-making process, motivations and lessons learnt from past and current operations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.888]
67.952 TERCOVICH, Giulia —
In a mix of “genetic multilateralism” of Italian society and the “institutional multilateralism” of the Italian Constitution, the UN acquired [since] 1955 a central position in Italian foreign policy and Italian participation in the UN and its institutions became increasingly active. Italy is the top troop contributor to UN Peacekeeping operations among Western countries. Since the 1960s, Italy has participated in 33 UN Peacekeeping operations. By providing an historical overview of Italy's approach to UN Peacekeeping and explaining the different engagements and disengagements drive through the shift in the foreign policy priorities of the country and the influence of domestic factors, this article [addresses]: “how much will Italy be willing to contribute to UN Peacekeeping in the future?” and “Does Italy see other multilateral options (EU and NATO) as alternatives to the UN?” [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.888]
67.953 THALER, Philipp —
The post-Maastricht era is characterized by a growing importance of the European Council in the integration of various policy-fields. In this respect, EU energy policy is no exception. The fragmentation in three coexisting strands and external shocks has emphasized the need for intergovernmental coordination and oversight. This new intergovernmentalism, exemplified prominently by the recent move towards Energy Union, is surprising in two respects. On the one hand, energy is an area of diverse member state interests that repeatedly thwarted ambitious plans for deepening European integration. On the other hand, the European Council's new intergovernmentalism challenges the classical role of the European Commission in the field that was rooted in its single market competence. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.849]
67.954 TSIAPA, Maria —
This article studies how spatial heterogeneity (by urban concentration) and economic heterogeneity (by economic dualism), which are being affected by trade integration with the EU, influence the growth of European Neighbourhood Policy countries (ENPs). It is proved that urban concentration is not always related to growth. Furthermore, the eastern and southern areas of the ENPs represent two different cases of heterogeneity. In the eastern ENPs the pattern of heterogeneity seems to generate more benefits for the metropolitan region and the country in comparison with the southern ENPs in which population accumulations do not function as critical foundations of their development process. [R]
67.955 TULL, Denis M. —
With up to 22,018 personnel and 16 years into its mandate, the UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the DR Congo (MONUSCO) is the largest and longest-standing multidimensional UN peacekeeping operation. Since the post-conflict elections in 2006, MONUSCO has been politically marginalized by the sovereignty-minded Congolese government. As a result, MONUSCO's effort to rebuild state institutions as a means of stabilization have proved largely ineffective. The increasingly robust posture of its military contingents tasked with aiding the government in extending state authority has not helped the mission overcome its political marginalization. [R]
67.956 VAN WILLIGEN, Niels —
The Netherlands has a long tradition of political and military involvement in UN peacekeeping. Like other European countries, its participation decreased considerably from the end of the 1990s onwards. The Dutch “returned” only in 2014 when they delivered a substantial number of troops for the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) in Mali. This article puts Dutch participation in UN peacekeeping into an historical context. It analyzes the reasons for withdrawal and subsequently explores the obstacles and opportunities for a structural return. The article argues that the decision to participate in MINUSMA is mainly explained by national interests and domestic factors. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.888]
67.957 VERHOFSTADT, Guy —
Brexit is the symptom of the crisis of the European project. The various peoples of Europe do not identify with Brussels bureaucrats and are retreating behind national boundaries. All the while, intergovernmental cooperation is not functioning well, highlighted most notably by the handling of the refugee crisis. European institutions, such as they exist today, are out of breath and only a federal leap will bring Europe out of this impasse. [R] [First of two article on “Europe without compass”. See also Abstr. 67.911]
67.958 VILLE, Ferdi De; VERMEIREN, Mattias —
We examine the role of EMU-China monetary and trade relations in the divergent evolution of the extra-regional trade balance of Germany and the GIPS countries (Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain). Drawing on the insights of the Varieties of Capitalism literature, we argue that the institutional adaptability of these countries to these deepening relations has been a function of the presence of particular labor market institutions that allow manufacturing firms to maintain their competitiveness. Coordinated labor market institutions supported Germany's extra-regional trade balance performance by bestowing its manufacturing firms with comparative institutional advantages, whereas the absence of these labor market institutions in the GIPS rendered their manufacturing firms much less institutionally adjusted to deal with the competitiveness pressures associated with the rise of China. [R, abr.]
67.959 VINOKUROV, Evgenij —
The Eurasian Economic Union, founded in 2015, is the most important integration project in post-Soviet space. After more than two decades of disintegration and failed reintegration, Russia, Belarus, Armenia, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan now have for the first time a common market for goods and services. However, some goods are exempt and non-tariff barriers are numerous. For now, coordination of monetary and fiscal policies remains only a goal. Just as important as internal integration is the expansion of cooperation with China and the EU as the new common market's most important partners. The creation of a “fortress Eurasia” would be suicide. [R] [See Abstr. 67.397]
67.960 VLASOV, Nikita —
This is a great deal of disunity in ASEAN, and the reason is that not all the member countries are prepared to put the association's corporate interests before their national interests, least of all if this conflicts with territorial claims or may hinder cooperation with an important partner. ASEAN does not follow the one-for-all-and-all-for-one principle. The organization is invisibly split into two groups — nations for which the territorial disputes are strategic issues and those that do not want to get involved. With this individualism on the one hand and the growing appetites of Beijing and Washington on the other, one can hardly expect any corporate neutrality from ASEAN. [R]
67.961 VOLLMER, Bastian A. —
This article discusses changes in the discourse and practice of the EU external border. Findings of a small-scale research project looking at UNHCR'S Border Management and Protection of Refugees (BMPR) program discuss developments at the EU external border and show a new kind of narrative. Institutional cooperation, access to territory and compliance with the principle of non-refoulement seem to have improved. A more empathetic narrative of border security has found its way into institutions of enforcement authorities that primarily follow their mandate of protecting the state's border and territory. This new narrative is, however, highly politicized and institutionally driven. By taking a more critical view, I introduce the concept of humane refoulement towards the end of the article describing the consequences of this new narrative and denoting it as hypocritical in its nature. [R]
67.962 VUKOV, Visnja —
This article analyzes the transformations of state policies in the EU and explores the patterns of their convergence or divergence in the context of increased economic transnationalization. The starting point is the thesis that in the globalized, post-Fordist economy, welfare states are transforming into Competition States concerned primarily with increasing the competitiveness of their territory and aiming at labor recommodification rather than decommodification. The article offers an operationalization of the concept of Competition State and uses cluster analysis to examine to what extent different European states converged on this model from mid-1990s to 2007. The results show that Eurozone members over time converge to a single cluster less oriented towards increasing competitiveness than are the states outside of the EMU, while the latter indeed experience transformations towards Competition States. [R, abr.]
67.963 VUKOVIĆ, Ivan —
This article contributes to a better understanding of the process of political competition during the European integration process in Montenegro. While unanimously endorsing the process of its EU accession, political parties in the country are at odds with each other regarding almost all other issues of substantial importance for its past and future, including Montenegro's state independence. This article shows what is in the EU that brings divided Montenegrin political parties together, and asks if it is the EU at all? [R, abr.]
67.964 WOEHRLE, Lynne M.; COY, Patrick G.; MANEY, Gregory M. —
Black feminist scholars argued decades ago for working for peace and justice from the intersections of people's multiple identities. A body of scholarship focused on intersectionality subsequently arose since doing so is thought to have broader appeal and be more efficacious. However, the degrees to which social movements actually use intersectional discourses is undetermined. Quantitative and qualitative data analyses from a longitudinal study (1990–2005) of peace movement organizations (PMOs) reveals surprisingly low levels of use. A subset of data from the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), a group thought to be highly likely to use intersectional discourses, was used to further explore the disconnect between public statements and organizational sensibility. [R, abr.]
67.965 YABANCI, Bilge —
This article investigates legitimacy of EU state-building and conflict-resolution as a continuous and collective process through which local stakeholders, as the direct bearers of EU policies, ascribe meaning and support for the EU actors and actions on the ground. Contrary to the static and narrow understanding of legitimacy in the EU literature, the article offers a dynamic framework of legitimacy based on two main aspects: (1) sources of legitimacy (input and output) and (2) objects of legitimacy (diffuse and specific support) in order to trace the complicated relationship between the EU and different local groups (the government, parliamentary opposition, local NGOs and public opinion) in Kosovo. [R, abr.]
67.966 YOO Ji Yeong —
While commercial sanctions are generally prohibited in the WTO, sanction measures under limited emergency circumstances subjected to security exceptions provisions can be consistent in the world trading system. The recently authorized UN economic sanction against North Korea is automatically justified under clause (c) of WTO security exceptions. Secondary sanction measures unilaterally reviewed by individual states, however, may and may not be consistent with WTO/FTA security exceptions provisions. This research analytically studies the consistency problem of extraterritorially applicable US secondary sanction measures against North Korea with WTO and especially KORUS FTA security exceptions. It sheds light on potential trade conflicts among Korea, the US and China. Such application of security exceptions provisions to a specific case provides critical grounds to evaluate the current system on trade and security. [R]
67.967 ZEPEDA GIL, Raúl —
Until 2014, Mexico had refused to send military personnel to UN peacekeeping operations. This paper explains the change in position of the Ministry of Defense, which influenced the decision of the president, through an analysis of the political stakeholders involved using G. Allison's model of bureaucratic and organizational analysis, and Ch. Lindblom's incremental public policy model. The study of Mexico's absence from these operations reveals the changes in the country's foreign policy through changes in the incumbent political party, the rotation of bureaucratic cadres, and the dynamics of relations between civilians — in this case diplomats — and the military. [R]
67.968 ZHELYAZKOVA, Asya; KAYA, Cansarp; SCHRAMA, Reini —
Despite the vast literature on policy implementation, systematic cross-national research focusing on implementers' performance regarding different policy issues is still in its infancy. The EU policies are conducive to examining this relationship in a comparative setting, as the EU member states need to implement various EU directives both legally and in practice. This study analyzes the relationship between legal conformity and practical implementation and the conditions for practical deviations in 27 member states across issues from four policy areas (Internal Market, Environment, Justice and Home Affairs and Social Policy). It is expected that the policy preferences of domestic political elites affect their incentives to “decouple” practical from legal compliance. Instead, administrative and institutional capacities and societal constraints are likely to limit the ability of policy-makers to exert control over the implementation process. [R, abr.]
67.969
Articles by See Seng TAN, “The DMM-Plus: regionalism that works?”, pp. 70–75; Siew Mun TANG, “ASEAN and the ADMM-Plus: balancing between strategic imperatives and functionality”, pp. 76–82; Brendan TAYLOR, “A pragmatic partner: Australia and the ADMM-Plus”, pp. 83–88; Penghong CAI, “ASEAN's defense diplomacy and China's military diplomacy”, pp. 89–95; Udai Bhanu SINGH, “The significance of the ADMM-Plus: a perspective from India”, pp. 96–101; Ken JIMBO, “Anchoring diversified security cooperation in the ADMM-Plus: a Japanese perspective”, pp. 102–106; David COPIE, “New Zealand's interests in the ADMM-Plus: multilateralism, practical cooperation, and a rules-based regional order”, pp. 107–113; Victor SUMSKY, “A Russian perspective on the relevance and challenges of the ADMM-Plus”, pp. 114–116; Jaehyon LEE, “A South Korean perspective on the potential contributions and limitations of the ADMM-Plus”, pp. 117–122; Kurt LEFFLER, “The ADMM-Plus and the US department of defense: beyond the “talk-shop” paradigm”, pp. 123–130.
67.970
Articles by Richard GRAHAM; Shirley M. OSBORNE; Michael POOLE; Chesanne BRANDON; Mohammad RAZZAQUE; Oliver EVERETT.
(b) Foreign policy and international relations/Politique étrangère et relations internationales
67.971 AHMAD, Samir —
In the last few decades, there has been a marked increase in the number of track-two processes and other citizen-led peace initiatives between India and Pakistan. My recent study [shows] that there are at least twelve track-two dialogue processes and around twenty other unofficial peace negotiations under process led by various civil society groups. Yet, there are a number of questions that need to be answered such as, what is their mechanism to interact with the track one actors, its role to promote peace and future prospectus. And it can serve as confidence-building measure between the two nuclear powers. In this context, the focus of the current paper is to [seek] answers to some of these questions. [R]
67.972 AKBARZADEH, Shahram; BARRY, James —
This article examines the role of corporate identity in Iran's foreign policy-making. Drawing on interviews with Iranian stakeholders and an analysis of Iran's political developments, this article surveys the three key elements of Iranian nationalism that shape Iranian foreign policy: Iranism, Islam, and Shi'ism. This article finds that each of these is crucial in explaining the apparent contradictions in the approaches of several significant Iranian leaders, especially in cases where Iranism collides with religious values. By highlighting how each component is at once unique but still intrinsically linked to the others, this article demonstrates how Iran's foreign policy choices can be understood in relation to its corporate identity. [R]
67.973 ALBONETTI, Achille —
Recently, President B. Obama has detailed his foreign policy guidelines on two occasions. Stated briefly, the President affirmed that the US should concentrate on its internal problems and leave the responsibility of international peace in the hands of its allies, and even of third countries. This should reassure V. Putin, who, conversely, is deeply involved in several international conflicts, including the illegal annexation of Crimea, and has self-assumed a central role in the Syrian conflict. China, for its part, is not a military crisis center despite its initiatives concerning the islands of its adjacent seas. Presently, the Chinese crisis is economic and financial. Its economic growth, after years of constant rise, has decelerated and the consequences are being felt worldwide.
67.974 AMADIO VICERÉ, Maria Giulia —
The post-Lisbon foreign and security policy has witnessed the growth in relevance of intergovernmental forums for policy coordination and joint decision-making including the European Council and the Foreign Affairs Council. Rather than acting as obstacles to policy integration [in] certain circumstances, such forums act as its main catalysts of integration, without greater empowerment of supranational actors. This article offers an in-depth study of the ramifications of the post-Lisbon institutional dynamics and of their effects on the governance of the EU's CFSP. The roles of the President of the European Council and that of the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy are central to this policy field as it is illustrated in relation to EU's policy approach to Kosovo. [R] [See Abstr. 67.849]
67.975 ARKAN, Zeynep; KINACIOĞLU, Müge —
Building on the argument that a state's history and location in the world are inherent parts of its foreign policy narrative which constitutes its identity, this article analyzes the spatial and temporal representations of Turkey in A. Davutoglu's articulation of foreign policy. It employs a critical constructivist perspective and explores how these representations have shaped the identity of the country. It contends that Davutoglu's foreign policy vision for Turkey is an attempt to reconstruct the international role and responsibilities of Turkey through a transformed identity based on a reinterpretation of its historical heritage and geographic location. Further, it argues that Davutoglu's foreign policy discourse depicts Turkey as the global representative, speaker and leader of a specific community of peoples, which in turn has enabled an “ambitious activism” in Turkish foreign policy. [R, abr.]
67.976 BENWELL, Matthew C.; PINKERTON, Alasdair —
On 23 June 2016, the UK voted in a referendum to leave the EU. As well as citizens of the UK, residents of the UK Overseas Territory of Gibraltar were also allowed to vote, with 96 per cent voting Remain. The campaign was characterized by increasingly heated debate and sharply contrasting visions for Britain and its relationship with the wider world in the 21st c. The authors argue that the UK's 2016 EU referendum campaign and the political and economic evaluations that it has invited have exposed a shifting relationship between the UK and its Overseas Territories (OTs) and demonstrate the role played by the EU in fostering the OTs' political, economic and regional security — a perspective often ignored by the OTs' so-called “friends” and supporters. [R, abr.]
67.977 BOON Hoo Tiang —
This article addresses Sino-Indian relations from the alternative and under-engaged lens of hedging, as opposed to the more conventional balancing and bandwagoning dichotomy. It analyzes why and how, despite the general stable state of and progress in Sino-Indian relations, Delhi has pursued a hedging strategy against China. Under the present Modi administration, India has not deviated markedly from its traditionally prudent foreign policy approach towards China. Yet, there have been discernible changes and, arguably, the main departure from the previous government's policy is a matter of degree: a more consolidated hedging component combined with a more robust engagement policy towards China. Like several countries in the Indo-Pacific confronted with the rise of China, India remains strategically ambivalent about China. [R]
67.978 BOSIO, Daniele —
In July 2015, the first hearing of the arbitration proceedings with respect to the long dispute between China and the Philippines in the South China Sea was held before the Permanent Court of Arbitration. On 22 January 2013, the Republic of the Philippines presented a notification that instituted proceedings against the People's Republic of China, as provided for in article 287 of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea and article 1 of Annex VII to the Convention. On 19 February 2013, China presented a Note Verbale to the Philippines in which it described “the Position of China on the South China Sea issues”, and rejected and returned the Philippines' Notification.
67.979 BRADLEY, Alison —
In 18 years of China-South Africa relations, the two countries have evolved from minimal contact to deep economic engagement fraught with ideological and political uncertainty. The bilateral relationship is increasingly institutionalized on the global and regional level, yet also dogged by domestic criticism among a growing bloc of South Africans who are concerned by what they perceive as neo-colonial influence and an erosion of their democratic ideals. While South African President J. Zuma has publicly labeled the bilateral relationship “unsustainable”, a recent government document calls the Communist Party of China “a guiding lodestar of our own struggle”. This article asks whether South Africa's leadership has the strength to stand up to an increasingly confident and assertive foreign power on its own soil. [R]
67.980 BROERS, Laurence —
This article applies the concepts of linkage and leverage to the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. While other post-Soviet conflicts feature cross-border linkages reinforcing the axes of conflict, this study reveals patterns of multi-directional, fragmented and cross-cutting linkages with a wide range of external actors. This pattern has diffused leverage potentials of external actors, accounting for the lack of decisive shifts in the direction of either conflict escalation or resolution, or regime renewal. The resulting linkage/leverage structure has proven stable but hinges on a tension between diffuse international leverage and a collective default among international actors to conflict management rather than resolution. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1014]
67.981 BRUUSGAARD, Kristin Ven —
Russia's intention to conduct a Ukraine-style hybrid operation against a NATO country is uncertain, but its determination to deter NATO from encroaching on Russia's security interests is clear. [R]
67.982 BUENO DE MESQUITA, Bruce; SMITH, Alastair —
Despite the extensive empirical and theoretical research into foreign aid, there remains little or no formal analysis of aid-giving in a competitive donor environment. We endeavor to fill this lacuna with both a model and empirical analysis of aid-for-policy deals with rival aid donors. The model indicates that a dominant donor captures all the surplus from any deal. We test several hypotheses that follow from the model. We demonstrate that the US paid less (in constant dollars) and gained more in policy terms through aid before the Soviet Union became a significant aid player. Once the Soviet Union became a player in the international aid arena, the US paid more for aid and got less by way of security concessions from recipients. [R]
67.983 BUSBARAT, Pongphisoot —
This article examines Thailand's foreign policy posture towards China and the US since the early 2000s. It argues that Thailand increasingly faces difficulties in maintaining its time-honored diplomatic tradition of flexibility and pragmatism. The “China factor”, together with domestic developments since the late 1990s, including the rise of nationalist sentiment among the public and political polarization, have become important determinants in the decision-making process vis-à-vis Thailand's relations with Washington and Beijing. As a result, compared to other US allies in Asia, Thailand does not always accommodate American policies but, in many circumstances, acts in favor of China instead. This policy posture is not a product of a well-planned strategy, but rather a reaction to the China factor and domestic sensitivities surrounding decision-making. [R, abr.]
67.984 BYE, Vegard —
This article examines the kind of development and political model most likely to emerge in Cuba, particularly in the wake of the gradual USCuban normalization currently taking place. The rapprochement process, culminating with President B. Obama's historic visit in March 2016, has unleashed stiff resistance in both countries. The liberal democratization paradigm is held up against what we have termed “socialist neopatrimonialism”, with both seen as alternative tools for assessing the direction of social transformations underway in Cuba, focusing on the debate about the role of the national private sector. Paradoxically, normalization with the US may so far have had the contrary effect of what President Obama had in mind in this respect: judging from the 7th Congress of the Communist Party in April 2016, it seems that resistance against economic reforms has hardened. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.341]
67.985 BYUN See-Won —
Xi Jinping took office in 2013 with a vision for a “new type of major-power relations” between China and the US. What does this concept mean and why is it important now? An examination of the current Chinese discourse on major-power relations, as reflected in official and scholarly writings, reveals more continuity than change in China's external orientation. China's major-powers model reinforces (1) peaceful intentions rather than hegemonic aspirations, (2) the primacy of advancing China's domestic development rather than its international position, and (3) tensions between China's dual identities as a rising power and developing economy. The most distinct feature of this model is that it remains a Chinese proposition, posing a question of how much the US and China are aligned in perceptions of their future relationship and the international order. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1073]
67.986 CALVERT, Julia; PICKUP, Megan —
Since Canada's 2007 decision to re-engage the Americas, Canadian policy-makers have been increasingly preoccupied with Brazil. As an emerging global power with a burgeoning domestic market, Brazil is central to Canada's efforts to expand investment interests in Latin America. With the election of the Worker's Party in 2002, Brazil moved in a post-neoliberal direction, extending social coverage through government intervention and strengthening intraregional relations. Canada, meanwhile, continues to advance neoliberal prescriptions in its relations abroad, exemplified by the investment rules it champions to secure opportunities for Canadian business. [R]
67.987 CECCORULLI, Michela; COTICCHIA, Fabrizio —
Recently, Italy has employed the military instrument abroad to deal with new, multidimensional and transnational challenges, ranging from irregular migration and piracy to the violation of basic human rights. What has pushed the country to intervene specifically through armed forces? Through three main arguments (strategic culture, domestic interests and international norms) emerging from the interplay between internal and external dynamics, the paper analyzes the national debate in the run-up to the decision to intervene militarily in Darfur (2007–2010), Somalia (2009) and Haiti (2010). The work contributes to understanding the role of the military tool in Italy, a country particularly exposed to new challenges ahead. [R]
67.988 ÇELIK, Nihat; I ERI, Emre —
This paper focuses on the role of non-state actors in foreign policy implementation. Special attention is paid to the case of Turkey, which has emerged as a “humanitarian state” in the last decade. In Turkey, relatively new Islamically-oriented humanitarian NGOs (HNGOs) have been providing ever-increasing amounts of humanitarian aid throughout the former Ottoman lands including the Middle East and Africa. Employing a constructivist-realist perspective, this paper asserts that a “parallelism”, if not a complementarity, exists between Turkey's Islamically-oriented HNGO discourse and practice and AKP foreign policy implementation process. Based on primary qualitative data acquired from interviews, this study has identified various degrees of parallelism between the two, calling into question the status of these HNGOs as purportedly non-governmental entities. [R]
67.989 CHAKRABARTY, Malancha —
A significant body of literature has held that Chinese interest in Africa is driven by a hunger rates of economic growth from 2003 onwards, thanks to rapid agricultural development. This period was also characterized by an intensification of Ethiopia-China relations. Bilateral trade between the two countries expanded rapidly, and China is currently the country's top trading partner. [R, abr.]
67.990 CHATIN, Mathilde —
Rising powers gain economic and political clout and challenge the post-Cold War world order. Located in a relatively peaceful region away from global conflict zones, Brazil has fought no war with its neighbors in 150 years, and with limited military capabilities, Brazil differs from its BRICS peers as a non-militarized emerging power. Based on J. Nye's soft power concept, this article examines Brazil's soft power characteristics (preference for diplomacy, peaceful conflict-resolution, use of force as a last resort; actions as agenda-setter, bridge-builder, Southern interests' supporter, pro-multilateralism, etc.). This paper compares Brazil's role conception to its role performance to conclude that Brazil projects itself as a soft power broker. [R] [See Abstr. 67.834]
67.991 CHEN Zheng —
This article investigates the Chinese government's evolving policies toward the emerging global norm of “responsibility to protect” (R2P). While its principle of non-interference persists, Beijing has gradually acknowledged the responsibility to respond to humanitarian catastrophes in certain circumstances. Meanwhile, to ensure the concept's limited application and reducing the instances where it might breach state sovereignty, Beijing actively participated in relevant debates to shape R2P in a direction that gives primacy to capacity-building and preventive measures. After examining how China engaged with the R2P in the recent crises in Darfur, Libya and Syria, the article argues, perceived threat from R2P upon its regime security explains Beijing's continued efforts to constrain the norm's development, while its aspiration for a status of responsible power encourages the Chinese government to engage with R2P more actively and flexibly. [R, abr.]
67.992 CHILTON, Adam S. —
The US has signed 47 bilateral investment treaties (BITs) over the last three decades. The standard explanation for why the US government signed those BITs is that it was motivated by a desire to promote the development of international investment law and to protect American capital invested abroad. An alternative explanation, however, is that the US has largely used BITs as a foreign policy tool to improve relationships with strategically important countries in the developing world. This project uses qualitative and quantitative evidence to assess whether the US was motivated to sign BITs based on investment considerations or political considerations. [R, abr.]
67.993 CHOW, Peter C.Y. —
As President Tsai Ing-wen assumes power, she faces a citizenry hoping that she can revitalize Taiwan's economy, including: promoting high growth, low unemployment, equitable distribution of income, affordable housing for working people, food safety and quality of life in a democratic country. They also expect that she will not be deterred from engaging in the international arena. However, President Tsai faces several challenges amid slowing growth in much of the world, and Taiwan's partial exclusion from the international economic order will affect prospects for her success in meeting expectations for further economic progress. [R]
67.994 COLGAN, Jeff D. —
Recent debates about the state of IR raise the possibility that the field is losing its theoretical innovativeness due to professional incentives to churn out publications. Yet the claims made about IR far outstrip the availability of empirical data. Important assertions derive from a handful of examples rather than systematic evidence. This paper presents an investigation of what gets taught to doctoral students of IR in the US. I find, among other things, that the type of research most frequently published in IR journals differs in systematic ways from the type of research taught to graduate students. This raises questions such as whether certain types of research face a relative disadvantage when it comes to getting published. The evidence also points to the partial separation of IR from Political Science in the US. [R, abr.]
67.995 CRANDALL, Matthew; VAROV, Ingrid —
The study of small-state foreign policy has traditionally focused on size and the influence it plays on small-state behavior. This article instead uses the social identity theory to evaluate small-state behavior. Using the concept of status, Estonia's bilateral development cooperation with Georgia and Moldova is evaluated. Despite Estonia's limited resources, the impact of its aid was significant in terms of boosting Estonia's status in the eyes of Georgia and Moldova. Using the concept of status is promising in its ability to explain and understand small state behavior. The potential impact of this approach is significant as size might best be understood not as material or relational but as psychological. [R]
67.996 DAY, Benjamin —
In the decade preceding the election of the Abbott Coalition Government in 2013, a so-called “golden consensus” governed Australian aid policy. During this period Australia's aid spending increased by over 80% in real terms. However, after winning government the 2013 Federal Election, the Abbott Government made a series of significant and unexpected aid policy decisions, cutting the aid budget three times in fifteen months and integrating AusAID, Australia's aid agency, into the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. This article considers the future role of aid in Australia's diplomacy primarily by [asking]: how was it possible for the golden consensus to be uprooted so easily? Conducting a post-mortem reveals that Australia's development constituency bears some responsibility for the fragility of the consensus. [R] [See Abstr. 67.850]
67.997 DEHOUSSE, Renaud —
While much of the literature on the Euro crisis has highlighted the intergovernmental features of the EU response, it appears that in strategic areas, such as macroeconomic policy or banking regulation, supranational institutions have seen their discretionary powers significantly enhanced and that they have played an instrumental role in bringing about such a change. This is all the more remarkable considering the decline in support for integration among governments and the public. This article explains this paradox by the dramatic character of the crisis and the deep mistrust that existed between European states at the time. It also suggests that the process could be hard to reconcile with attempts at “politicizing” EU public policy. [R] [See Abstr. 67.849]
67.998 DeLISLE, Jacques —
Taiwan's “international space” has been a vital concern for the nation's leaders, and increasingly so as China has grown in power, influence, and ability to “squeeze” Taiwan's international space and thereby undermine the international stature that matters for Taiwan's security. President Tsai Ing-wen inherits a legacy of multi-pronged efforts and some successes, and will seek to build on them as she pursues her own distinctive approach. But she must do so in the face of continuing, and possibly increasing, resistance from Beijing and amid uncertainty about the policies of key states, including China and the US. [R]
67.999 DENISOV, Igor —
Xi Jinping has so far been more successful than his predecessor, Hu Jintao, in consolidating China's government system. The domestic political agenda of the “Xi-Li rule” (wherein Li Keqiang is prime minister and an ideologue of the “fifth generation”) with the institutions and mechanisms that it has brought into being has taken even less time to put together than observers generally expected. This is the result of Xi's style of governance and new and more difficult challenges that have needed prompt reactions, chiefly internal Communist Party issues that had obviously been the new leader's priorities until mid-2013 or even later.
67.1000 DEYERMOND, Ruth —
Contemporary Russian foreign policy demonstrates a dual approach to state sovereignty, using a Westphalian model of sovereignty outside the former Soviet region and a post-Soviet model inside it. This approach performs three functions in contemporary Russian foreign policy: securing Russian national interests at domestic, regional, and international levels; balancing against the US; and acting as a marker of “non-Western” power identity in an emergent multipolar order. The conflict between these two models increasingly appears to threaten the last of these objectives, however, and as a means of advancing foreign policy objectives the approach thus appears caught in a self-defeating logic. [R]
67.1001 DO Jein —
Studies of North Korean foreign policy are increasingly turning to the thesis advanced by prospect theory of loss aversion and reference dependence to explain its risk-taking. I show that Pyongyang has operated from a frame of losses since the late 1960s, due to the parallel decline of ideological unity in Soviet-North Korean and Sino-North Korean relations. In particular, from 1967 to 1968, North Korea perceived both allies to be more focused on countering each other than on jointly opposing the US. Consequently, Pyongyang for the first time saw both Moscow and Beijing as doubtful assets in its bid for hegemonic unification. North Korea therefore stressed the role of small countries in the revolutionary struggle and launched the most violent phase of its militant strategy, emphasizing the US threat as the common enemy. [R, abr.]
67.1002 DREYER, June Teufel —
Under the administration of Taiwan's first woman president, Tsai Ing-wen, Taiwan-Japan relations are likely to deepen while relying, as far as possible, on non-governmental and quasi-governmental working relationships. This reflects the Japanese government's desire to avoid friction with China while endeavoring to protect its strategic and economic interests by partnering with Taiwan. Concern about these developments is already evident in the People's Republic of China. [R]
67.1003 DUCHÂTEL, Mathieu —
This paper [examines] China's policy towards the establishment of a crisis-management mechanism with Japan in the East China Sea, from 2008 to the deadlock at the end of 2015. During this period, China moved from being a reluctant negotiator to interrupting the negotiations and finally accepting their resumption, but only after setting such a high bar in terms of relative sovereignty gains that the talks unraveled. The paper argues that the socialization of China to confidence-building norms in the security sphere — norms that the strategic community of the PRC traditionally rejects — is making very slow progress despite the rising risk of incidents in maritime East Asia. It concludes that Chinese foreign policy uses crisis-management negotiations to secure a variety of foreign policy goals linked to sovereignty and balance of power. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “China's policy in the China seas: sovereignty, security, and cooperation”, edited and introduced by Sébastien COLIN. See also Abstr. 67.1089, 1107, 1120]
67.1004 DUCHÂTEL, Mathieu —
English version: see Abstr. 67.1003.
67.1005 DURGUN, Doğu —
The Justice and Development Party's (AKP) policy-makers have aimed to position Turkey as the leader of the Middle East by assessing its soft power since they came to power. Drawing on Strategic Depth of A. Davutoglu, Prime Minister of Turkey, this article offers a critical constructivist, post-colonial and feminist analysis of Turkey's recent foreign policy discourse in the region by showing how the myth of leadership is constitutive, and is constituted by Davutoglu's discourses on women/femininities and men/masculinities. The leadership is imagined by localizing Enlightenment notions of masculinity through a re-reading of local traditions, namely Ottoman history and Islam. In doing so, Strategic Depth aims to feminize Turkey's imagery without necessarily putting it out of the masculinity continuum. [R, abr.]
67.1006 DYSON, Tom —
This article examines the impact of German dependence on Russian gas supplies for Europe's ability to apply effective sanctions against Russia. It demonstrates that by focusing on the environmental dimensions of energy policy and a policy of rapprochement with Russia, Germany has neglected the security of supply implications of its dependence on Russian gas. The article argues that Germany's excessive energy dependence on Russia has limited the ability of the EU to challenge Russian revisionism by targeting its energy sector through sanctions. The article makes a number of energy policy recommendations which will be essential for Germany to avoid undue Russian influence on its foreign and security policies. The article explores the utility of Neoclassical Realism in understanding Germany's approach to energy security. [R, abr.]
67.1007 EASLEY, Leif-Eric; PARK In Young —
China's tough response to North Korea's first nuclear test in 2006 raised expectations in the US, South Korea and Japan that Beijing might align its North Korea policy with the international community. Many scholars and policy-makers maintain that Beijing's rationales for supporting Pyongyang are crumbling. This article argues that Chinese traditional worldviews and strategic thought remain motivating concepts for Beijing's policy on North Korea. China's norms in its near abroad — beliefs about stability, siege mentality, due deference and Confucian reciprocity — explain phases in Beijing's policy on North Korea and why the Chinese approach does not change as much as external observers hope or expect. [R, abr.]
67.1008 ENGEL, Susan —
For decades, Politics and IR (PaIR) programs across Australia have taken a smorgasbord or student consumption approach to curriculum development. This article examines whether, with the Australian Qualifications Framework (AQF), there has been a systematization and transformation of curriculum. It surveys 21 programs and majors in the field offered at 10 universities. It analyzes directions in program structure, content and delivery in order to discover whether there is a shared picture of graduate outcomes. The model of curriculum as a product students select elements of to consume has largely continued and there has been no disciplinary debate about direction. This may well result in marginalization if PaIR cannot successfully attract enough new students or influence regulatory debates, which will likely expand given the ongoing massification of higher education in Australia. [R] [See Abstr. 67.81]
67.1009 ENTIN, Mark; ENTINA, Ekaterina —
Key ideas associated with Eurasianism were developed in the 19th c. The narrative of classical Eurasianism in the 1920s was developed to explain that Western civilization was not superior to other civilizations. Eurasia is the middle continent between other parts of Europe and Asia. There are historical, geographical, and cultural impetuses here which push nations to different forms of association. However, the dissolution of the USSR gave birth to new ideologies and political theories of Eurasianism. The most positive one was extensively developed by the President of Kazakhstan N. Nazarbayev. Today, we witness the fourth stage of the development of Eurasianism. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1037]
67.1010 EYAL, Jonathan —
When Britain voted on 23 June 2016 to leave the EU, the referendum result shocked many not only in the UK and its fellow EU member states but across the world. As the dust settles, the questions thrown open by this momentous decision remain. The author analyzes some of the most salient points that are likely to dominate the debate over the months and years ahead. [R]
67.1011 FRÖSCHNER, Joschka —
Today, with neoliberalism breaking down the distinctions between the public and private, the war on terror conflating risk into security and pushing towards a pre-emptive geopolitics, the shape of development is changing. Innovation in areas such as border control and transportation systems, still marketed as development, are better analyzed in terms of biopolitics (as conceptualized by M. Foucault, G. Agamben and others). Using this framework and that of pre-emptive securitization, the author unpicks some of the “aid” programs of one German agency — the Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) in Saudi Arabia, Sudan and South Africa over the last fifteen years. [R, abr.]
67.1012 GALBERT, Simond de —
In July 2015, an agreement on Iran's nuclear program was reached. However, the restrictions imposed upon Tehran are less strict than the objectives set by the Security Council. Many analysts have doubts about Iran's sincerity and think that time is on Iran's side. Shifting strategic balances in the Middle East, possible leadership changes within the Iranian regime, and the resolve of the international community will all impact on the program's future. [R]
67.1013 GAWERC, Michelle I.; LAZARUS, Ned —
Drawing on data from more than forty peace-building initiatives and hundreds of interviews with Palestinian and Israeli peace-builders, this briefing discusses the impact of international donor policies on peacebuilding in a context of stark asymmetry of power. More specifically, it investigates the way in which specific funding regulations — the designation of primary and subpartners, the location of local donor offices, and the restrictions placed on politically sensitive advocacy and activism — have magnified the challenges peace-building organizations face in terms of cultivating and sustaining legitimacy, recruiting individuals for the projects, managing internal conflict, and building sustainable partnerships. [R, abr.]
67.1014 GERRITS, Andre W. M.; BADER, Max —
This article applies the concepts of linkage and leverage as developed by S. Levitsky and L. Way and elaborated by G. Sasse in the introducetion to this special issue to Russia's involvement with Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Through this re-conceptualization of the developments in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, combined with new empirical insights, the article aims to increase our understanding of the conflicts in the region, of the involvement of the Russian Federation in particular, and consequently of the prospects of international conflict-resolution. Compared to other political entities in the former Soviet Union, Abkhazia and South Ossetia represent an extreme case of Russian linkage and leverage. This article focuses on the period after the Russian-Georgian war in 2008, when Russia recognized the regions' independence and effectively turned them into Russian protectorates. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “International linkages and the dynamics of conflict”, edited and introduced, pp. 289–296, by Gwendolyn SASSE. See also Abstr. 67.980, 1146, 1186, 1207]
67.1015 GIACONI, Marco —
Seemingly, the West's strategy to fight the Islamic State is limited to the provision of strategic support to Kurdish combatants, whose main expectation is to obtain a free state. Will they be betrayed once again? There are, nonetheless, some partition plans for Syria, by virtue of which three new states would be created: a Kurdish state, a Sunni state in the center of the country, and an Alawi state on the coast. A detailed examination of the ethnical and religious configuration of the country reveals the simultaneous presence of different communities in the same territory and the complexity of the relations between them. Consequently, the breaking up of Syria would intensify the civil war. Moscow and Teheran are aware of this.
67.1016 GIBERT, Marie V. —
The author reflects on how she and her students were able to draw on elements of popular culture to develop their understanding of Africa's international relations. The article shows, in particular, how the use of popular culture material has, as the relevant pedagogical literature suggests, strengthened student engagement and deepened their learning experience, notably by offering them greater freedom in their analysis and interpretation of the ideas and issues studied in class. Most importantly, the use of popular culture has helped them consider the very wide range of voices and views on Africa, its politics and international relations, but also apprehend popular culture as a political arena — one where political images and ideas are shaped that durably inform and influence international relations and politics. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1187]
67.1017 GLAZYEV, Sergey —
Western geopolitics' anti-Russian essence has not changed since the disintegration of the world socialist system and the collapse of the USSR, remaining the same as it used to be in the days of the Russian Empire. Since Russia's Western “partners” think in geopolitical terms, the analysis of these terms can help forecast their future behavior. Otherwise we will only be measuring the stupidity of remarks uttered by US representatives in Psaki terms, without understanding the logic of their actions. Yet this is not about the containment of Russia. The stakes are much higher. This is about a battle for global leadership in which American hegemony is being challenged by China's rising influence. America is losing this battle, which provokes its ruling elite's aggressiveness towards Russia.
67.1018 GOMPERT, David C.; STOVER, Bruce H. —
America's emergence as a producer of liquid hydrocarbons suggests an opportunity to sell energy to China, help reduce its greenhouse-gas emissions and lend stability to this most critical relationship. [R]
67.1019 GRARE, Frédéric —
In 2009, India and Australia signed a joint security declaration. Since then, strategic relations between the two countries have been evolving. New Delhi and Canberra share the common goal of avoiding both the development of a China-dominated regional order and the deterioration of relations between Peking and Washington. Indo-Australian cooperation is still hindered by several factors, however, of which the most significant comes down to differing approaches to resolution of a potential threat from China. [R]
67.1020 GREEN, Christopher —
I examine the use of foreign currency in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) border economy since the 1980s. I focus not on the US dollar so beloved of elites in Pyongyang but on the steady uptake of Chinese renminbi by nonelites, a phenomenon that emerged first from the economy of the border region that the DPRK shares with China. Relying on testimony from structured interviews conducted in 2014 with former DPRK citizens now based in the Republic of Korea, I position the expansion of foreign currency usage within the history of contemporary DPRK marketization, specifically linking that expansion to economic shocks felt in 1992, 2002, and 2009. I conclude by discussing the threats and opportunities presented by the rising tide of foreign currency possession and use. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1073]
67.1021 GRIGORYEV, Leonid —
The socio-economic history of Russia demonstrates that its “place” in global economic relations has been subject to complex cyclical processes. The country entered the 20th c. with a high growth rate and burgeoning industrialization that included significant foreign capital. However, during the 20th c., the general trend toward modernization was interrupted by World War I, the Civil War, purges of the 1930s and World War II, which caused enormous loss to both the working population as a whole and, in particular, to its most creative members: the entrepreneurs and the intelligentsia. The collapse of the Soviet Union caused a further loss of industrial potential, a surge in emigration and the need to restructure socio-economic institutions and launch a new wave of modernization. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.1037]
67.1022 GUSTAFSSON, Karl —
Why do interstate relations deteriorate and become conflictual, even under conditions where one might expect improved ties? The article [examines] a case-study of the deterioration in Sino-Japanese relations in the 21st c., which took place despite the existence of several factors that might be thought likely to have led to an improvement. Existing theoretical approaches cannot fully explain this puzzle. The article argues that such deteriorations can result from disruptions to states' reciprocally performed routinized recognition, and identifies three mechanisms through which these can occur. To facilitate this argument, the article draws on scholarship on relational identity, recognition, and ontological security to develop a theory of identity-construction that takes account of how self and other routinize the ways in which they recognize each other and how they react to the other's representational practices. [R, abr.]
67.1023 HANIEH, Adam —
The occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) are a major recipient of global aid flows, ostensibly aimed at improving development outcomes for the Palestinian population. This article presents a critical analysis of the ways that development is being conceived and practiced by major actors in the oPt. By analyzing different conceptions of power, the article examines how dominant approaches to development hide the ongoing reality of Israeli settler colonialism by dehistoricizing Zionism and its project; incorporating the structures of Israeli occupation into official Palestinian development strategy; and promoting an economic perspective that views development as an objective and disinterested process operating above (and outside) power relations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.949]
67.1024 HEEG, Jason —
Relations between the US and Pakistan have been tenuous since the 1947 partition of British India and the subsequent creation of the former. The 1979 Soviet intervention in Afghanistan focused the attention of the international community on South Asia. This article examines the foreign policies of three successive US presidential administrations between 1977 and 1993, and how their decisions and corresponding actions were interpreted by the Pakistani government and its people. The key finding is the trend of the ebb and flow of US interest in Pakistan. The primary research conducted shows that Pakistanis recognize this trend and consider it hypocritical of the US government. The current conditions in South Asia are ominously similar to those of 1992 with the drawdown of US and NATO troops from Afghanistan. [R, abr.]
67.1025 HEIAN-ENGDAL, Marte —
In addition to the great emotional toll that the Nakba inflicted on the Palestinian people, the 1948 exodus occasioned substantial material losses for the refugees as well. As the 1948 War ground to a halt, the international community had to decide, and in the early 1950s the matter of the so-called “blocked” Palestinian bank accounts became a main issue on the UN Palestine Conciliation Commission's agenda. Initially, its effort included the government of Israel and the British-owned Barclays Bank. As things progressed, however, Israeli diplomats also engaged a group of Palestinian refugees in an informal backchannel. This article sheds light on this largely overlooked episode and shows how the channel was established, and how the Palestinian group faced nothing but strong international opposition, most notably from the British Foreign Office. [R, abr.]
67.1026 HERNÁNDEZ MACÍAS, José Antonio —
This article examines both the challenges and the achievements reached by Venezuela's foreign policy in the Caribbean. In little over a decade, this South American country has suggested novel and unique international dynamics which have derived into a foreign policy created around unity and integration in Latin America. The alternative models have been put into practice through two integration schemes that have turned to be fundamental for the Caribbean region during the latest years: Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America and Petrocaribe. [R]
67.1027 HERRANZ-SURRALLÉS, Anna —
The EU's external energy policy has been steadily taking shape since the mid-2000s. EU authorities appear to have even taken on functions that could be classified as “energy diplomacy”, i.e., the use of foreign policy means to secure access to foreign energy supplies. With the aim of gauging and accounting for these developments, this article undertakes a double analytical move, one conceptual and one theoretical. Conceptually, it distinguishes between energy governance and energy diplomacy as tools for better comprehending the type and scope of policy change. Theoretically, it draws on discursive institutionalism to examine how and why policies change (or endure) by looking at the role of ideas in two dimensions of social action that are not often analyzed side by side: policy discourses and policy practices. The article illustrates the practical relevance of this distinction through empirically examining the EU's promotion of diversification of natural gas supplies. [R, abr.]
67.1028 HERTOG, Leonhard den —
This article explores the role of funding under the “Mobility Partnership” (MP) concluded between the EU, various Member States and Morocco. As most academic literature and policy discourse assumes a link between funding and policy implementation, this article inquires into how funding can help us understand implementation and the priorities set therein, and what alternative understandings of funding we could develop. By presenting evidence from the EU-Morocco MP, it is argued that looking at EU funding obscures rather than clarifies the priorities pursued in the cooperation on borders, asylum and migration. Drawing from the political sociology of public finances and from legal literature, this article understands funding as embedded in institutional, legal and political struggles over competences, and highlights the symbolic nature of funding. [R]
67.1029 HURST, Steven —
In July 2015, the international community and Iran finally reached agreement over Iran's nuclear program. All of the work that produced the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action [JCPOA] was nearly undone, however, by the US Congress, which came close to killing the agreement. This episode emphasizes the fact that international negotiations are “two-level games” in which policy-makers must take into account not only their own objectives and those of their interlocutors but also the interests of domestic constituencies if they are to secure the “ratification” of an agreement. In many cases, securing the consent of those constituencies is unproblematic, whether because the matter at hand is uncontroversial, domestic interests are disengaged, or policy-makers have sufficient autonomy from them to ignore their objections. [R, abr.]
67.1030 IMMERMAN, Richard H. —
The author assesses the efforts of the US intelligence community in Iraq and Afghanistan following the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. He argues that policy-makers are primarily culpable for the missteps in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars and that intelligence played a larger role in efforts to terminate the wars than in decisions to engage in them. [R]
67.1031 INLSTER, Nigel —
If the Russian state was indeed behind the leaking of Democratic National Committee emails, it may have overplayed its hand. [R]
67.1032 IQBAL, Humera —
This paper looks into the changing foreign policy archetypes of China as it has achieved regional status and acquired additional responsibilities under the leadership of President Xi Jinping. A 60-year chronology of China-Afghanistan relations until the present day with an overview of Afghanistan in China's foreign policy is also discussed. The paper also highlights Afghanistan in China's future discourse. The study aims to analyze the driving factors and strategy of Beijing in Afghanistan along with the risk levels Afghanistan holds for China. Before looking into the evolving Sino-Afghan relations, the paper first discusses the foreign policy of China for a clear understanding. [R]
67.1033 JEAN, Carlo —
Since September 2014, V. Putin has entered the Middle-Eastern scenario with a global strategy that combines hard and soft power. He is also proposing peace negotiations in Syria. Like the US, Russia is trying to garner support from Kurds to achieve its aims. However, none of the parties involved will stand up for the creation of a “Great Kurdistan”. It would trigger countless internal and international conflicts, and none of the four states with numerous Kurd minorities would accept to give up parts of their own territories for the cause. A major political decentralization process would be necessary, but it would be possible only with an agreement between Washington and Moscow.
67.1034 JOZIĆ, Jugoslav; TZEMPRIN, Athina; LAMBARÉ, Henry —
Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran are two of the Middle East's regional powers. The rivalry between these two countries has long been a determinant factor in the shaping of geopolitics in the Persian Gulf. In this complex and conflicting relation their neighboring countries have often been the battlefield of proxy wars. The Arab Spring has brought dramatic changes in the Middle East. By elevating sectarian violence to an unprecedented level, the already tense religious fragmentation of the Arab countries was further polarized. This paper first presents a review of the factors underpinning the contest between the two countries, and after that, the current developments and the ways they impact the competition for regional supremacy in the Persian Gulf. [R]
67.1035 KANG, William; KIM Jaechun —
Turkey and Iran have a long history of rivalry and cooperation. However, the advent of the Arab Spring and the Syrian conflict escorted unprecedented tensions between these two non-Arab states. Syria epitomizes the geopolitical tensions between Turkey and Iran amongst a host of regional issues, in which they are at loggerheads over regional influence at the expense of each other. At pernicious odds over Syria, Turco-Iranian relations seemed inexorably precarious going forth. That is until Turkey President R.T. Erdogan's January 2014 visit to Iran signaled a thawing and growing alignment toward Iran. The alignment behavior of Turkey and Iran presents something of a puzzle. This paper investigates the nature of the current Turco-Iranian alignment by adopting structural realist theory of alliance. [R, abr.]
67.1036 KAPLAN, Stephen B. —
With Western capital reeling from the 2008 financial crisis, state-owned capital made inroads globally. China expanded its cross-border lending, funneling almost US$300 billion to developing countries since the crisis. What are the implications for debtor governments' room to maneuver? I contend that China's state-led capitalism is an important form of patient capital, characterized by a longer-term horizon. I argue that its rapid global expansion has transformed the traditional relationship between economic interdependence and national policy autonomy. Without the market's threat of short-term capital withdrawal, national governments have considerably more room to maneuver. Given the recent emergence of Chinese financing, I employ a comparative case study analysis of two of China's largest debtors — Brazil and Venezuela — before and after the introduction of Chinese credit. [R, abr.]
67.1037 KARAGANOV, Sergey —
The article discusses the results of Russian foreign policy since the collapse of the Soviet Union against the background of major new global and regional international trends and the policy of other major world powers. The author argues that Russia should work for preventing a new structured confrontation in Europe, maintaining international stability, and keeping the world from sliding into a big war which seems to be more likely now than ever before in the last 50 years. At the same time it should join forces with China, India, Iran and other major non-Western players in building a community of cooperation, development and security for Greater Eurasia, open to the world and serving as one of the pillars of its stable and peaceful development. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Russia in global affairs”, edited by Alexander LUKIN. See also Abstr. 67.339, 826, 1009, 1021, 1044, 1050, 1051, 1052, 1053, 1100, 1263]
67.1038 KHRUSHCHEVA, Olga; POBEREZHSKAYA, Marianna —
This article explores how Arctic policy is presented in Russian political narratives. This is achieved through the discourse-analysis of 109 official documents published within a seven-year timeframe (2008–2015) on the official website of the Russian President. The article argues that Russian leaders emphasize the state's geographical location and significant contribution to historical exploration and environmental protection of the region to frame Russia as an “Arctic Great Power” which has natural rights to possess and utilize the Arctic's abundant resources. The logic of “our Arctic, our rules” can justify any necessary sacrifices, and the assertive policy of the state. [R, abr.]
67.1039 KIM Dong Jin —
This article discusses the link between development and peace-building to analyze South Korean aid activities in North Korea in the context of the Korean conflict, where there are deep-rooted cycles of conflict episodes, and to explore the possibility of aid for peace on the Korean peninsula in the future. For the past 20 years, South Korean aid to North Korea has fluctuated greatly, due to the context of the Korean conflict. Many people in both the North and the South still see each other as the enemy. Most of the South Korean aid projects in North Korea have been suspended indefinitely and the fluctuation of aid to North Korea caused serious debates within South Korean society. [R, abr.]
67.1040 KIRYUKHIN, Denys —
This paper studies the sources of the Russia-Ukraine conflict. The prerequisites for this conflict began when, in Ukraine and Russia, the liberal tendencies that emerged after the collapse of the USSR gave way to conservatism. The differences between the current state ideologies of the two countries are demonstrated through a comparative analysis of 16 Russian and Ukrainian school history and literature textbooks. This enables us to see that the Ukrainian ideological project focuses on building a political community on the basis of national cultural traditions (nation-building project). [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.1075]
67.1041 KLEPATSKY, Lev —
The article analyzes the behavior of Western society [since] the Cold War. Globalization is an objective tendency of development of mankind, used by Western society to secure its expansionist aims and dominance in the global system. Gradually these policies began to cause irritation, and then even rejection. In recent years there has been consolidation of the Western community, typical of the Cold War. The reason for the transition to this policy is seen in the formation of the world's non-Western systems: BRICS, SCO. De-globalization means limiting the dominance of Western society in world affairs and its expansion; the emergence of alternative systems and structures within which the relationship is based on respect for national interests, recognition of the right of nations to self-determination of the models for development. [A, abr.]
67.1042 KOGA Kei —
This article argues that, as opposed to the conventional wisdom of Japan's hedging policy, Japan has been constantly taking balancing behavior vis-à-vis China since the end of the Cold War; however, the incremental shift to explicit balancing began after the 2010 Senkaku Boat Collision Incident. The shift was accelerated by the 2012 Japanese Government Purchase of the Senkaku Islands. Since then, Japan has attempted to engage in both internal and external balancing by taking more security burden-sharing with the US through the relaxation of Japan's constitutional and political constraints on its military capabilities and the enhancement of security linkages with other regional states, such as Australia and India. [R]
67.1043 KRAUS, Josef; SOULEIMANOV, Emil —
This paper examines the evolution of Iran's foreign policy toward the three South Caucasian republics since 2010 until today. Focusing on a topic that has remained on the margins of scholarly interest, this article identifies and tracks a number of key issues relating to Tehran's policy toward Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. These issues include limited and rather bilateral cooperation on the Caspian oil and natural gas transit; Iran's interference in Azerbaijan's internal affairs; the issue of Iranian Azerbaijan in the relationship between Baku and Tehran; Iran's relationship with Armenia over energy, transportation, and economic cooperation; and Iran's predominantly economic relationship with Georgia. [R, abr.]
67.1044 KRIVUSHIN, Ivan —
The article discusses two major trends in contemporary world politics — the disintegration of the nation-state and supranational integration — and analyzes their nature, causes and significance. The author concludes that these processes have a different character within and outside Europe and that the multidirectional trends in different parts of the world, on the one hand, complicate Russia's foreign policy-making and implementation, but, on the other, widen Russia's room for diplomatic maneuvering and increase the opportunities to exploit the contradictions between old and new actors in international relations. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1037]
67.1045 KURNICKI, Karol; STERNBERG, Maximilian —
This paper studies the role of cross-border interactions and public spaces in the local mediation of national conflicts in three Polish-German border towns. It draws on L. Boltanski's pragmatic sociology in order to address questions raised in the recent literature on urban conflict and borders. Our analysis traces transformations under Schengen in relation to Boltanski's concepts of uncertainty, justification and tests. We investigate ordinary inhabitants' everyday experiences through different place-making strategies in the context of a shifting border. Recent transformations challenge a longstanding situation of “arrested conflict” rooted in blocked local networks, disconnected from supranational discourses of cooperation. [R]
67.1046 LALBAHADUR, Aditi —
This paper considers the extent to which South Africa utilizes positive economic statecraft to promote human rights in the region. The country's reaction to crises in Zimbabwe and Swaziland over the past 20 years is a strong indicator of the limits of South Africa's statecraft in this regard. These engagements highlight the inevitable clash between the country's principled preference for “non-interference” in the affairs of sovereign states and its constitutional mandate to respect and promote human rights. Despite eschewing the role of “regional hegemon”, there is an expectation that South Africa will play an integral role in securing regional stability. Yet there is little evidence to suggest that the country chooses to approach resolving regional challenges with a coordinated political and economic approach. [R, abr.]
67.1047 LEE, Lavina; LEE, John —
Upon assuming the leadership for the second time in December 2012, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe called for the formation of a “democratic security diamond (DSD)” to safeguard the maritime commons stretching from the Indian Ocean region to the western Pacific with four of Asia's most prominent maritime democracies — Australia, India, the US and Japan — forming the points of the diamond. The Japanese leader explicitly called on these states to join forces to oppose Chinese “coercion” and to defend peace, stability and freedom of navigation within the diamond. The rehashed quadrilateral concept raises a number of interesting issues relevant to the future security environment of the Indo-Pacific, and for Southeast Asia in particular. This article looks at Abe's idea of the DSD, why Japan has recently advocated its formation. [R, abr.]
67.1048 LEE Seungioo —
This study explores the primary nature of changes in global governance and their impact on middle-power diplomacy. Simultaneous development of power transition and power diffusion is the defining feature of world politics in the 21st c., facilitating issue linkages ad complexity. Whereas power transition and power shift dramatically increase uncertainties in world politics, they also provide middle powers with opportunities to expand the scope of coalition. Based on this premise, I particularly examine MIKTA, mainly in terms of coalition diplomacy. From the perspective of coalition building, MIKTA is distinctive from traditional middle powers, because it is based on diversity and weak ties instead of commonalities and string ties. [R]
67.1049 LIM Kyunghan; MOON Chonghwa —
[Since] March 2016, Myanmar under civilian president has been expediting reforms and open-market policy with leadership of Aug San Suu Kyi and its change has been attracting the world's attention. Myanmar's extensive reform movement has yielded successful model of democratization which will bring Myanmar back into international politics. The US placed economic sanctions on Myanmar since 1988; however, due to recent reforms by the civilian government, sanctions are being removed. The year 2016 announced the new start of Myanmar, and the US government is interested in achieving its strategic object: expanding regional influence in Asia by showing deep interest in economic development of Myanmar. [R, abr.]
67.1050 LUKIN, Alexander —
The article argues that Russia's pivot to Asia is a reality, motivated by both political and economic interests. Although that shift is not progressing as quickly as some might want and occasionally encounters difficulties, the process is in all likelihood irreversible. Only a small, marginal segment of Russian society continues to dream of unity with Europe — which itself has entered a period of severe crisis. Most of the Russian elite as well as the majority of Russian citizens understand that nobody is waiting for them with open arms. Therefore, not wanting a confrontation and in an effort to maintain working relations, Russia — under any leader — is unlikely to seek a relationship based on a common outlook. That will move Russia ever closer to the non-Western world, primarily the Asian giants. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.1037]
67.1051 LUKIN, Vladimir —
This article examines the difficult search for identity in modern Russia amid debate over its future development. It explores practices in such countries as China and Germany, which have successfully adapted national identity to the need for modernization and effective development in a new historical environment. The article analyzes the risks that stem from Russia's inclination towards focusing on the past and absolutizing the factor of space. Finally, the piece offers suggestions on how to forge Russia's new identity. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1037]
67.1052 LUKYANOV, Fyodor —
Twenty-five years have passed since the Cold War, but no stable international order has been created. The idea about a Western-centric unipolar world has failed, and a multipolar system is yet to emerge, though it's hard to comment on how it may function properly. Due to its size, geopolitical location, resource potential, great power tradition and aspirations Russia finds itself in the middle of the most important trends shaping the next world order. Global demand for a stable and balanced model is intertwined with Russia's quest for its new international identity. Thus, re-assessment of the past quarter of a century is needed both internationally and nationally to pave a way to the future. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1037]
67.1053 MAKAROV, Igor A. —
While environmental issues attract growing interest all over the world, Russia has kept aside from this trend for a long time. Its participation in international environmental cooperation has always been determined primarily by the external policy's objectives. In Soviet times, participation in global environmental initiatives was a channel of collaboration with the West. In the 1990s, it was a means of integration into the international community and one of the major areas of cooperation with the US. In the 2000s, Russia used the environmental agenda for gaining trade-offs from Western partners along with attraction of foreign investment. At present, the understanding of possibilities to reap benefits from the country's natural capital is strengthening among Russian political and business elites. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.1037]
67.1054 MALACALZA, Bernabé —
This article discusses the political dynamic of agenda-setting in the subfield of international nuclear co-operation, within an analytical framework that integrates the literature on international co-operation in science and technology, international nuclear co-operation, and foreign policy analysis. It presents the emblematic case of Argentina-Brazilian cooperation about the construction of two multipurpose reactors, whose process of decision-making has been disputed by officials, technological firms, managers, and nuclear scientists. It also underlines that economic and commercial motivations prevail in the process of international cooperation. [R]
67.1055 MARPLES, David R. —
This paper examines Russia's view of contemporary Ukraine from the period of the Euromaidan protests that peaked in February 2014 to the present. It looks at both the official Moscow view, as well as that of leading Russian think tanks, and how these opinions are being disseminated in narrative form through media and social networks with a prime focus on two pivotal months: February 2014 and February 2015, though the interpretation could be applied to the entire period of the conflict, including the present. It assesses why Russian opted to intervene in Ukraine. It then focuses on the significance of historical questions in the rift between the two states that began with Russia's annexation of Crimea in March 2014 and continued as fighting broke out in the Donbass. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.1075]
67.1056 McDOUGALL, Derek —
Australians are now reacting to and assessing the implications of the Brexit vote for Australia. However, the contemporary situation is very different from that which prevailed in the 1960s. The article assesses Australian commentary and reactions to Brexit before and after the vote. Taking account of the various possible versions of Brexit, there is an assessment of the range of economic and political-strategic implications for Australia. Whatever the final form of Brexit, Australia will need to foster close relationships with both the UK and the post-Brexit EU. In relation to immigration policy in a post-Brexit UK, Australia's immigration system does not necessarily provide the “answer”. [R] [See Abstr. 67.905]
67.1057 MEDICI, Marino de —
Washington's position in the Syrian conflict is marked by prudence. A stronger American intervention would destabilize US talks with Iran and create an (uncontrollable) escalation of violence. At the G20 meeting in Turkey, President B. Obama strongly affirmed that the “boots on the ground” strategy would be a serious mistake. However, there are many opponents to this idea, even amongst Democrats. According to this view, Russia and Iran dictate Syria's future and the US lacks a coherent strategy to deal with this issue. The President has opted for a strategy that involves the international community and has intensified help to forces that are already on the ground.
67.1058 MIŠÍK, Matúš; PRACHÁROVÁ, Veronika —
This paper analyzes energy relations concerning natural gas between Lithuania and Russia. Contrary to the existing literature, which stresses Lithuanian energy dependence, this paper argues that there had been interdependence between the two countries even before Lithuania underwent diversification at the end of 2014. The paper develops an analytical framework that examines: (1) physical energy relations, (2) the dominance of the energy agenda in mutual relations, and (3) the influence of the EU. [R, abr.]
67.1059 MOORE, Adam; WALKER, James —
In recent years there has been growing recognition of the militarization of US foreign policy in Africa, especially following the establishment of a dedicated, regional combatant command (Africa Command, or AFRICOM) in 2007. At the same time knowledge of the extent and aims of US military activities in Africa remains murky, especially when compared to other regions such as the Middle East and Europe. This article begins by conceptualizing AFRICOM as a geopolitical assemblage, an approach we believe useful for analyzing its composition and emergence. Next we discuss the challenges involved in tracing the US military's evolving presence in Africa and the methods utilized in our analysis. [R, abr.]
67.1060 MOUSAVIAN, Seyed Hossein —
The impending exit of the UK from the EU paves the way for strategic EU-Iran engagement that is separate from UK-Iran talks. [R]
67.1061 MULGAN, Aurelia George —
This article measures and defines the level of “securitization” of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) in Japanese national politics by analyzing both the structure of policy-making and the policy discourse on the TPP under the Abe administration until the October 2015 agreement reached in Atlanta. [R]
67.1062 NATHAN, Andrew J. —
The hard logic of China's geostrategic vulnerability drives Chinese foreign policy. Neither nationalism, power struggles nor interest group politics constrain the elite's foreign policy decisions. The good news for India is that China's goals are relatively easy to understand. The bad news is that China seeks more influence in South Asia. [R]
67.1063 NAYBERG, Roberto —
Les évolutions possibles de la politique étrangère des États-Unis auront de facto des conséquences sur notre propre politique avec plusieurs options envisageables. Une réflexion approfondie sur la définition de nos intérêts devient nécessaire pour mieux répondre aux changements qui pourraient arriver de Washington. [R]
67.1064 NGUYEN, Hang —
This essay analyzes the foundations and future of the Vietnam-US partnership. It shows that Vietnam and the US have sought to broaden and deepen the bilateral relations in three main areas: (1) trade and investment relations, (2) political and security relations, and (3) people-to-people cooperation. These areas continue to be the pillars for Vietnam and the US to build up their ties. Given China's growing assertiveness in the South China Sea and the US rebalance to the Asia-Pacific, Vietnam and the US will become closer and will work together to add strategic values to their partnership. [R]
67.1065 NIANG, Amy —
This article argues that location, as both geography and epistemology, can be a place of innovation in IR. Specifically, it suggests that a re-appropriation of IR as a product of a global history in which the Global South, in general, and Africa, in particular, played an important role can help displace the moral and historical centrality of Western theory where it has failed to give credence to “peripheral” experience and social thought. This belief coincides with commonsense, according to which the production of knowledge is by necessity inseparable from the intellectual conventions, traditions and lineages of the place of production. This means that African universities in particular have the opportunity to generate new perspectives in IR based on the analyses of the historical events that marked the life of the continent. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.1187]
67.1066 NOTTE, Hanna —
In light of the limited transparency of Russian strategic thinking, useful insights can be drawn from historical comparison. The Kremlin has justified its involvement in Syria using a reductionist counterterrorist narrative. Such a discursive strategy is not new. Since both the Chechen and Syrian wars have raised the specter of state disintegration, scholars have rightly highlighted the structural similarity between the Russian government's position regarding Chechnya 15 years ago and the Syrian regime's position regarding the Syrian opposition today. Yet, important insights can be drawn from a different comparison: that between Russia's discourses on its “wars on terror” in Chechnya and Syria and its expectations of generating rewards for these wars from the US.
67.1067 O'DRISCOLL, Dylan —
Several questions on US Iraq policy and the changing dynamics of the Iraqi state system remain unanswered. Did the US get its foreign policy in Iraq wrong following the 2003 invasion? What caused the recent change in direction of US Iraq policy? Are US policies towards Iraq partly responsible for the current dynamics of virtual state failure? In light of recent developments, what might the future hold for Iraq? Although the wording of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016 has changed since it was introduced in April 2015, it essentially still says the same. The US is backing the Sunnis and the Kurds in Iraq as separate entities, thus moving away from advocating a strong centralized state and, in effect, supporting federalism.
67.1068 O'HAGAN, Jacinta —
Humanitarian diplomacy provides states with a way of expressing important qualities of international empathy and solidarity and can also enhance a state's international reputation and provide valuable means for building relationship of trust and cooperation. This can in turn can be conducive to a state's broader foreign policy objectives. However, the incorporation of humanitarian diplomacy into a state's foreign policy can generate ambiguity and even conflict within a state's diplomatic endeavors due to tensions between humanitarian and broader national interests. In exploring these issues it is useful to distinguish between humanitarian diplomacy and humanitarianism as diplomacy. This article explores these issues in relations to Australia's diplomacy. It argues that Australia has actively engaged in humanitarian diplomacy and humanitarianism as diplomacy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.850]
67.1069 OLIVER, Alex —
This article considers the transformations in the consular landscape and the resulting pressures on departments of foreign affairs both in Australia and elsewhere. For Australia, the challenges are particularly compelling. As the Lowy Institute has observed in successive reports, Australia's anemic overseas representation renders the growing consular load an even more formidable problem. When crises strike, resources are diverted both within government and within the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, skewing other priorities. The article analyzes government responses to these challenges. It examines the new focus on consular diplomacy and the government's first formal consular strategy. It assesses the recent modest expansion of Australia's overseas diplomatic network, together with the steps taken to enhance international cooperation on consular issues. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.850]
67.1070 OLIVER, Tim —
A British withdrawal from the EU would change Britain, the EU, the politics and security of Europe and the place of all three in the international system. To explore these possible changes, this article draws on a series of commissioned analyses that look at the views of Brexit in other EU member states and select third countries outside the EU. Specifically, it examines and maps out the prevailing ideas of what the aforementioned changes could entail. It argues that ideas connected to European unity and integration will define how a Brexit is managed. [R] [See Abstr. 67.546]
67.1071 OPPERMANN, Kai; VIEHRIG, Henrike —
This article provides a comparative analysis of the salience of Germany's bilateral relations to the US, France and Britain in the German media since the end of the Cold War. It offers a media-content frequency-analysis which identifies long-term similarities and differences in media reporting across the three relationships as well as short-term upswings of media interest in each of them individually. This is relevant because the media salience of bilateral relations is a measure of their underpinnings in public discourse and speaks to the significance of domestic drivers in conducting such relationships. The article finds that media reporting on Germany's three bilateral relations under study has significantly increased in the post-9/11 period and that US-German and Franco-German relations attract far more attention in the German media than Anglo-German relations. [R, abr.]
67.1072 ÖZERTEM, Hasan Selim —
This article examines the impacts on Turkish foreign policy of the recent discovery of energy deposits in the Eastern Mediterranean. Cyprus-dominated orientation of Turkish foreign policy in the Eastern Mediterranean has begun to change character as political and economic balances in the region have started to shift. While the discoveries of energy resources may have seemed to offer great opportunities at first, they have actually become a source of increasing contention due to existing unresolved conflicts and political disputes in the region. Turkey has found it especially difficult to keep up with the rapidly changing state of regional affairs as constraints on its technological capacity and political problems with old partners have come to weigh it down. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1112]
67.1073 PARK Hyun-Gwi —
This article addresses the contradictions and paradoxes inherent in the development of the Tumen River triangle area. After briefly examining the history and background of the international development project, I explore how it has been implemented and the problems it has faced in the Russian Far East and North Korea, in contrast with its relatively successful development in China. My argument is that the core concept in Tumen River development became closely interlinked with the local variants of postsocialist transition. The difficulties created by Russia and North Korea derive from the dismantling of their state economies, which paradoxically has led to a preoccupation with sovereignty rather than the pursuit of a market economy. [R] [Part of a thematic issue on “The Tumen River triangle as the borderland of Northeast Asia”, edited and introduced by the author. See also Abstr. 67.985, 1020]
67.1074 PARTHENAY, Kevin —
Panama is a small Central American country, known in particular for its canal and, since Panama Papers for its tax evasion mechanisms. This state has long been under the authority of the US but since the 1990s has sought to affirm its independence and sovereignty. In order to do this, it has made efforts to integrate, not only into international economic and financial systems, but also into major multilateral organizations. [R] [See Abstr. 67.344]
67.1075 PETRO, Nicolai N. —
In this special issue a distinguished group of Canadian, Ukrainian, and American scholars examine various aspects of the Ukrainian crisis, and consider its impact on Europe. Topics include Russian narratives about Ukraine; the conflicting assumptions underlying their divergent nation-building agendas; new findings about the far right's involvement in the Maidan protests; the Ukrainian crisis from the perspective of Western grand strategy; the security implications of Russia's geopolitical agenda in Ukraine; the factors that contributed to the rise of separatism in Donbass; and the economic costs for Ukraine of choosing economic integration with Europe rather than Eurasia. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title. See Abstr. 67.645, 1040, 1055, 1188, 1213, 1239, 1256]
67.1076 PETROVA, Margarita H. —
In 2006, Norway launched a stand-alone process to negotiate a ban on cluster munitions. The UK reluctantly joined the process to keep it within acceptable bounds. The UK acted as a spoiler in the negotiations. Yet, in the end, it agreed to ban all cluster munitions and became a champion of the new treaty. Why? I argue that two factors constrained and enticed the UK to go along with the process. First, small states and NGOs structured the negotiations to disadvantage potential opponents. Second, NGOs also used shaming and praising to define the “desirable” UK policy. I show that strategic action by small states and NGOs may prove crucial in engineering the conditions both for their success and the rhetorical entrapment of stronger actors, such as the UK. [R, abr.]
67.1077 POMEROY, Melissa —
Working from an analytical framework that emphasizes the horizontalization of the decision-making process of Brazilian foreign policy, considered as public policy and subject to democratic control, this article analyzes the democratic quality of this policy's participatory institutions, using the criteria established by democratic theory. Civil society participation is analyzed in three areas of foreign policy: multilateral international negotiations, regional integration, and South-South development co-operation. Civil society participation in Brazilian foreign policy is of a diffuse nature, discretionary, and with a high degree of informality. [R]
67.1078 RANJAN, Vishal —
The recent Australian decision to extend civilian nuclear cooperation to India, overriding its own long-term principled position, is no ordinary development. This article sets out the context and rationale for an all-round and long-term closer relationship between the two countries. Arguing that such an Australian decision is not just a one-off gesture, but instead, it forms the basis for deeper strategic engagement, this article advances that the emergence of the concept of “Indo-Pacific” is part of a shared strategic vision between the two, with the Indian Ocean constituting the cornerstone of their common security policy. In view of India lately revisiting its fundamental foreign policy assumptions, the US “pivot” coupled with the intermittent projection of a “democratic quadrangle” — also including Japan and the US — lends further gravitas to this growing bilateral dynamic. [R, abr.]
67.1079 RIMMER, Susan Harris —
As part of its economic diplomacy, Australia has directed intense effort into both bilateral and plurilateral trade negotiations such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership. A case study of the controversial TPP shows the tensions for a middle power navigating this space. The benefits of the TPP are contested and the government faces criticism of the adverse impacts of the agreement, especially investor-state dispute-settlement clauses, impact on human rights and suspicion that the TPP is motivated by geopolitical drivers. In order not to lose more than it gains in moving away from the multilateral trade system, Australia must ensure that trade agreements are consistent with WTO rules and have open and fair accession regimes as a basis for signing. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.850]
67.1080 ROUTLEY, Laura —
Teaching Africa within IR carries a responsibility to engage students with the power relations that dominate Africa's global position and “Western” knowledge of the continent. This article highlights the significance of difference and power relations not only when these are manifested in the identities present within the classroom but also just as importantly when they are not. The article argues that positionality and representations profoundly shape engagement with Africa. Who is in the classroom particularly matters when teaching material embedded in ongoing colonial relations. Disrupting students' assumptions, such as their alignment with Western actors who will “solve” Africa's problems, may therefore involve disempowering them. By doing so, it is possible to potentially establish more productive starting points for learning about Africa within IR. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1187]
67.1081 RUTLAND, Peter; KAZANTSEV, Andrei —
Moscow came late to the soft power game, but made it an integral feature of the drive to restore Russia's great power status. Russia has a proud cultural legacy and has invested heavily in promoting a positive image of the country abroad, for example through the Russia Today television channel. However, the leadership faced the challenge of dealing with the complex legacy of the Soviet past, and finding a viable development model for Russia: it is hard for a country facing economic stagnation to project a positive international image. Russia's authoritarian turn since 2004, and its use of force in Georgia, Ukraine, and Syria, have reinforced negative stereotypes of Russia as a hard power. For these reasons Russian leaders have largely failed to develop soft power as an effective policy tool. [R] [See Abstr. 67.834]
67.1082 SAINSBURY, Tristram —
Economic diplomacy — informal and formal processes and links between states and non-state actors on international economic issues — is a current focus of Australian foreign policy. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade's stated economy diplomacy aims are liberalizing trade, boosting economic growth, encouraging investment and assisting business. If Australia is to embrace a genuine and effective notion of economic diplomacy there are two problems to be overcome. First, DFAT's economic diplomacy framework is incomplete and misses the bigger economic picture, particularly the role of Australia's key economic agencies, Treasury and the Reserve Bank of Australia. Second, DFAT does not consistently apply economic principles to foreign affairs issues including trade, foreign aid and the global investment agenda. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.850]
67.1083 SAINT-MÉZARD, Isabelle —
Since the N. Modi government came to power in June 2014, it has invested diplomatic capital in announcing the transformation of India's “Look East” policy into a new “Act East” policy. While this new semantics has mostly involved a few nuances and adjustments — rather than a drastic change — in India's strategic posture, it is nevertheless interesting to analyze the implications of the “Act East” policy for the Indian Ocean Region, and more specifically for its Eastern part — the Bay of Bengal. In this respect, the article shows that India's “Act East” policy has led to its growing involvement in the Bay of Bengal, especially in the field of maritime affairs. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.1246]
67.1084 SALINAS DE FRÍAS, Ana —
The new dimension that international terrorism has attained after 9/11 [2001] attacks in particular after the creation of the Daesh has obliged international law to revisit its legal instruments in order to optimize the fight against this scourge. In this regard this contribution analyzes advantages and shortages of universal treaties concerning the fight against terrorism and their problematic adaptation to this phenomenon's current features in clear contrast with some regional initiatives. After analyzing the dubious efficacy of states' systematic recourse to the use of force and the pros and cons of the creation of a new international court against terrorism, the study suggests a stronger use of the existing legal instruments for international cooperation on criminal matters. [R]
67.1085 ŠAMŠINA, Viktorija N. —
The fundamental feature of modern Sino-Venezuelan relations is China's growing economic influence on the Bolivarian Republic. Venezuela needs China's financial support to develop social projects and thus ensure domestic political stability. While Caracas is largely in tune with Beijing when it comes to foreign policy issues, Beijing is not ready to support Venezuela's anti-American initiatives. China's growing ties with Venezuela cause concern in the US, which for centuries has seen Latin America as its sphere of influence. This triangular relationship requires China to adjust various foreign policy goals. An evaluation of China's objectives and achievements when it comes to Venezuela makes it possible to explore possible implications of closer cooperation between the two countries amid changes in Venezuela's political balance. [R, abr.]
67.1086 SCHAKE, Kori —
D. Trump's supporters are genuinely questioning America's role in the world. Republicans owe them persuasive answers on their own terms. [R]
67.1087 SEURAT, Leila —
Hamas seized power by force in the Gaza Strip in 2007. Since then, it has had to re-establish order and maintain its position against other armed groups. Its relationship with Jihadist cells — linked to Al Qaeda or Islamic State — has alternated between toleration and repression. Among the factors influencing Hamas's position regarding Jihadists, the position of the Egyptian government plays a decisive role. [R]
67.1088 SHELDON-DUPLAIX, Alexandre —
English version: see Abstr. 67.1089.
67.1089 SHELDON-DUPLAIX, Alexandre —
In May 2015, the Information Office of the State Council published a new white paper on China's military strategy stating that “overseas interests [had become] an imminent issue”. Accordingly, China has embarked on a build-up aimed at making itself into a “sea power”, mainly in the Indo-Pacific region, in order to deter a US intervention in Taiwan and to protect its trade in the Indian Ocean. China has acquired a medium-sized aircraft carrier with a tenth of the capability of a US super-carrier and is learning the ropes. As a source of pride to its citizens, China's aircraft carrier program [allows] the Communist Party to demonstrate its legitimacy and success. And yet, China has not yet tried to challenge the superiority of the US Navy on the “far seas”. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.1003]
67.1090 SIDORENKO, Tatiana —
At the start of the 21st c., thanks to the increase in income from exports, Russia managed to cancel the foreign debt inherited from the Soviet Union. However, beginning in 2006, Russian companies and banks, including those controlled by the state, began to borrow from European and US banks, leading to a deep dependence on loans from these banks, and the growth of Russia's corporate foreign debt. The conflict in Ukraine and the introduction of Western sanctions against Russia in 2014 radically changed the situation with regard to the foreign debt held by the country. [R]
67.1091 SINGH, Antara Ghosal —
This paper examines the evolving geopolitical developments in the Indo-Pacific region, especially through the lens of an India-US-China trilateral/tripolar framework. At a time when “strategic unease” has become a defining characteristic of the region and “security alignments and strategic hedging” a prevalent diplomatic tendency, this paper captures an evolving trend of convergence in the strategic visions of the three key Indo-Pacific players — India, China and the US, and rising bilateral strategic/defense cooperation between them. Using a constructivist approach, this paper explores the feasibility of a trilateral cooperative framework among the three countries in near future. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1246]
67.1092 SINGH, Bawa —
This paper focuses on the fault-line of Indian Neighborhood Policy particularly in the context of its handling of Nepal's Constitutional Crisis post-2015. In the light of the statement of former Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee, “friends can change but not neighbors who have to live together”, it can be easily inferred from this statement that the neighborhood policy is holding a very significant place in Indian foreign policy. Since independence, India has been pursuing “Neighborhood Policy”. Notwithstanding this policy, India has recently lost its geopolitical space in Nepal despite such policy. On the contrary, China has made its geopolitical space in Nepal. [R]
67.1093 SINGH, Sardool —
The term Strategic Partnership is very fashionable in IR and it often used by political analysts to define the close relationship between two or more nations. There are many convergent strategic interests and prospects between India and US which push them closer to each other. They share essential talents, human resources and material required for enduring strategic partnership. Both the nations are responsible and effective international players, common in goals and objects, similar in challenges and threats and more or less compatible in their strength. They recognize and accept the responsibilities for a cooperative approach towards emerging challenges to international peace and tranquility. Despite the momentum achieved in their strategic relations, both the nations are facing severe challenges to achieving full swing of strategic partnership. [R, abr.]
67.1094 SONS, Sebastian —
Saudi Arabia and Iran have been seeking regional supremacy due to political and ideological reasons since the Iranian Revolution in 1979. Since 2011, these bilateral tensions have intensified with destabilizing effects in Syria, Yemen and Bahrain. Saudi Arabia's foreign policy aims to counter Iranian influence within the Arab region and to preserve Saudi standing as a political and economic regional power as well as a religious role model. However, since the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPoA), the new Saudi leadership is concerned about the re-integration of Iran into the international community and thus has intensified its anti-Iran and anti-Shiite propaganda and policy in recent years. The article analyzes the main foreign policy interests of Saudi Arabia, the anti-Iran strategy of the new leadership, and the negative outcomes of this policy. [R, abr.]
67.1095 SOULEIMANOV, Emil Aslan; PETRTYLOVA, Katarina —
While Russia faces limited and rather indirect challenges from the Islamic State, it has the potential to use the threat posed by the Islamic State to its advantage. Facing increasingly united Western opposition to its controversial involvement in the Ukraine conflict, Moscow is eager to use its influence in the Middle East, particularly in Syria, as leverage in its relationship with key regional and Western countries, especially the US. Even if, hypothetically, Moscow were interested in contributing to the liquidation of the Islamic State by concerted international efforts, however, its tools are limited. Background on Russian elite views of the Middle East crisis and Russia's role in it allows for a discussion of mainstream Russian interpretations of the origins of the Islamic State.
67.1096 STAHL, Bernhard; LUCKE, Robin; FELFELI, Anna —
As previous crises such as Libya and Iraq have shown, the transatlantic community is suffering from a deficient common security identity. Comparing the US, French, German, and British reactions to the Russian annexation of Crimea discloses whether the value-based foundations of the transatlantic security community are eroding. The securitization model seems well-suited to complement the theory of security communities by offering analytical criteria for the comparison. Who securitized what, when, and how in early 2014? The analysis proposes securitization as a promising research tool for foreign policy comparisons and reveals to what extent the transatlantic security community still exists. [R]
67.1097 STEEVES, Brye Butler; OURIQUES, Helton Ricardo —
Historically, great powers have gone to great lengths to guarantee the energy necessary to compete in the international system. Today, as fossil fuel sources diminish and energy demands increase, the most powerful states, specifically China and the US, are competing for energy resources, including renewable energy sources, while continuing to protect and procure remaining nonrenewable sources around the world. As such, this article's goals are: (1) to offer a brief overview of energy security; (2) to present a brief overview of the energy scenarios of China and the US; (3) to show that China is investing more in renewable energy than the US due, in part, to the domestic endowment of shale gas of the latter, and the imperative need to diversify the energy sources of the former. [R]
67.1098 STERGIOU, Andreas —
The discovery of natural gas and oil reserves in Israel and Cyprus's adjoining Exclusive Economic Zones laid the foundations for wide-ranging cooperation between Tel Aviv and Nicosia. But it also unveiled big challenges. The Cyprus problem became entangled in the broader international discord over offshore energy and Israeli-Turkish tensions. Renewed negotiations between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities, first in February 2014 and then in April 2015, were mainly driven by the discovery of natural gas reserves off Cyprus and the wish of the EU and US to reconcile the Republic of Cyprus with Turkey and facilitate a Turkey-Israel rapprochement. This article studies the background of the Turkish-Cypriot-Israeli relationship as well as certain political and economic parameters of the geopolitical complex in the Eastern Mediterranean. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1112]
67.1099 SUMMERS, Tim —
This paper argues that the Chinese government's “belt and road” — the Silk Roads vision of land and maritime logistics and communications networks connecting Asia, Europe and Africa — has its roots in subnational ideas and practices, and that it reflects their elevation to the national level more than the creation of substantially new policy content. Further, the spatial paradigms inherent in the Silk Roads vision reveal the reproduction of capitalist developmental ideas expressed particularly in the form of networks, which themselves have become a feature of contemporary global political economy. In other words, the Silk Roads vision is more of a “spatial fix” than a geopolitical maneuver. [R]
67.1100 SUSLOV, Dmitry —
Although the US-Russia relations are hardly the central axis of contemporary international relations, the systemic confrontation between Moscow and Washington, which began in 2014, will become a decisive factor for the emerging international order. This confrontation was caused by factors much deeper than a mere clash of national interests in Ukraine or Syria. It came as a result of their fundamental disagreement about the basic rules and norms of international relations and a clash of the visions of international order which Moscow and Washington have been promoting since the end of the Cold War. Moreover, this confrontation is a part — and currently the epicenter — of a broader rift between the US and major non-Western centers of power about the nature of a posthegemonic international order. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.1037]
67.1101 TARIQ, Sidra —
This paper examines the Sino-Indian security dilemma in the Indian Ocean and revisits the String of Pearls debate. The first section discusses the theoretical concept of security dilemma. The second part explores the Indian and Chinese strategic positions and highlights their strengths and vulnerabilities in the IOR. The third covers the debate regarding the String of Pearls strategy and finds that China is not in a position to sustain a so-called policy of Indian “encirclement” in the Indian Ocean because of its strategic, technical, and logistical shortcomings. The study concludes that Sino-Indian security dilemma does exist in the Indian Ocean but it can be reduced by minimizing provocation on either side. [R]
67.1102 TAWIL, Marta —
Predominant topics as well as methodological and theoretical tools are identified, which are then linked to the question of knowing how the growing interest in the Middle East among Mexican internationalists, and their efforts in this field, are effectively reflected in the policy relevance and public engagement of academics and scholars. The information presented here is mostly based on BA, Masters degree and PhD theses on Middle Eastern issues and countries written by students of IR since 1980 in four Mexican universities; it shows that there is a pending agenda, related to problems in research and documentation networks, a lack of financial resources, and the priorities set out by Mexico's geographical position, and its relationship with the US. [R]
67.1103 TELLA, Oluwaseun —
While the concept of soft power was coined by US scholar J. Nye in the early 1990s, the scholarly analysis of the US soft power in Africa remains scarce. This article engages with the question of soft power arising from US policies, political values and cultural exports in Africa. It employs both primary and secondary data, and focuses on the soft power impact of AGOA and PEPFAR on African perspectives on the US, as well as the impact of US popular culture, brands and educational exchange. The article found that, despite surveys pointing to increasing anti-US sentiments globally in the 21st c., Washington still wields significant soft power in Africa. [R]
67.1104 TÉNÈZE, Nicolas —
À quelques mois de la fin de l'administration B. Obama, il est possible de tirer un premier bilan de la politique étrangère américaine dont les résultats restent paradoxaux en considérant que le monde, de 2008 à 2016, a perdu en stabilité et en sécurité, contrairement aux attentes de 2008. [R]
67.1105 THUSSU, Daya Kishan —
Among BRICS nations, India has the most developed and globalized film industry, and the Indian government as well as corporations are increasingly deploying the power of Bollywood in their international interactions. India's soft power, arising from its cultural and civilizational influence outside its territorial boundaries, has a long history. Focusing on contemporary India's thriving Hindi film industry, this article suggests that the globalization of the country's popular cinema, aided by a large diaspora, has created possibilities of promoting India's public diplomacy. It examines the global imprint of this cinema as an instrument of soft power. [R] [See Abstr. 67.834]
67.1106 TRÉGLODÉ, Benoît de —
English version: see Abstr. 67.1107.
67.1107 TRÉGLODÉ, Benoît de —
Since the rapprochement between China and Vietnam in 1991, Beijing and Hanoi have always sought to compartmentalize their territorial disputes. As a result, the upsurge of tensions in the South China Sea since 2011 has affected their bilateral partnership only to a limited extent, as the two countries continue to observe the Gulf of Tonkin agreements signed in December 2000, establishing their first maritime border in the waters of the Gulf as well as cooperation in matters of fishing, hydrocarbon exploration, and maritime security. This article [examines] the first 16 years of Sino-Vietnamese cooperation in the Gulf of Tonkin, before exploring the potential progress that could represent the current negotiations between the two states regarding the delimitation of the “mouth” of the Gulf, located off the Paracel islands. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1003]
67.1108 TRUDGEN, Matthew —
Since the Second World War, Canada and the US have worked together to defend North America. However, the US's main effort has been overseas because American strategic culture is offensively oriented. Thus, American air and missile programs have received little attention, as American policy-makers have chosen to deal with security threats such as the Soviet Union by supporting overseas alliances such as NATO and by developing strong strategic nuclear forces. This strategy has been continued after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, and will not likely change. By understanding the influence that this strategic culture has on American policy-makers, Canadian ministers, civilian officials, military officers and academics can develop foreign and defense policies that can better serve the Canadian national interest. [R, abr.]
67.1109 TYLER, Melissa Conley —
Australia's Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) has made a sustained effort to increase the diversity of its workforce and has improved the representation of some groups: for example, the increased number of women in senior positions in recent decades. A case study of DFAT's Indigenous Recruitment and Career Development Strategy (2007–2015) identifies the following key factors needed for such efforts to succeed: sustained effort, high-level support, availability of peer support and a willingness to adapt programs over time. While there are challenges in implementing a diversity strategy, such as resource constraints and the broader organizational culture, the Indigenous Recruitment and Career Development Strategy provides a positive model of how to increase diversity among a country's diplomats. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 67.850]
67.1110 TZIARRAS, Zenonas —
By adopting a neorealist approach to alliance-formation this paper examines the trilateral partnership of Israel, Cyprus and Greece. It argues that since its inception in 2011 it has developed into a (“comfortable”) quasi-alliance — a less formal and more flexible form of alliance than the traditional ones — driven by profit and threat-related individual and collective motivations. The primary motivations behind the formation of the quasi-alliance have been the common perceptions of Turkey as a security threat and energy-related interests. Moreover, it is suggested that the “comfortable” and quasi nature of the alliance could allow the three states to manoeuvre politically so as not to exclude future and parallel relations with Turkey. [R, abr.]
67.1111 ULUSOY, Kivanç —
This article concerns Turkey's Cyprus policy in the fast transforming geopolitics of the Eastern Mediterranean. It argues that dramatic changes in the Eastern Mediterranean with the Arab Spring and the discovery of natural gas reserves in the region paved way for a hard power strategy on Cyprus. Both have shaken the traditional alliance structures and created an unprecedented level of economic opportunities, leading Turkey to reformulate its Cyprus policy. Turkey's disappointment regarding EU accession prepared the ground for this radical shift in Turkey's policy. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1112]
67.1112 VAN DER PUTTEN, Frans Paul —
China is building an economic presence in the countries of the Eastern Mediterranean. Its involvement in major infrastructure projects is growing at a rapid pace and may have a significant impact on trade routes that traverse this strategically located region. This article outlines Chinese interests and activities in the Eastern Mediterranean and how these relate to geopolitical developments in the region. China's most important infrastructure project in the region is the modernization and expansion of the container port of Piraeus, Greece, but other port and railway projects are also being developed. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “The geo-politics of conflict in the Eastern Mediterranean”, introduced by Kivanç ULUSOY. See also Abstr. 67.662, 1072, 1098, 1111, 1123, 1229]
67.1113 VAN DER WESTHUIZEN, Janis —
South Africa's soft power capacity is often constrained by the tensions emerging between regional normative commitments on the one hand and more cosmopolitan, liberal democratic norms on the other. The country's African leadership aspirations, which require sanctifying state sovereignty and non-intervention over human rights and democracy, is one such example. This article illustrates how these tensions illuminate the extent to which South Africa's more independent, cosmopolitan, bridge-building posture under N. Mandela has increasingly given way to an orientation emphasizing its Africanist credentials as more of a liberationist than liberal democracy and soft balancing against the OECD world. Whether this move has resulted in unequivocal African followership as a form of soft power remains uncertain. [R] [See Abstr. 67.834]
67.1114 VITELLI, Marina —
The article reflects the apparent paradox of the existence of the South American Defense Council (CDS) in a context of both violence and cooperation in South America. The principal argument is that the model of regional security under construction represents a transformation with regard to the one established at the end of the Cold War. By studying the nature of the activities carried out by the CDS, this body is interpreted as the outcome of the relative failure of the US multidimensional security project, which brings together in its place cooperative security with the deterrence model, both tendencies associated with post-liberal regionalism. [R]
67.1115 VOROBYOV, Vitaly —
The reservoir of mutual understanding and trust between Russia and China has obviously been filled as a result of implementing a number of other significant and less significant measures and agreements, including in the area of military cooperation, which moved as far as proficiency training of operational coordination. However, solutions reached in the very sensitive and emotionally inert spheres — settlement of border issues and military détente in the border areas — have remained the initial and cornerstone elements of attaining a comprehensive solution. It is from them that the main sprouts of strategic partnership between Russia and China have grown. This partnership has ultimately become one of the basic components of the two countries' foreign policy, a quality benchmark for bilateral relations with other countries. [R]
67.1116 WALDRON, Arthur —
The particular difficulties that Taiwan's new administration faces are paradoxical, for their origin no longer has to do with ensuring the continuing existence of the state. That seems assured. Rather, the challenges arise because US and China's diplomacy in the 1970s assumed that Taiwan was going to disappear, but it failed to do so. This fact created an embarrassing — and probably insoluble — long-term problem for China. To be sure, much commentary still suggests that if not on the verge, Taiwan and China are at least on a one-way road to unification, shadowed by the concern that China will not wait forever, ready to “impose” unity when it is finally fed up. [R]
67.1117 WANG, Vincent Wei-cheng —
This article contends that the Tsai administration will likely be positive for US-Taiwan relations. While the partnership may well require more work than was expended over the last eight years, the yield may be significant. [R]
67.1118 WOOD, Reed M.; MOLFINO, Emily —
Humanitarian assistance plays a vital role in sustaining vulnerable populations. However, inflows of such aid may also exacerbate violence by both threatening insurgents and creating incentives for these groups to extend or deepen control over the areas in which aid is concentrated. Insurgent efforts to ameliorate threats and co-opt resources ultimately raise the risk of conflict between insurgent and counterinsurgent forces. We use geo-located data on both aid commitments and conflict events in a sample of twenty sub-Saharan African countries during the post-Cold War era to evaluate the impact of aid on violence. Even after accounting for the non-random assignment of aid within conflict zones, we find that humanitarian aid increases the frequency of subsequent violent engagements between rebel and government forces in the areas in which aid is concentrated. [R, abr.]
67.1119 YAMAGUCHI, Shinji —
English version: see Abstr. 67.1120.
67.1120 YAMAGUCHI, Shinji —
This paper explores the coordination among China's various maritime actors in the South China Sea (SCS). Since around 2009, China has reinforced its maritime territorial claims in the SCS and has taken coercive measures, including harassing other countries' vessels and using administrative tools to expand its effective control over disputed islands. One important question is whether China's tactics are based on a well-coordinated plan or are the unintended consequence of competition and self-interest among various agencies. This paper shows that, first, organizational coordination between these agencies is improving, second, that the PLA has a salient role in the operation, and lastly, that the long-term trend is important. The paper implies that long-term aspirations are coalescing into more concrete plans under the strong leadership of Xi Jinping. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1003]
67.1121 YANG Hee-Yong —
In the IR literature on alliance, focus on multilateral security groupings has generated a tendency to approach alliance system in an aggregate manner, blurring the distinction between a multilateral and bilateral security grouping. Through a critical review of existing alliance theories, this paper builds an analytical framework to understand intra-alliance management within asymmetrical bilateral alliances. Drawing on national security role conception arguments, this paper presents an analytical framework that will help understand dynamics of intra-alliance conflict within bilateral security groupings. As a case study to demonstrate the validity of the framework, US-Japan alliance relations during the Gulf War are examined in depth. [R]
67.1122 YAQOOB, Asma —
The Kashmir conflict has long begun to cease as a “mere territorial dispute” between India and Pakistan given the strategic pattern of regional and international politics in the last few decades, large-scale western influence in the region, proxy wars, dynamics of alliances and coalitions within and beyond the region, and most importantly, the rise and spread of dissident elements in Indian-held Kashmir (IHK) with strong linkages elsewhere. New Delhi has lately realized the futility of any solution of Kashmir issue without taking into account the diverse political aspirations of Kashmiris living in the region. What is still missing in New Delhi's policy vision, however, is her stiffness over not allowing a trilateral dialogue to break the impasse of political negotiations and finding a win-win solution on all three fronts, i.e., India, Pakistan, and Kashmir. [R, abr.]
67.1123 YEGIN, Mehmet —
In this study, Turkey's reaction to the ousting of M. Morsi in Egypt is studied in comparison with one regional and one global actor with a democratic regime. This study examines the dynamics of Turkey over-signaling negatively to the coup in comparison with Israeli and American reactions. In comparison with Turkey's reaction, the US shyly signaled positively in statements and used financial means against the coup hesitantly. Israel pursued a “strategic silence” approach and eschewed signaling at all. It is seen that all three countries' motivations were dominantly material, and no country reacted with purely normative motivations. The US and Turkey applied a selective normative approach whereas Israel openly avoided adopting a normative approach. [R] [See Abstr. 67.1112]
67.1124 ZANARDI, Claude —
This article highlights the particular conception of China's of soft power which reflects the dualistic nature of the Chinese strategic culture: it has two components, a direct (zheng) and an indirect (qi) dimension which are not in opposition; rather, they are integrated. he Confucius Institutes and China's naval diplomacy are two relevant components of “soft power with Chinese characteristics”. Both carry political values and are policies that no other BRIC country has fully developed. They depend on and serve China's political agenda since they mirror Beijing's efforts to increase domestic cohesion, re-gain international recognition as a great power and avoid repeating the Soviet mistake of focusing exclusively on hard power. [R] [See Abstr. 67.834]
67.1125 ZUBAIR IQBAL, Muhammad —
Pak-China bonhomie is no secret in international politics. While it serves Chinese strategic interests in the region, it also tends to counter the oft-hypothesized “negative” American interference in South Asia. Within this volatile and conflict-prone context, the unusual recent growth of camaraderie between India and the US is perturbing. One way to counter the situation is to boost Pak-China relationship. For this purpose, China-Pakistan's strategic partnership should be examined in comparison to Indo-US long-term cooperation in order to explore whether both of these interactions are providing a balancing influence in the region. There are multiple strategies of hard balancing between India and Pakistan that seem to maintain stability in the region.
67.1126
Introduction by David BREWSTER. Articles by You JI, “China's emerging Indo-Pacific naval strategy”, pp. 11–19; Zhu LI, “The maritime silk road and India: the challenge of overcoming cognitive divergence”, pp. 20–26; Pramit Pal CHAUDHURI, “New Delhi at sea: the China factor in the Indian Ocean policy of the Modi and Singh governments”, pp. 27–34; Abhijit SINGH, “India's strategic imperatives in the Asian commons”, pp. 35–40; Raja MENON, “India's response to China's naval presence in the Indian Ocean”, pp. 41–48; Darshana M. BARUAH, “Expanding India's maritime domain awareness in the Indian Ocean”, pp. 49–55; John W. GARVER, “Diverging perceptions of China's emergence as an Indian Ocean power”, pp. 56–60; Rory MEDCALF, “The Western Indo-Pacific: India, China, and the terms of engagement”, pp. 61–69.
67.1127
Introduction by Alaa TARTIR and Bruno OLIVEIRA MARTINS, pp. 428–431. Articles by Nathan THRALL, “The two-stage solution: toward a long-term Israeli-Palestinian truce”, pp. 432–436; Mandy TURNER, “Killing the zombie peace and building a new movement”, pp. 437–441; Yonathan MENDEL, “Overcoming phobias and asymmetries in Israel and Palestine”, pp. 442–446; George GIACAMAN, “Is a just and lasting peace possible?”, pp. 447–451; Bruno OLIVEIRA MARTINS, “The EU against the new normal: avoiding the banalization of the Israeli-Palestinian dispute”, pp. 452–456; Alaa TARTIR, “Palestine-Israel: decolonization now, peace later”, pp. 457–460.