Abstract
68.4890 ABRAMOWITZ, Alan I.; WEBSTER, Steven W. —
One of the most important developments in American politics over the last 40 years has been the rise of negative partisanship — the phenomenon whereby Americans largely align against one party instead of affiliating with the other. Though it has the power to reshape patterns of political behavior, little is known about the microfoundations driving negative partisanship. We show how the growing racial divide between the two major parties, as well as the presence of partisan-friendly media outlets, have led to the rise of negative partisanship. We also utilize the growing literature on personality and politics to show how the Big Five personality traits are predictive of negative partisanship. The results suggest that the psychological roots of negative partisanship are both widespread and, absent drastic individual and structural-level changes, likely to persist. [R] [First article of a symposium on “Partisanship”. See also Abstr. 68.4636, 4708, 4730, 4732, 4959, 4971, 4973, 5018]
68.4891 ALVES, Jorge Antonio —
One of the most significant recent changes in Brazilian politics is the inroads made by the Workers' Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT) and other leftist parties into state and municipal governments in the country's most conservative region, the Northeast. An important strand of literature argues that this is due to a transformative strategy anchored in institutional growth, based on opening local party directorates. In contrast, this analysis shows that the PT has made gains in the region by segmenting its strategy — focusing on two well-established political practices. First, the PT has leveraged executive office at federal and state levels of government in order to advance at lower levels. Second, it has constructed pragmatic alliances with opportunistic parties, revealing how the migration of opportunist politicians into allied parties allowed entrenched elites to remain in power. [R, abr.]
68.4892 ANDERSON, Tim —
A regulatory process of “democratizing the media” based on recent constitutional guarantees and a 2013 communications law is under way in Ecuador. The initiative comes from a demand for new forms of social accountability and participation in the mass media after the Latin American experience of media companies' direct engagement in coups and the destabilization of progressive governments. Media democratization is seen as necessary for the construction of democratic societies. It is distinct in Latin America from recent Northern approaches, suggesting democratic transformation through new online media and enhanced consumer options. Ecuador's process follows similar initiatives in Venezuela, Bolivia, Argentina, and Uruguay but is perhaps more articulate and systematic. It builds on well-established public policy themes of the containment of monopoly power, redress of civil wrongs, and the promotion of participation and diversity. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Media, politics, and democratization in Latin America”, edited and introduced, pp. 4–15, by Javier CAMPO and Tomás CROWDER-TARABORRELLI. See also Abstr. 68.4904, 4937, 4942, 4956, 4992, 5015, 5043, 5046]
68.4893 ANGELOVA, Mariyana, et al. —
Veto player theory generates predictions about governments' capacity for policy change. Due to the difficulty of identifying significant laws needed to change the policy status quo, evidence about governments' ability to change policy has been mostly provided for a limited number of reforms and single-country studies. To evaluate the predictive power of veto player theory for policy making across time, policy areas and countries, a dataset was gathered that incorporates about 5,600 important government reform measures in the areas of social, labor, economic and taxation policy undertaken in 13 Western European countries from the mid-1980s until the mid-2000s. Veto player theory is applied in a combined model with other central theoretical expectations on policy change derived from political economy (crisis-driven policy change) and partisan theory (ideology-driven policy change). Robust support is found that governments introduce more reform measures when economic conditions are poor and when the government is positioned further away from the policy status quo. [R, abr.]
68.4894 ANGERBRANDT, Henrik —
Two decades after the ‘third wave of democratization’, extensive violence continues to follow elections in sub-Saharan Africa. Whereas national processes connected to pre-election violence have received increased scholarly attention, little is known of local dynamics of violence after elections. This article examines the 2011 Nigerian post-election violence with regard to the ways in which national electoral processes interweave with local social and political disputes. The most affected state, Kaduna State, has a history of violent local relations connected to which group should control politics and the state. It is argued that electoral polarisation aggravated national ethno-religious divisions that corresponded to the dividing line of the conflict in Kaduna. A rapid escalation of violence was facilitated by local social networks nurtured by ethno-religious grievances. [R]
68.4895 ARGOTE, Pablo; NAVIA, Patricio D. —
It has been argued that close elections lead to policy convergence, as legislators elected by a small margin are more likely to adopt moderate policy positions (A. Downs, 1957). However, D. Lee, E. Moretti, and M. Butler (Do Voters Affect or Elect Policies? Evidence from the U.S. House, Quarterly Journal of Economics, 119(3), 2004: 807–859) find that electoral competition does not affect legislators' policy preferences in the US, questioning the median voter paradigm. To help to discern this paradox, we estimate the effect of close elections on legislators' subsequent policy positions under different electoral rules. With Chile's two-seat open-list proportional representation system, we exploit the dynamics of within-coalition competition to test both hypotheses. Using the margin of victory in parliamentary elections and roll-call votes for the Chamber of Deputies from 1998 to 2014, we find that electoral competition did not lead to policy convergence under either the center-left Concertación coalition or the rightist Alianza coalition. [R, abr.]
68.4896 BAFAEVA, Anna S. —
The article details the phenomenon of the modern right-wing radicalism in Western Europe. Special attention is paid to the analysis of far-right politics in different West European countries, such as France, the Netherlands, the UK, Germany, Denmark, Finland, Sweden and Norway. The author identifies the causes and factors which facilitated the transformation of several marginal extreme-right movements and parties into a real threat to the European political mainstream. It reveals the latest trends amid the Europe elections 2016–2017: right-wing parties have limits on the political scene. [R, abr.]
68.4897 BANKOV, Petar —
The 2017 early parliamentary elections in Bulgaria were held in circumstances of relative economic stability, but clear political uncertainty due to the inability of the fragmented party system to respond to public discontent with the stagnating standard of living and deteriorating states of democracy. The election results suggest a continuation of this situation, returning the centre-right Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria on power with an old-new coalition-partner, the nationalist United Patriots. The centre-left Bulgarian Socialist Party improved its performance, while the parties advocating radical pro-liberal democratic reform failed to enter parliament. [R] [First article of a thematic issue on “Elections in post-crisis Europe”, introduced pp. 5–12, by Marco LISI, “The beginning of a new cycles?”. See also Abstr. 68.4935, 4954, 5003, 5021, 5149, 5207]
68.4898 BARCELÓ, Joan —
What explains citizens' attitudes toward transitional justice? Studies that examined the support for transitional justice mechanisms identified three sets of factors: individual, socialization, and contextual. Building on the hot cognition theory, this article argues that the past political regime is an emotionally charged sociopolitical object encoded with its evaluative history with consequences in people's opinion-formation process. Drawing on a specialized survey in Spain, the results first suggest that negative emotions, especially anger and fear, significantly influence the support for stronger transitional justice measures, even after adjusting for relevant confounders such as ideology, religiosity, or victimization. Second, the findings show that those who lack an emotional engagement toward the past regime, the so-called bystanders, hold attitudes toward transitional justice that are indistinguishable from those who report positive feelings toward the past regime. [R, abr.]
68.4899 BARGSTED, Matías Andrέs; MALDONADO, Luis —
Since the return of democracy, party identification has been declining sharply among the Chilean public. We seek to understand this process by applying an age-period-cohort analysis to survey data from 1994 to 2014. In light of the elite-driven and socially uprooted character, or what we call the encapsulated nature, of the Chilean party system, we hypothesize that cumulative electoral experience has had a negative effect on party identification and not the positive effect that Converse's (1969) social-learning model would predict. Our findings support these expectations but also reveal large period effects that have shrunk the overall level of partisan identification and significant cohort effects whereby generations born after the 1950s have become less partisan. [R, abr.]
68.4900 BARISIONE, Mauro; LUCA, Deborah DE —
The disappearance of class voting in post-industrial societies has often been announced in recent decades. Few studies, however, have focused on the self-employed, an occupational category which tends to combine the properties of a social class and a status group. The UK, Italy, and Spain present different traditions but similar levels of class voting in the early 2000s, with a persisting tendency of the self-employed to vote for centre-right parties. These three countries also saw the subsequent growth of “third” parties. Using data on parliamentary elections from the 2004, 2009, and 2014 European Election Studies, we continue to find evidence of this form of class voting, which we relate to the specific political and social dispositions of the self-employed. [R, abr.]
68.4901 BARNES, Lucy; HICKS, Timothy —
What explains variation in individual attitudes toward government deficits? Although macroeconomic stance is of paramount importance for contemporary governments, our understanding of its popular politics is limited. We argue that popular attitudes regarding austerity are influenced by media (and wider elite) framing. Information necessary to form preferences on the deficit is not provided neutrally, and its provision shapes how voters understand their interests. A wide range of evidence from Britain between 2010 and 2015 supports this claim. In the British Election Study, deficit attitudes vary systematically with the source of news consumption, even controlling for party identification. A structural topic model of two major newspapers' reporting shows that content varies systematically with respect to coverage of public borrowing. [R, abr.]
68.4902 BARRETT, Patrick; ZIRKER, Daniel —
While New Zealand enjoys a widely held view that it symbolises the qualities of a corruption-free democracy, over the past several years corruption scandals have increased markedly in number and intensity. It appears that corruption is becoming a part of the language of politics in New Zealand in a new way. This article explores this proposition with a particular focus on the incidence and character of corruption scandals during politically significant periods. It is an exploratory and admittedly impressionistic analysis that surveys the incidence of corruption scandals between 2000 and 2016. The article examines media reports of corruption scandals and the apparent and periodic appearance of the accumulation of corruption scandals, or scandal clusters. It explores whether such clusters are evident in media reports. [R, abr.]
68.4903 BASSOLI, Matteo; MONTICELLI, Lara —
The authors analyze non-institutionalized political participation patterns of precarious urban youth in five European cities — Cologne (Germany), Geneva (Switzerland), Kielce (Poland), Lyon (France) and Turin (Italy) — following the 2008 financial crisis. The aim is to test the validity of the “grievance theory” on precarious youth. In fact, the political participation of precarious youth has been overlooked to date. The article shows that across the cities, precarious workers exhibit higher levels of political participation owing to a sense of relative deprivation with respect to their regularly employed counterparts. The authors apply a logit analysis to duly consider the local context (i.e. unemployment regulations and labor market regulations). The empirical results show that precarious youth are more active than regular workers when unemployment regulations and labor market regulations are at their intermediate level, featuring as “issue-specific” political opportunity structures. [R, abr.]
68.4904 BECERRA, Martín; WAGNER, Celeste M. —
The emergence of new communication policies in Latin America from 2004 to 2015 took place in the midst of an unprecedented public antagonism between governments and media groups in Latin America. To understand the emergence of this conflict, the following variables are proposed: (1) the populist features of the governments involved, (2) a crisis of representation, (3) high levels of media concentration in a context of historically permissive regulation and a crisis of the traditional media, and (4) the governments' perception of the media as opponents and even as threats to their power. [R] [See Abstr. 68.4892; and also commentary by Rosalind BRESNAHAN, and the rejoinder by authors]
68.4905 BELAND, Louis Philippe; UNEL, Bulent —
Employing a regression discontinuity (RD) approach on gubernatorial elections in the US over the last three decades, this paper investigates the causal effects of governors' party affiliation (Democrat versus Republican) on unionization of workers, and unionized workers' working hours and earnings. Surprisingly, we find no significant impact from the party affiliation of governors on union membership and union workers' labor market outcomes. [R]
68.4906 BERDEJÓ, Carlos; CHEN, Daniel L. —
We find field evidence consistent with experimental studies that document the contexts and characteristics making individuals more susceptible to priming. Just before US presidential elections, judges on the US Courts of Appeals double the rate at which they dissent and vote along partisan lines. Increases are accentuated for judges with less experience and in polarized environments. During periods of national unity — wartime, for example — judges suppress dissents, especially if they have less experience or are in polarized environments. We show that the dissent rate increases gradually from 6 percent to nearly 12 percent in the quarter before an election and returns immediately to 6 percent after the election. If highly experienced professionals making common-law precedent can be politically primed, it raises questions about the perceived impartiality of the judiciary. [R]
68.4907 BERINSKY, Adam J. —
How can we best gauge the political opinions of the citizenry? Since their emergence in the 1930s, opinion polls — or surveys — have become the dominant way to assess the public will. [However], there is no agreement among political scientists on how to best measure public opinion through polls. This article is a call for political scientists to be more self-conscious about the choices we make when we attempt to measure public opinion with surveys. I first [consider] whom to interview, discussing the major challenges survey researchers face when sampling respondents from the population of interest. I then discuss the level of specificity with which we can properly collect information about the political preferences of individuals. I focus on the types of question wording and item-aggregation strategies researchers can use to accurately measure public opinion. [R, abr.]
68.4908 BISCHOF, Daniel; SENNINGER, Roman —
Which parties use simple language in their campaign messages, and do simple campaign messages resonate with voters' information about parties? This study introduces a novel link between the language applied during election campaigns and citizens' ability to position parties in the ideological space. To this end, how complexity of campaign messages varies across parties as well as how it affects voters' knowledge about party positions is investigated. Theoretically, it is suggested that populist parties are more likely to simplify their campaign messages to demarcate themselves from mainstream competitors. In turn, voters should perceive and process simpler campaign messages better and, therefore, have more knowledge about the position of parties that communicate simpler campaign messages. The article presents and validates a measure of complexity and uses it to assess the language of manifestos in Austria and Germany in the period 1945–2013. It shows that political parties, in general, use barely comprehensible language to communicate their policy positions. [R, abr.]
68.4909 BLECK, Jaimie; LOGVINENKO, Igor —
We argue that certain important democratic practices and elements of pluralism are lasting features of political systems in many poor countries. Because of state weakness, such arrangements work to the benefit of both elites and citizens. The broader citizenry and civil society enjoy significant political freedoms and greater access to foreign aid. Elites tolerate these limited civil liberties and regular elections because they produce few costly consequences due to state incapacity. We evaluate this theory of “uneven pluralism” in poor countries using evidence from a paired comparison of Mali and Kyrgyzstan. These two countries have experienced significant political turbulence, but on balance have shown a persistent and robust commitment to a free press, transparent elections, and respect for freedom of association. Our theory suggests that uneven pluralism is likely to continue in countries like Mali and Kyrgyzstan, even as significant limits on judicial independence, persistent corruption, and lack of government transparency make democratic consolidation unlikely. [R]
68.4910 BLOOM, Stephen; THAMES, Frank —
Comparative research on mixed-member systems suggests that parties have an incentive to nominate nominal-tier candidates in as many districts as possible, as placing candidates in even marginal districts can increase parties' list-tier vote. Yet studies have documented many instances where parties fail to field candidates. We examine stand-down agreements to understand why parties forgo a party vote bonus. Our interviews document that Ukrainian politicians were not concerned over the loss of a party vote bonus when they negotiated the withdrawal of candidates from districts. Our theoretical discussion explains that the incentive for parties to field candidates to obtain a party vote bonus is often insufficient. Using district data from the 2012 Ukrainian elections, we measure the party vote bonus. We show that the bonus gained by parties was small, dependent upon the quality of the candidate, and varied by party. [R]
68.4911 BROOKE, Steven; KETCHLEY, Neil —
Under what conditions did the first Islamist movements organize? Which social and institutional contexts facilitated such mobilization? A sizable literature points to social and demographic changes, Western encroachment into Muslim societies, and the availability of state and economic infrastructure. To test these hypotheses, we match a listing of Muslim Brotherhood branches founded in interwar Egypt with contemporaneous census data on over 4,000 subdistricts. A multilevel analysis shows that Muslim Brotherhood branches were more likely in subdistricts connected to the railway and where literacy was higher. Branches were less likely in districts with large European populations, and where state administration was more extensive. Qualitative evidence also points to the railway as key to the movement's propagation. These findings challenge the orthodoxy that contact between Muslims and the West spurred the growth of organized political Islam. [R, abr.]
68.4912 BUCKMAN, Christopher —
Lack of high-speed internet access remains a problem in the US, particularly in rural areas, Tribal lands, and the US territories. High-speed internet should be considered a basic right because it connects people to social media, the new public sphere. Critics worry about the politically polarizing effects of online social media, but its ability to unify, connect, and shape policy decisions should also be taken into account. Engaging with Jürgen Habermas's early work on the public sphere, I argue that the technical and cultural extension of access to social media can realize Kant's vision of the public sphere as a bridge between morality and politics. [R] [See Abstr. 68.4785]
68.4913 BUNEA, Adriana —
Regulating interest groups' access to decision makers constitutes a key dimension of legitimate and accountable systems of government. The EU explicitly links lobbying regulation with the democratic credentials of its supranational system of governance and proposes transparency as a solution to increase legitimacy and regulate private actors' participation in policy making. This lobbying regulation regime consists of a Transparency Register that conditions access to decision makers upon joining it and complying with its information disclosure requirements. The extent to which transparency-based regulatory regimes are successful in ensuring effective regulation of targeted actors and in being recognized as a legitimate instrument of governance constitutes a key empirical question. Therefore, the study asks: Do stakeholders perceive the transparency-based EU lobbying regulation regime to be a legitimate form of regulatory governance? The study answers by building on a classic model of targeted transparency and proposes perceived regulatory effectiveness and sustainability as two key dimensions on which to evaluate the legitimacy of the Register. [R, abr.]
68.4914 BURZO, Stefano; LI Xiaojun —
Many fear that with Trump taking the helm, the US will scale back its international leadership role in global governance, leaving a void that is too big for any single country to fill. Others are hopeful that emerging powers such as China will be able to step in and provide international leadership to solve global governance challenges, from climate change to nuclear nonproliferation. We explore the Chinese and American publics' perceptions and views on international leadership in the Trump era. Results from two parallel surveys conducted in China and the US shed light on how ordinary citizens in these two countries conceptualize international leadership and how their views contrast with conventional wisdom and with each other. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.5157]
68.4915 BUSHER, Joel —
When activists in radical, far or extreme right groups claim identities that set them apart from such analytical categories, they are usually given short shrift by commentators and academics, a function of the presumed strategic nature of such claims and the evidential inaccuracies that scrutiny of such claims often reveals. Such responses help ensure critical readings of these groups. However, they also risk overlooking the fact that even where such identifications appear misleading, they may still be causally significant, shaping the groups' evolution in important ways. I develop this argument using the case of the English Defence League, a group whose activists have tended to claim they are a ‘single-issue group’ protesting only about the supposed threats of ‘Islamification’. [R, abr.]
68.4916 BUSTILLO, Javier Lion —
An agreement between the principal Lebanese Christian leaders, Samir Geagea and Michel Aoun, has begun a collaboration between two previously radically antagonistic actors. This article assesses the possibility that this implies a remarkable shift in the post-civil war political balance, in favour of the Christian community. It analyses a number of different possible political scenarios and their implications for the Lebanese institutional system. The conclusions suggest that several circumstances, including the polarisation of Lebanese politics, the Saudi-Iranian rivalry, and the Syrian civil war, have contributed to the enhancement of Christian political influence within the current electoral coalitions. [R, abr.]
68.4917 CANARE, Tristan A.; MENDOZA, Ronald U.; LOPEZ, Mario Antonio —
Recent literature suggests that the poor are more likely to be targeted for vote buying and to sell their votes. However, there is limited empirical analysis on the patterns of vote buying among low-income voters. This paper attempts to fill this gap using a survey conducted in Metro Manila, Philippines after the 2016 elections. Data analysis shows that vote buying among the poor is indeed very common, but the incidence varies depending on the vote buying type. The most prevalent form uses more benign goods such as food and clothing, but offers of money is still reported by more than a quarter of respondents. Different vote-buying types also have different correlates, including some socio-economic factors, suggesting that it is a finely targeted activity. [R, abr.]
68.4918 CAPRARA, Gian Vittorio; VECCHIONE, Michele —
One can't avoid addressing left and right under an historical perspective to make sense of their different expressions and to better appreciate their functions. Recent findings have shown that individual differences in personality traits, basic values, and core political values account for a significant portion of preference for left and right across several polities. It has been argued that affinities between individual differences in personality and political preferences have developed over time under conditions of choice in which people's dispositions and value priorities could meet contingent political offers. Time and opportunities of free choice made possible the establishment of distinctive ideological identities that ultimately find their roots in people's personalities. [R, abr.]
68.4919 CARAYON, Lisa; MATTIUSSI, Julie; VUATTOUX, Arthur —
In Paris, the isolated young foreigners are facing an administrative evaluation of their situation, which seeks to determine if they are or not minors, and therefore, potentially protected. Several hundred files of young people were studied, and some in-depth interviews were realized. Our study highlights the categorization of these young people as “minors” or “majors”, linked to their physical appearance and the coherence of their narrative. This shows the influence of gender, race, class and age in these administrative decisions. Such categorizations are intended to distinguish between legitimate applicants (the “real” minors) and illegitimate applicants (young foreigners). [R]
68.4920 CAREY, Sabine C.; MITCHELL, Neil J. —
Sociologists, political scientists, and economists have long emphasized the benefits of monopolizing violence and the risks of failing to do so. Yet recent research on conflict, state failure, genocide, coups, and election violence suggests governments cannot or will not form a monopoly. Governments worldwide are more risk-acceptant than anticipated. They give arms and authority to a variety of non-state actors, militias, vigilantes, death squads, proxy forces, paramilitaries, and counterbalancing forces. We develop a typology based on the links of the militia to the government and to society as a device to capture variations among these groups. We use the typology to explore insights from this emerging literature on the causes, consequences, and puzzling survival of pro-government militias and their implications for security and human rights. [R]
68.4921 CARRERAS, Miguel —
Previous research in comparative political behavior has generated an interesting paradox. Female citizens are less likely to engage in a variety of political activities (e.g. contacting politicians and working for parties), and are less cognitively engaged with the political process (i.e. they have lower levels of political interest and political efficacy). However, for reasons that remain unclear, several cross-national surveys reveal that there is no gender gap in electoral participation. In a number of countries, such as the US, turnout rates for women have even slightly exceeded turnout rates for men in recent elections. I argue that the main reason for this pattern is the higher sense of civic duty of female citizens. This theory is grounded in research in social psychology that demonstrates that women have a higher level of conscientiousness than men. [R, abr.]
68.4922 CASTANHO SILVA, Bruno —
Radical parties have been found to succeed under conditions of mass polarization. It is argued that their message resonates better with voters at the extremes of an ideological spectrum. This paper investigates if the reverse also holds, meaning that radical parties may contribute to the polarization of the public. I test this claim in the Netherlands, a country that has experienced the rise of populist radical right parties since 2002, using a synthetic control model built with a pool of comparable countries and Eurobarometer survey data. Results show that, after the rise of Pim Fortuyn and Geert Wilders, the level of polarization among the Dutch public increased more than it otherwise would have. These findings contribute to understanding the connection between elite- and masslevel polarization, and the consequences of populist radical right parties' emergence in Western Europe. [R]
68.4923 CELIS, Karen; CHILDS, Sarah, eds. —
Introduction by the editors, pp. 1–4. Articles by Karen CELIS and Sarah CHILDS, “Conservatism and women's political representation”, pp. 5–26; Diana Z. O'BRIEN, “‘Righting’ conventional wisdom: women and right parties in established democracies”, pp. 27–55; Ronnee SCHREIBER, “Is There a conservative feminism? An empirical account”, pp. 56–79; Rosie CAMPBELL, Silvia ERZEEL, “Exploring gender differences in support for rightist parties: the role of party and gender ideology”, pp. 80–105.
68.4924 CHAPPE, Vincent-Arnaud; KEYHANI, Narguesse —
The article deals with the mobilization of Moroccan railway workers. The French national train company hired them as contract workers in the 1970s. They achieved to sentence the company for discrimination. The ethnography of the judicial process explores the relationships between mobilization and legal action and their effects on the formation of a collective. The conditions of a long-term action (which was exceptional because of the number of complainants) and of its judicial translation, show that judicialization participated in the constitution of this group. This process reveals a tension between conscientization of complainants and dispossession by legal professionals. [R]
68.4925 CHARITOPOULOU, Effrosyni; GARCÍA-MANGLANO, Javier —
We examine the association between contact with migrant populations and support for the populist radical right (PRR) in Switzerland. Building on group threat and intergroup contact theories, which offer opposing predictions, and drawing on Appadurai's thesis of the ‘fear of small numbers’, we propose a new theoretical framework to explain this association. We predict that the relationship between the size of the migrant populations and PRR voting is nonlinear: a small but noticeable minority triggers the formation of anti-immigrant attitudes, which soften as the minority grows and people start having meaningful interactions with foreigners. To test these theories, we combine individual-level data with municipality-level information. [R, abr.]
68.4926 CHAUCHARD, Simon —
Why do candidates give voters handouts during political campaigns? Drawing on qualitative data from Mumbai, this article argues that competitive elections prompt candidates to distribute handouts for strategic reasons. While they know handouts to be inefficient, candidates face a prisoner's dilemma. Fearing that their opponents will distribute handouts, they distribute them themselves to counter, or neutralize, their opponents' strategies. [R]
68.4927 CHHIBBER, Pradeep; JASSAL, Nirvikar —
The year 2017 saw the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party extend its electoral dominance by winning major state elections. The BJP was less successful, however, in containing contentious politics and vigilantism by right-wing groups. It was also a tumultuous year for the Indian economy as it strove to recover from the shock of major reforms. The Supreme Court issued landmark verdicts likely to have weighty implications for Indian society in the years to come. The Indian government could also claim credit for foreign policy successes vis-à-vis China, Pakistan, Israel, and the ICJ. [R] [See Abstr. 68.5202]
68.4928 CHYZH, Olga V.; LABZINA, Elena —
Ukraine's anti government protests in 2013–2014, and the ensuing removal of President Yanukovich, raised much speculation about Russia's role in the outcome of the crisis, as well as more general questions related to third party influence on domestic protests and repression. Does third party assistance to the government increase the level of government repression or deter protesters? Does the leader removal indicate that foreign involvement was a failure? Or can a third party gain from involvement, even if its protέgέ leader is removed from power? We model external influence on the onset of protests and repression as a game between the government, the protesters, and a third party that supports the government. [R, abr.]
68.4929 ÇINAR, Menderes —
This paper reviews the evolution of the AKP's civilizational outlook vis-à-vis the West as a discursive instrument that justified its Muslim democracy practices as well as its nativist authoritarian practices. The former practice entails that the AKP appear as a Muslim democratic political force, reconciling Islam and democracy, falsifying the Orientalist essentialism prevalent in the West and resolving the crisis in Turkey's Western identity. After relieving the secular establishment of its guardianship roles in 2010/2011, the AKP's nativist practices have aimed at redefining Turkey as a Muslim nation by using a civilizational discourse. As such, the AKP's nativism was characterized by an attempt at resetting the legitimate parameters of Turkish politics to reject the validity of the universal norms of democracy and the legitimacy of their domestic and international proponents. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “Islamism, populism, and Turkish foreign policy”, edited by Burak Bilgehan ÖZPEK. See also Abstr. 68.5023, 5051, 5148, 5201, 5292]
68.4930 COLANTONE, Italo; STANIG, Piero —
We show that support for the Leave option in the Brexit referendum was systematically higher in regions hit harder by economic globalization. We focus on the shock of surging imports from China over the past three decades as a structural driver of divergence in economic performance across UK regions. An IV approach supports a causal interpretation of our finding. We claim that the effect is driven by the displacement determined by globalization in the absence of effective compensation of its losers. Neither overall stocks nor inflows of immigrants in a region are associated with higher support for the Leave option. A positive association only emerges when focusing on immigrants from EU accession countries. The analysis of individual data suggests that voters respond to the import shock in a sociotropic way, as individuals tend to react to the general economic situation of their region. [R, abr.]
68.4931 CORSTANGE, Daniel —
This article examines the connection between kinship, partisanship, and patronage voting in Arab world elections. It argues that tribes and extended families enjoy structural advantages that reduce transaction costs in patron-client exchanges, making kinship voting a pragmatic strategy in clientelistic vote markets with weak parties. Using data from seven Arab countries, it demonstrates that patronage oriented voters place greater weight on candidates' kinship affiliations and deemphasize other attributes such as morality, ability, and issue positions. It also shows that patronage considerations correspond to greater importance placed on kinship over partisan affiliations, consistent with the low credibility and modest capacity of the Arab world's weak and personalized parties to deliver benefits to voters. [R]
68.4932 CORSTANGE, Daniel; YORK, Erin A. —
How do civilians respond to civil war narratives? Do they react to ethnic frames more strongly than to alternatives? Governments and rebels battle for hearts and minds as well as strategic terrain, and winning the narrative war can shift legitimacy, popular support, and material resources to the sympathetically framed side. We examine the effect of one sided and competing war discourses on ordinary people's understandings of the Syrian civil war — a conflict with multiple narratives, but which has become more communal over time. We conduct a framing experiment with a representative sample of Syrian refugees in Lebanon in which we vary the narrative that describes the reasons for the conflict. We find that sectarian explanations, framed in isolation, strongly increase the importance government supporters place on fighting. [R, abr.]
68.4933 CROUCHER, Richard; MILES, Lilian —
This article uses framing theory to examine how activists and trade unions have framed labour's political agenda in Malaysia. A polity grounded in ethnicity continues to hinder the formation of cross-ethnic collective worker identities and labour politics. However, inclusive popular democratising movements have strengthened in recent years, providing a favourable context for greater emphasis on non-ethnic political action by trade unions. The latter have shifted in this direction, adopting elements of the popular movement's ‘human rights’ internationalism. Thus, the democratic movement's frame has influenced that of the trade unions, with implications for framing theory. [R]
68.4934 DAVIES, Graeme A. M.; SCHULZKE, Marcus; ALMOND, Thomas —
This article presents the first systematic analysis of how location of drone strikes and the identification of civilian or terrorist casualties in newspaper reporting affect media assessments of operational outcomes and elite responsibility. Conducting a content analysis of several hundred newspaper articles, we evaluate the likelihood of these newspapers identifying the civilian casualties, the role those casualties play in media assessments of operational outcomes, and who they blame for failure. We found that there were significant differences in the likelihood of the two newspapers reporting civilian casualties. We demonstrate that political elites including the US President tended to avoid blame for failure, with much of the focus of newspaper dissatisfaction being directed at the intelligence agencies. [R, abr.]
68.4935 DOAHNHARDT, Patrícia —
The German Bundestag elections took place amidst a disorderly international system and ongoing political turmoil in relations between European countries, the US, Russia and Turkey, where leadership expectations increasingly fall on Germany. The elections of 24 September 2017 penalized the two largest parties and confirmed a change of the party system and of German political stability. Two and a half months after the elections, and the failure of pre-negotiations between CDU/CSU, FDP and the Greens, the options for a new CDU/CSU-SPD grand coalition, a minority government or new elections are still open. This delay in finding a solution for government formation is unexpected and has implications for Europe because political stability in Germany is the prerequisite of European political stability and because it puts the rest of Europe on hold. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.4897]
68.4936 DUBOIS, Janique —
This article considers how governance can transform relationships of power between Francophone minority communities and the state through a case study of the Fransaskois. Using a multi-methods framework that combines historical institutionalism and empowerment theory, this study draws attention to the transformative and constitutive power of governance in shaping relationships between Francophone communities and the state. By examining how the Fransaskois claim power from above and build power from below through governance, the study posits governance as a tool for the collective empowerment of Francophone minority communities in their quest to faire communautέ. In so doing, it draws attention to the Fransaskois as active agents in generating gradual change through ongoing struggles within and over institutional arrangements. [R]
68.4937 DURAZO HERRMANN, Julián —
Freedom of expression and access to diverse sources of information are seen as critical elements of democracy, although their concretization on the ground is subject to strong interference. Recent regime change in Maranhão, one of Brazil's poorest states, has led to the emergence of new media and some expansion of the public sphere. The traditional oligarchy continues to dominate the media, however, and the opposition media replicate its exclusion of nonelite actors. The Maranhão experience confirms that normative approaches to the media either as automatic contributors to democracy or as instruments of elite manipulation have little value for understanding media dynamics. [R] [See Abstr. 68.4892]
68.4938 EGAN, Patrick J.; MULLIN, Megan —
The structure of Americans' attitudes toward belief in climate change's existence, concern about its consequences, and demand for policy response is similar to that regarding many other issues in contemporary US politics: stability in aggregate opinion that masks partisan and ideological polarization enhanced by communications from elites. But features of the climate change problem elicit some distinctive determinants of opinion, including individuals' trust in science, risk processing, and personal experience. Although our review of the literature and data leaves us skeptical that majority opinion will spur elected officials anytime soon to undertake the costly solutions necessary to tackle this problem comprehensively at the national level, we identify several avenues by which attitudes might promote less substantial but nevertheless consequential policy action. [R, abr.]
68.4939 ESPÍRITO-SANTO, Ana; RODRIGUES SANCHES, Edalina —
Parties' motivation to include locals depends on the characteristics of the electoral system. This article analyzes where on the lists parties choose to position locals under closed-list proportional representation systems. Furthermore, it also investigates how that choice varies depending on two key district factors, namely district magnitude and whether or not the district is in a peripheral region. To that end, it draws on an original biographical data set of candidates for the Portuguese National Parliament (1983, 1995, 2002, 2005 and 2009). The findings show that there are fewer locals among the higher positions on the candidates' lists and among heads of lists. District magnitude and peripheral region effects go in the expected direction, but these effects are small. [R]
68.4940 FEDERICO, Christopher M.; MALKA, Ariel —
Research on the dispositional origins of political preferences is flourishing, and the primary conclusion drawn from this work is that stronger needs for security and certainty attract people to a broad based politically conservative ideology. Though this literature covers much ground, most integrative assessments of it have paid insufficient attention to the presence and implications of contingencies in the relationship between dispositional attributes and political attitudes. In this article, we review research showing that relationships between needs for security and certainty and political preferences vary considerably — sometimes to the point of directional shifts — on the basis of (1) issue domain and (2) contextual factors governing the content and volume of political discourse individuals are exposed to. [R, abr.]
68.4941 FENTON, Natalie; FREEDMAN, Des —
They were the organizing frameworks of emergent mass movements designed not simply to provide “alternative” narratives to those of their enemies but to strengthen their own activities and challenge the “common sense” of elite opinion. These are vigorous examples of democratic media that are utterly distinct from a contemporary “liberal media” rooted either in a meek and defensive public service or an aggressive market entrepreneurialism, and they are ones that will surely emerge again in the shadow of new struggles for social justice. [R]
68.4942 FERES, João, Júnior; OLIVEIRA SASSARA, Luna de —
In a test of the hypothesis of the existence of a honeymoon period in Brazil after Dilma Rousseff's victory in the 2014 presidential election, a sentiment-analysis of a large database composed of newspaper articles published by Brazil's most influential quality newspapers, Folha de S. Paulo, O Globo, and Estado de S. Paulo, from January 2014 to August 2016, showed that negative coverage of her skyrocketed right after she took office and stayed very high until she was removed from power. Also tested was the hypothesis that the bias against Rousseff was simply a general disposition of the media to exert their watchdog function in the public interest through a comparison of her coverage with that received by Senator Aέcio Neves, the losing candidate in the election, who was the object of innumerable charges of corruption. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.4892]
68.4943 FERGUSON, Neil; McDAID, Shaun; McAULEY, James W. —
This article analyzes how social movements and collective actors can affect political and social transformation in a structurally violent society using the case study of Northern Ireland. We focus on the crucial role played by collective actors within the loyalist community (those who want to maintain Northern Ireland's place in the UK) in bringing about social and political transformation in a society blighted by direct, cultural, and structural violence both during the conflict and subsequent peace process. Drawing on interviews with loyalist activists (including former paramilitaries), the article demonstrates the role and impact of loyalists and loyalism in Northern Ireland's transition. The Northern Ireland case demonstrates the necessity for holistic conflict-transformation strategies that attempt to stop not only direct attacks but also the cultural and structural violence that underpins and legitimize them. [R, abr.]
68.4944 FIELDHOUSE, Edward; PROSSER, Christopher —
The 2015 General Election saw a collapse in Labour support in Scotland resulting in almost total annihilation in terms of Parliamentary seats north of the border. In this paper we show how the referendum on independence in Scotland in September 2014 precipitated this upheaval. Drawing on theories of attitudinal and behavioral inconsistency from social psychology, we reveal how Labour supporters who voted “Yes” to independence subsequently became more favorably disposed towards Scottish National Party (SNP) and the policies that they advocated. A realignment of attitudes and voting among erstwhile Labour voters meant that those supporting independence were more likely to switch to the SNP after the referendum. We argue that the Scottish independence referendum had a profound re-aligning effect on party identification in Scotland, cementing the link between SNP voting and pro-independence attitudes. [R]
68.4945 FINN, Melissa Leigh; MOMANI, Bessma —
We unpack some of the nuances about what motivated Canadian Arab youth to vote in the 2015 election and how their decisions inform the wider literature. How does the voting behaviour of Canadian Arab youth during the 2015 election support or challenge mainstream academic theories about ethno-cultural youth political decision-making and voting preferences? What concepts might help us better understand this rising demographic, its political animus, and its significance for Canadian politics? Of great interest in this paper is the investigation into whether voter apathy historically reported for young people and ethno-cultural communities continued to hold in the 2015 election. This paper critically interrogates what the 2015 federal election meant to Canadian Arab youth. We identify the predominant political inclinations of and issues for young Arab Canadians through the findings of structured focus groups. [R, abr.]
68.4946 FOSSATI, Diego —
In Indonesia, local government is endowed with important policy prerogatives and local politics is key to advance social welfare. The literature on Indonesian local politics has convincingly exposed serious limitations in local democratic practices, and it has questioned the ability of local democracy to promote genuine political change. This work, however, predominantly focuses on elite politics and specific forms of accountability based on patronage and clientelism. In this paper, we study democratic accountability in Indonesia from a different perspective. Drawing from the comparative literature on voting behavior, we hypothesize that Indonesian voters evaluate local politicians for their performance, and that they vote to reward or punish them for what they do in office. The analysis of three original surveys conducted in the cities of Medan, Samarinda and Surabaya offers partial support for this argument. [R, abr.]
68.4947 FRANCK, Raphaël —
This paper examines [in] which institutional and political circumstances tenured public officials make partisan decisions. It analyzes the decisions of the judges from the French supreme administrative court regarding the validity of controverted mayoral elections between 1958 and 2007 and uses the vote differential between winners and losers in each election as a quasi-natural experiment to assess the judges' impartiality. It appears that the judges became partisan after 1981, when the far-right Front National party started to gain more votes. Before 1981, judges cancelled elections only when the vote differential between the election winner and the closest challenger was small. Afterwards, the affiliation of the parties' candidates also mattered as judges seldom cancelled elections won by communist, mainstream left-wing and mainstream right-wing politicians. [R]
68.4948 GARCIA, Angela Cora —
This article is a dual-case analysis of presidential campaign interviews conducted with George H.W. Bush when he was campaigning for the Republican presidential nomination in 1980, and Bill Clinton when he was campaigning for the presidency in 1991. This analysis investigates how the success or failure of political campaigns may be tied to candidates' interactional competence and pragmatic skills. This is done through an examination of the strengths and weaknesses of the answers each candidate produced in the context of these non-adversarial interviews. This conversation analytic investigation reveals key differences between the two candidates in the successful display of various types of knowledge, interactional competency, sensitivity to audience design, fluency of speech and organization of their responses. [R, abr.]
68.4949 GARRITZMANN, Julian L.; BUSEMEYER, Marius R.; NEIMANNS, Erik —
Social investment has recently received much attention among policymakers and welfare state scholars, but the existing literature remains focused on policy-making on the macro level. We expand this perspective by studying public opinion towards social investment compared to other welfare policies, exploiting new public opinion data from eight European countries. We identify three latent dimensions of welfare state preferences: “social investment”; “passive transfers”; and “workfare” policies. We find that social investment is far more popular compared to the other two. Furthermore, we identify distinct supporting groups: passive transfer policies are most supported by low-income, low-educated people, by individuals leaning towards traditional social values and by those subscribing to left-wing economic attitudes. Social investment policies are supported by a broad coalition of individuals with higher educational backgrounds and left-libertarian views from all economic strata. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.4641]
68.4950 GASTIL, John, et al. —
The Oregon Citizens' Initiative Review (CIR) distinguishes itself by linking a small deliberative body to the larger electoral process. Since 2010, CIR citizen panels have been a legislatively authorized part of Oregon general elections to promote a more informed electorate. The CIR gathers a representative cross-section of two dozen voters for 5 days of deliberation on a single ballot measure. The process culminates in the citizen panelists writing a Citizens' Statement that the secretary of state inserts into the official Voters' Pamphlet sent to each registered voter. This study analyzes the effect of one such Citizens' Statement from the 2010 general election. In Study 1, an online survey experiment found that reading this Statement influenced Oregon voters' values trade-offs, issue knowledge, and vote intentions. In Study 2, regression analysis of a cross-sectional phone survey found a parallel association between the Statement's use and voting choices but yielded some mixed findings. [R]
68.4951 GATTINARA, Pietro Castelli; FROIO, Caterina —
The article examines the interplay between internal supply-side factors and media coverage of Bloc Identitaire (2003–2015), advancing four complementary logics for the visibility of grassroots far right mobilization: issue ownership, repertoire of action, controversy construction and countermobilization. The study combines quantitative and qualitative content analytical data, and a semi-structured interview with one of BI's national leaders. It shows that media coverage increases when mobilization dwells with issues on which the group is credible, and when it triggers countermobilization. Two strategies of interaction with the mass media stand out: the personalization of political communication and the spectacularisation of the staging of protest. [R]
68.4952 GIMΈNEZ MARTÍNEZ, Miguel Ángel —
In the process of democratic change in Spain, a prominent role was occupied by the reformists, leading figures who, at the death of Franco, held relevant positions within the dictatorship's institutions and carried out several attempts to transform the regime in a democratising sense. Some of these reformists, deputies of the Cortes, decided during the spring of 1975 to form the Independent Parliamentary Group (IPG), which served as an authentic wake-up call in the dull existence of the House, dominated as it was by ultraconservatism. Through its initiatives, the IPG re-invigorated Spanish political life, and its influence was patent during the discussion of the Political Reform Law. Through the analysis of unpublished documents, this paper reconstructs the activity of the Group and assesses its contribution to the transition to democracy. [R, abr.]
68.4953 GLASER, James M.; BERRY, Jeffrey M. —
The authors seek to explain why Republican legislators are less likely to favor compromise than Democrats. They argue that in their unwillingness to compromise, Republicans respond to the preferences of their constituents. [R]
68.4954 GOES, Eunice —
When the British Prime Minister Theresa May called an early election for the 8 June 2017 she was expecting her a party to win a landslide majority. But voters had other ideas. As a result, the Conservative party [lost] a majority in the House of Commons and was forced to celebrate a confidence and supply agreement with the Northern Irish Democratic Unionist Party. Labour, on the other hand, has much better results [than] expected. This article explains what is behind these astonishing results. It argues that to a certain extent the 2017 general election was a “Brexit election”; however, other factors, namely the impact of austerity policies, influenced voting behavior. [R] [See Abstr. 68.4897]
68.4955 GOETZ, Anne Marie; JENKINS, Rob —
Under what conditions is gender equality policy advocacy successful? This article examines a segment of the largely quantitative comparative political science literature that seeks to answer this question. Recent scholarship emphasizes such factors as the strength of women's movements and the forms of opposition to which their policy demands give rise. However, one consequence of this approach is that the role of strategic choices made by feminist policy advocates is underestimated in explaining their successes. The article argues that understanding variation in the outcomes achieved by women's rights advocates requires close attention to the strategic capacity of policy entrepreneurs, assessed in terms of three inter related activities: (1) ‘framing’ policy demands; (2) forming and managing civic alliances; and (3) engaging with state entities without compromising organizational autonomy. [R] [See Abstr. 68.5030]
68.4956 GOLDSTEIN, Ariel Alejandro —
Comparison of the policies vis-à-vis the press of the classical populist governments of Argentina and Brazil reveals that the populist elites came into conflict with traditional media elites over exclusionary views that modified the contours of the public sphere. Newspapers committed to liberal principles engaged in intransigent struggle with populism, and this struggle created opportunities for new entrepreneurs to form political alliances with these governments to expand their businesses. The relationship between these “mediatized populisms” and the new media entrepreneurs contributed to the patrimonialism that came to characterize the link between the media and Latin American states in subsequent years. [R] [See Abstr. 68.4892]
68.4957 GOMEZ, Raul —
Electoral volatility as measured by the Pedersen index is probably one of the most popular indicators in political science, but its interpretation is far from clear. Volatility is produced by a mix of party-switching, differential turnout and generational replacement. However, there is virtually no empirical research on which, if any, of the main mechanisms leading to volatility tends to have the stronger net impact on election results. Furthermore, the presence of generational replacement and its relative impact on election results have received little attention in studies of volatility. This article develops several theoretical expectations concerning the strength that each of the three components of volatility is expected to exert on the latter. [R, abr.]
68.4958 GOOCH, Andrew —
This article explores the role of personalized storytelling by partisan elites using a content-analysis and two experiments. By personalized storytelling, I mean a political message in the form of a narrative that includes a specific reference to an individual affected by an issue. Using a content-analysis of party convention speeches, this article shows that presidential candidates tell an increasing [number] of stories, particularly from 1980 onward. Through randomized internet experiments and a general population sample, I demonstrate that personalized stories have a unique influence on the public by parsing out the independent causal effect of the storyteller's partisanship, the personalization of the story, and the content of the story. Not only can stories change attitudes about issues, but personalized stories can also change how individuals evaluate the candidate telling the story. [R, abr.]
68.4959 GROENENDYK, Eric —
According to the polarization literature, the electorate has sorted into more ideologically homogenous partisan groups, and this increase in cohesion within parties has fueled animosity between partisans. But, are mass parties really as cohesive as we think? If not, what else might be helping to drive up antipathy between partisans? Building on the dual-motivations theory of party identification [E. Groenendyk,Competing motives in the partisan mind: How loyalty and responsiveness shape party identification and democracy, New York U. P., 2013], I theorize that elite polarization has amplified partisans' often competing motivations: People want to be good citizens but also good partisans. Consistent with this theory, American National Election Studies (ANES) data suggest that partisans are not just evaluating the other party more negatively, but they are also reporting less positive evaluations of, and greater ambivalence toward, their own party. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.4890]
68.4960 GROSSMAN, Guy; MICHELITCH, Kristin —
Politicians shirk when their performance is obscure to constituents. We theorize that when politician performance information is disseminated early in the electoral term, politicians will subsequently improve their performance in anticipation of changes in citizens' evaluative criteria and possible challenger entry in the next election. However, politicians may only respond in constituencies where opposition has previously mounted. We test these predictions in partnership with a Ugandan civil society organization in a multiyear field experiment conducted in 20 district governments between the 2011 and 2016 elections. While the organization published yearly job duty performance scorecards for all incumbents, it disseminated the scorecards to constituents for randomly selected politicians. [R, abr.]
68.4961 HA Jae Sik; JI Sung Wook; SHIN, Dong-Hee —
The conditions in which moderating factors — media trust, media bias, and political ideology — increase or limit the approval ratings of a politician in a partisan media environment were investigated using data obtained from the 2010 Pew survey. The findings show that media trust and media bias intensify negative presidential evaluations among consumers of conservative news programs, whereas these factors do not influence presidential approval among consumers of liberal news programs. The findings also reveal that conservatives tend to choose to be exposed to news messages that are congenial to their ideological orientations, while liberals select a more balanced diet of news messages. This study proposes that moderating factors have different effects on conservative and liberal news consumers. [R]
68.4962 HAHL, Oliver; KIM Minjae; ZUCKERMAN SIVAN, Ezra W. —
We develop and test a theory to address a puzzling pattern discussed widely since the 2016 US presidential election and reproduced here in a post-election survey: how can a constituency of voters find a candidate “authentically appealing” (i.e., view him positively as authentic) even though he is a “lying demagogue” (someone who deliberately tells lies and appeals to non-normative private prejudices)? Key to the theory are two points: (1) “common-knowledge” lies may be understood as flagrant violations of the norm of truth-telling; and (2) when a political system is suffering from a “crisis of legitimacy” with respect to at least one political constituency, members of that constituency will be motivated to see a flagrant violator of established norms as an authentic champion of its interests. Two online vignette experiments on a simulated college election support our theory. [R, abr.]
68.4963 HAHN, Kyu S., et al. —
Social media could serve as an easy and fast window to the climate of public opinion. We examined the influence of perceived opinion climate revealed via Twitter postings in shaping televised debate viewers' candidate evaluation. We conducted two Web-based experiments in the high-and low-stimulus elections: (1) the 2012 Korean presidential election and (2) the 2014 Seoul mayoral election. Instead of using contrived stimulus materials, we were able to examine the influence of exposure to Twitter postings in voters' judgment of candidate performance in real time. Using a custom-designed Web application, participants evaluated the candidates as debate-related Twitter postings were being fed in real time during each televised debate. Our results suggest that exposure to Twitter postings has induced significant bandwagon effects. [R, abr.]
68.4964 HAMDAR, Abir —
This essay explores the material, phenomenological and political meaning of the Syrian corpse and the question of its dignity as represented in a series of media and visual outputs from 2011 to the present. The essay begins by arguing that the violence in Syria now targets the dead as much as the living. As such, the essay highlights the forms of ‘necroviolence’ that the Syrian corpse has been subjected to: mistreatment, erasure of markers of identity, denial of burial, mutilation and ultimately an attempt to erase it from memory. The essay concludes by arguing that the Syrian corpse is not merely the passive subject or victim of ‘necroviolence’ but can also become the paradoxical agent of what we might call ‘postmortem resistance’. [R]
68.4965 HARYANTO; LAY, Cornelis; PURWOKO, Bambang —
This article discusses the questions of representativeness and legitimacy within the context of the Majelis Rakyat Papua (Papuan People's Assembly) as an integral part of the Indonesian government's asymmetrical-decentralization scheme to reduce separatist tendencies in Papua. We find that the MRP has generally failed in its representation and its claim to legitimacy. [R]
68.4966 HEMSLEY, Jeff, et al. —
This paper reports on a mixed-methods (i.e., content-analysis, machine learning, and quantitative analysis) study of Twitter use among 74 US gubernatorial candidates during the 2014 election. In extending the theory of controlled interactivity, this article focuses on politicians' use of the @mention where we detail differing messaging strategies when candidates mention themselves versus their opponents, and between incumbents and challengers. Results suggest that candidates use the @mention feature as a subtle audience targeting mechanism. Our work also offers a methodological contribution by showing that machine-learning models perform better when context variables are included. [R]
68.4967 HEROUX-LEGAULT, Maxime —
At the beginning of their mandate, the Harper Conservatives made several attempts to convince Quebecers to support their government. Yet, these attempts failed to translate into increased electoral support for the Conservatives. Given this puzzle, the paper analyzes trends in public opinion to identify what measures promoted by the Conservative government were supported by Quebecers, and on what issues they are in disagreement. The paper also analyzes the levels of satisfaction with the federal government and democracy among Quebecers during the time period. The results show that on most issues, Quebecers have become more distant from the Conservative government's position over the years. [R, abr.]
68.4968 HERRMANN, Michael; TEPE, Markus —
We examine whether exposure to several salient counterexamples reduces the effect of stereotypes on voting. By taking advantage of a series of seven plagiarism scandals in Germany — a country with high regard for academic credentials where academic titles (Dr. and Prof.) get printed on ballot papers — we test whether the tendency to vote for candidates with a doctor's title decreased in the wake of the scandals. Using cross-sectional and longitudinal estimators and controlling for a large range of potential confounders, we find that the electoral advantage of candidates with a doctor's title shrinks from a good half of a percentage point before the scandals down to a third after the scandals. [R, abr.]
68.4969 HIGHTON, Benjamin —
This article analyzes voter identification laws in the US and their effects on voter turnout. Theoretically, there are plausible reasons to hypothesize turnout lowering effects, though there are also reasons to hypothesize those effects might be minimal. Methodologically, there are research design hurdles to clear in order to produce effect estimates that may be attributed to voter identification laws. Empirically, a small number of studies have employed suitable research designs and generally find modest, if any, turnout effects of voter identification laws. This may indicate that voter identification laws have only minor effects on turnout, or it may be due to the fact that the type of voter identification law that may have the most significant effects — a strict photo identification law — is a relatively recent phenomenon. [R, abr.]
68.4970 HILTON, Adam —
This essay examines the relationship between the left and the Democrats by playing on the double meaning of the term “challenges” employed in its title. It seeks to undertake a strategic assessment of the “challenges” facing left political power in the Democratic Party by drawing insights from the mixed results of various “challenges” the left has presented inside the party historically. That strategic assessment must be based, I argue, on an institutional understanding of the Democratic Party as an organization, requiring the development of more sophisticated analytic tools than those typically employed by Marxists and others on the left. While a robust, well-organized left can conceivable exercise power inside the Democratic Party, that power is unlikely to serve socialist ends of building the collective power of the working class due to the way the party is organized. [R, abr.]
68.4971 HUDDY, Leonie; BANKERT, Alexa; DAVIES, Caitlin —
Part of the debate concerning the influence of partisanship in Europe centers on its nature. From one perspective, partisanship is seen as grounded in factors such as ratings of government performance and agreement with the party's issue stances. We refer to this as the instrumental model. In the US, however, a competing model has gained empirical support in which partisanship is defined as an identity that is largely defensive in nature and not especially reactive to ongoing events. We refer to this as an expressive model. We focus on several European democracies (the UK, Netherlands, Sweden, and Italy) and evaluate evidence for and against an expressive model of partisanship in which democratic citizens act to defend their party in order to maintain its positive standing. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.4890]
68.4972 HUNTER, Lance Young; MEARES, Wesley Lawrence; GINN, Martha Humphries —
Scholars have long held that terrorist attacks have a noticeable effect on citizens' emotions such as anxiety and fear. Consequently, it is not surprising that researchers have discovered that terrorism influences vote choice in individual nation states as well as impacts voter turnout cross-nationally. However, while scholars have analyzed the influence terrorism has on political behavior at the nation-state level, researchers do not currently understand how terrorism affects voter turnout in the specific urban centers where terrorist attacks occur. Thus, we examine the effect the number, severity, and types of terrorist attacks have on voter turnout in seven large urban centers in the US from 1970 to 2012. The results indicate that terrorist attacks are nontrivial events that influence political behavior in the urban centers included in this analysis. [R]
68.4973 IYENGAR, Shanto; KRUPENKIN, Masha —
Partisanship continues to divide Americans. Using data from the American National Election Studies (ANES), we find that partisans not only feel more negatively about the opposing party, but also that this negativity has become more consistent and has a greater impact on their political participation. We find that while partisan animus began to rise in the 1980s, it has grown dramatically over the past two decades. As partisan affect has intensified, it is also more structured; in-group favoritism is increasingly associated with out-group animus. Finally, hostility toward the opposing party has eclipsed positive affect for ones' own party as a motive for political participation. [R] [See Abstr. 68.4890]
68.4974 JAFARI, Lejla; ALIHOSSEINI, Ali; EMAMJOMEHZADEH, Seyyedjavad —
Hassan Rouhani, sponsoring a discourse of moderation to help win the presidential election of Iran in 2013, may represent the signification system governing such a hegemonic discourse. This study evaluates the moderate government's foreign policy by making use of E. Laclau and Ch. Mouffe's discourse-analysis method [Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics, Verso, 1985] to gain a deeper insight into the way the signifiers are articulated alongside each other, the way the signifiers are defined and redefined by a nodal point, the way they are made coherent around a superior signifier, and the way antagonistic delimitations are created for the purpose of the hegemonic overcoming over other discourses existing within this area and, finally, the availability and credibility evaluation methods are applied. [R, abr.]
68.4975 JÄNTTI, Anni; AIRAKSINEN, Jenni; HAVERI, Arto —
Creating new government levels through structural reforms also changes the settings of institutional participation. In this article, institutional participation is scrutinized as a question of legitimacy in changing the local government by focusing on the effects of creating regional self-government. To investigate this question, this article utilizes a triangulation of data and methods through statistics, a survey, and interviews. The study shows that structural reforms not only change the structures of participation but also require organizational “sponginess” for citizen involvement in order to create a new, legitimate government level. [R, abr.]
68.4976 JASKIERNIA, Jerzy —
The author analyses the dynamics of the Polish party system in the light of the outcomes of the parliamentary elections in the Third Republic of Poland (since 1989). He exposes especially the last element of that evolution — the 2015 parliamentary election. It resulted in the victory of Law and Justice (PiS) party. For the first time in the history of democratic Poland, the victor was able to create a government without having to negotiate with coalition partners. The success of PiS seems to be a result of the combination of several factors. [R, abr.]
68.4977 JOHANN, David, et al. —
An increasing number of citizens change and adapt their party preferences during the electoral campaign. We analyze which short-term factors explain intra-campaign changes in voting preferences, focusing on the visibility and tone of news media reporting and party canvassing. Our analyses rely on an integrative data approach, linking data from media content-analysis to public opinion data. This enables us to investigate the relative impact of news media reporting as well as party communication. Inherently, we overcome previously identified methodological problems in the study of communication effects on voting behavior. Our findings reveal that campaigns matter: Especially interpersonal party canvassing increases voters' likelihood to change their voting preferences in favor of the respective party, whereas media effects are limited to quality news outlets and depend on individual voters' party ambivalence. [R]
68.4978 JONES, Kevin L., et al. —
Past research using self-report questionnaires administered to ordinary citizens demonstrates that value priorities differ as a function of one's political ideology, but it is unclear whether this conclusion applies to political elites, who are presumably seeking to appeal to very broad constituencies. We used quantitative methods of textual analysis to investigate value-laden language in a collection of 577,555 messages sent from the public Twitter accounts of over 400 members of the US Congress between 2012 and 2014. Consistent with theoretical expectations, we observed that Republican and conservative legislators stressed values of tradition, conformity, and national security (as well as self-direction), whereas Democratic and liberal legislators stressed values of benevolence, universalism, hedonism, and social/economic security (as well as achievement). Implications for the large scale observational study of political psychology are explored. [R]
68.4979 JOST, John T., et al. —
We summarize evidence from studies of protest movements in the US, Spain, Turkey, and Ukraine demonstrating that: (1) Social media platforms facilitate the exchange of information that is vital to the coordination of protest activities, such as news about transportation, turnout, police presence, violence, medical services, and legal support; (2) in addition, social media platforms facilitate the exchange of emotional and motivational contents in support of and opposition to protest activity, including messages emphasizing anger, social identification, group efficacy, and concerns about fairness, justice, and deprivation as well as explicitly ideological themes; and (3) structural characteristics of online social networks, which may differ as a function of political ideology, have important implications for information exposure and the success or failure of organizational efforts. [R, abr.]
68.4980 KABEER, Naila —
This article analyses the evolving politics of claims-making in relation to women workers in the global South. It asks what claims are being made and by whom, who these claims are addressed to and what strategies are being employed to press these claims. It distinguishes between women working for global markets and those working for domestic markets in order to identify possible differences in constraints, priorities and opportunities underlying these strategies. It also distinguishes between the different kinds of organizations involved in making claims: organizations of women workers, organizations working with women workers and organizations working on behalf of women workers. The article is one of several papers forming a cluster on feminist mobilizations. [R] [See Abstr. 68.5030]
68.4981 KANG Taewoo, et al. —
This research explores the extent to which campaigns are consistent across communications channels in the issues that they emphasize. We compare the issue agendas in candidates' television advertising, tweets and emails from dozens of US Senate races in 2014, creating a measure of issue convergence for each candidate. We find moderate levels of issue consistency, though issue agendas match more strongly for television ads and Twitter, two channels that speak to a more general audience. Our findings speak to the ability of campaigns to foster a common understanding of issue priorities among the public and the ability of voters to hold candidates accountable for their promises once in office. [R] [See Abstr. 68.4632]
68.4982 KARYOTIS, Georgios; RÜDIG, Wolfgang —
The apparent ubiquity of protest in recent years and the rise of Occupy movements across the world have fuelled claims that a new style of mobilisation is emerging. This article engages with this debate by providing a panoramic account of how the anti-austerity movement evolved in Greece, comparing the drivers of protest in three distinct protest waves. Contrary to expectations, the rise of the Greek version of the Indignados during 2011 did not decisively transform the anti-austerity movement that emerged in 2010, which mainly displayed characteristics typically associated with ‘old’ social movements. However, elements of the ‘new social movements’ approach featured more prominently in the third wave of protest, beginning in mid-2012 and culminating in January 2015 with victory for SYRIZA, the party which channelled the anti-austerity movement into the political scene. [R, abr.]
68.4983 KATSANIDOU, Alexia; EDER, Christina —
Although the study of the relationship between political confidence and political participation has produced contradictory results thus far, it has established, nevertheless, that this relationship depends on the exact nature of the participation: voting, party engagement and protesting. On the basis of these findings, we make a second distinction between confidence in representative and implementing institutions. We assume that context matters, so our multi-level approach includes individual level data from the 1999 to 2001 and 2008 to 2010 waves of the European Values Study (EVS), as well as national-level data. Our results show that different types of confidence in institutions have unique effects on these three modes of participation and that these findings hold over the last decade. [R, abr.]
68.4984 KEFFORD, Glenn; McDONNELL, Duncan —
Scholars in recent decades have discussed the emergence of a new leader-dominated party type, variously described as “personal”, “personalistic” and “personalist”. However, there has been no original comparative research examining whether (and how) such parties resemble one another organizationally and whether they constitute a distinct organizational type. This article does so by comparing the parties of S. Berlusconi in Italy and C. Palmer in Australia. Based on interviews with those in the parties and party documents, we find our cases share two distinctive organizational features: (1) the founder-leader's dominance of the party and perceived centrality to its survival and (2) the relationship between the party and members saw active members discouraged and organization at the local level was extremely limited/non-existent. [R, abr.]
68.4985 KELM, Ole; DOHLE, Marco —
The development and diffusion of digital media is one frequently mentioned factor to explain the popularity of political consumerism; yet, to what extent (online) information and (online) communication activities influence the intensity of political consumerism has rarely been investigated. Arguing that (online) information and (online) communication activities have impacts on various forms of political consumerism — namely, on boycotts and buycotts — two data-sets collected in Germany were analysed. Based on the citizen communication mediation model, the results indicate that (online) communication mediates the influence of (online) information on boycotts and buycotts; furthermore, the results suggest that boycotts are influenced by communication activities in a stronger way than buycotts. [R]
68.4986 KIM Joon K.; SAGÁS, Ernesto; CESPEDES, Karina —
Birthright citizenship is often a subject of important national debates on immigration. From a historical perspective, the influx of Mexican and Chinese immigrants to the US has elicited politically charged efforts to deny the right of US citizenship to their children. Based on a review of popular discursive frames concerning the politics of birthright citizenship, this essay identifies and critiques the arguments from both ends of the political spectrum. We conclude that, by and large, the substance of their legal and philosophical arguments is old, hackneyed responses from decades ago. However, on many symbolic levels, the current rhetoric is quite uncharacteristically caustic, with a focus on racialized and gendered discourses among nationalist groups. We explain why this is the case. [R, abr.]
68.4987 KIRDIŞ, Esen —
This article discusses the “immoderation” of incumbent Islamic parties — defined by the pursuit of a moral agenda and by an unwillingness to compromise with the opposition — through a comparative study of four incumbent Islamic parties in the socio-politically different regimes of Turkey, Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia. Building on literature from religion and politics, social psychology, sociology of religion, and on the inclusion-moderation hypothesis, this study argues that (1) Islamic parties' strong organizations resulted both in their success and in the absence of internal pluralism and that (2) their dominant status in the party system consolidated their majoritarian understanding of democracy. Through its discussion of “immoderation” this study aims to contribute to the interdisciplinary literature on religion and politics. [R]
68.4988 KOLODNY, Robin; DWYRE, Diana —
There is a good deal of discussion currently among political scientists about the nature of political parties and the impacts of changing party-group relations. Are so-called outside groups promoting extreme candidates and, thus, contributing to polarization? Or perhaps, party-allied groups follow the party's lead and support the same candidates the party supports. We view parties as extended party networks (EPNs) and examine the campaign spending practices of formal party organizations (the House congressional campaign committees) and some of the groups that are seen as allied with each party and some we expect to be outside each party's network. We analyze the levels of congruence and divergence in party and group spending in the 2014 House elections. We find that most nonparty groups support the same candidates favored by the party with which they most identify. [R, abr.]
68.4989 KORGUNYUK, Yury; ROSS, Cameron; SHPAGIN, Sergey —
This study analyses the influence of the party reforms of 2012 and the ‘counter-reforms’ of 2013–2014 on the Russian party system, and the structure of political and electoral cleavages in Russian regions. The emergence of new political parties in 2012–2013 led to a temporary increase in electoral competition, an augmentation of the political space, and a rise in the number of electoral cleavages, but these developments did not weaken the domination of United Russia. The trend towards an ever-greater tightening up of entry requirements for contestation in the elections led to a lowering of the number of political and, consequently, electoral cleavages, in addition to a reconfiguration of the political space. The study shows that there was an unbalancing of the political cleavage structure in 2012–2015. [R, abr.]
68.4990 KREISS, Daniel; McGREGOR, Shannon C. —
This article offers the first analysis of the role that technology companies, specifically Facebook, Twitter, Microsoft, and Google, play in shaping the political communication of electoral campaigns in the US. We offer an empirical analysis of the work technology firms do around electoral politics through interviews with staffers at these firms and digital and social media directors of 2016 US presidential primary and general election campaigns, in addition to field observations at the 2016 Democratic National Convention. We find that technology firms are motivated to work in the political space for marketing, advertising revenue, and relationship-building in the service of lobbying efforts. To facilitate this, these firms have developed organizational structures and staffing patterns that accord with the partisan nature of American politics. [R, abr.]
68.4991 LAVEZZOLO, Sebastián; RAMIRO, Luis —
In the wake of the 2008 Great Recession, new and challenger parties have enjoyed electoral gains in some European countries. Political and economic disaffection have been pointed out as the main drivers of their electoral support. This article proposes voter's stealth democracy attitudes, as defined by J. R. Hibbing and E. Theiss-Morse [Stealth Democracy: Americans' Beliefs About How Government Should Work, Cambridge University Press, 2002], as an additional driving force to account for this electoral change. We examine the case of Spain with a survey conducted after the far-reaching transformation of the party system, which has led to the emergence of two new parties: Ciudadanos (on the center-right) and Podemos (on the radical-left). We find that stealth democracy attitudes are positively related to the support for the former and negatively related to the support for the latter. Additionally, we provide evidence of this relationship being conditional on voters' ideology. [R, abr.]
68.4992 LEHMAN, Kathryn —
In resisting genocidal projects of modernity since the Conquest and their most recent phase, neoliberalism, indigenous peoples have provided leadership in maintaining pluralist societies and protecting the rights of all living beings. This role is little known because of the history of the nationstate and current communications and research practices. Drawing on community-based autonomous alternatives to neoliberalism, indigenous media contribute to 21st-c. Latin American participatory democracy and plurinational socialism by defending communication as a basic human right. They evoke a long history of place-based narratives whose values are encoded in language, and their epistemologies are strengthened by transnational indigenous communication networks and practices. Indigenous communication transforms media practices in order to decolonize relations among humans, other living beings, and the environment that sustains life. [R] [See Abstr. 68.4892]
68.4993 LEV-ON, Azi; MANN, Rafi —
The crossover of journalists to politics is not a novel phenomenon, but in Israel it has intensified in recent years with the increase in the number and the name recognition of the journalists who make the transition. Why do journalists make the transition to politics? Do they make an effective use of their media skills, and how do they perform as parliamentarians? To address these questions, semi-structured interviews were conducted with parliamentary reporters, the main link between parliamentary affairs and the media. [R]
68.4994 LEWIS, J. P.; BATEMAN, Tom; DESSERUD, Don —
In the 2006 and 2010 New Brunswick provincial elections, power changed hands as control of the government went from Progressive Conservative to Liberal (2006) and back to Progressive Conservative (2010). The 2014 election found Premier David Alward attempting to return an incumbent party to the government benches. Early polls predicted a Liberal landslide but the margin would close as Election Day approached with the Liberals earning a small 27 to 21 seat majority over the PC Party. The election reflected another example of New Brunswick's current turnstile party system with the two major parties differing on few issues and struggling to find electoral momentum in a stubborn provincial economy stymied by structural demographic challenges. [R, abr.]
68.4995 LINDE, Stefan —
Understanding under what conditions individuals are willing to support policies aimed at mitigating climate change has important consequences for the legitimacy, costs, effectiveness, and longevity of any policy alternative. Given the politicized nature of climate change, one factor that has been found to be important in explaining public support is partisan political communication. It has, for example, been shown how political communication has important effects on public beliefs and attitudes regarding climate change. A lack of country comparative studies, together with methodological limitations in previous research, has, however, led to a limited understanding of how these processes work, especially in a comparative perspective. In this paper, the effects of political communication on public support for climate mitigation, and the cross-country variations of these effects, is studied. [R, abr.]
68.4996 LINSSEN, Rik, et al. —
We investigate the extent to which the recent financial crisis has affected levels of political participation in general and more particularly within privileged and underprivileged societal groups in the Netherlands. Economic decline might mobilize people to voice their concerns in the political arena, especially via unconventional modes of political participation such as demonstrating. As privileged societal groups are more likely to participate in politics, economic decline may widen the initial differences between privileged and underprivileged societal groups in their level of political participation. Our results show a slight decrease in conventional modes of political participation and a slight increase in unconventional modes of political participation during the recent financial and economic crisis. We do not find that the relationship between the economic crisis and political participation changes significantly differently for privileged and underprivileged groups in the Netherlands. [R, abr.]
68.4997 LISONI, Carlos M. —
How do political parties guarantee enforcement of a clientelist exchange? This research note empirically supports a catalog of clientelism compliance enforcement tactics. It also suggests that by focusing on the personalization of tactics and the constraints they place on individual voters, we can evaluate how intrusive these tactics are and further help to bridge existing instrumentalist and reciprocity theories of client compliance. The supporting evidence comes from interviews carried out with 73 elected Argentine local and provincial officials. How persuasive or coercive the tactics need to be to make clients comply with their part of the bargain has implications for our understanding of the legitimacy of the clientelist bondage and our assessment of the roles of patrons and brokers in such exchanges. [R]
68.4998 LÖBLOVÁ, Olga —
This article asks why some epistemic communities manage to convince decision-makers of their preferred policies while others do not. It suggests that the reason lies in the causal mechanism of epistemic communities' influence on decision-makers, mediated by decision-makers' demand for expert input. Most epistemic communities scholarship focuses on single case studies where the communities' influence on policy was strong and clear, leading to an overestimation of the groups' influence. This article compares a successful case of epistemic community influence (health technology assessment in Poland) with an unsuccessful example of the same policy (in the Czech Republic). The juxtaposition allows for unpacking of the necessary parts of the causal mechanism (emergence of an epistemic community, its activity, access to decision-makers, and successful suasion) and separating them from the crucial scope condition. [R, abr.]
68.4999 LÓPEZ, Facundo A. Santiago; TATHAM, Michaël —
The European integration literature reveals differentiated patterns of Europeanization. Meanwhile, the territorial politics literature has highlighted the emergence of “regions with regionalism” due to ongoing decentralization reforms. If decentralization encourages the spatial rescaling of policy communities, does it also affect the Europeanization of a region's interest groups? To answer this question, we analyze 18 regional interest groups in three regions in Spain, Italy and the UK. We find some evidence that interest groups operating in the context of more highly decentralized regions will Europeanize to a greater extent than those which do not. We call this “slipstream Europeanization” as it is driven by functional and mimetic logics caused by (1) the regional government's own Europeanization, and (2) its knock-on effect on domestic mediating factors. The results are comparable across different dimensions of Europeanization and different group-types. [R, abr.]
68.5000 LOREN, Collingwood, et al. —
Considerable interest among academics and practitioners alike centers around identifying ways to improve voter turnout and voting parity across various subgroups in the US population. Many scholars have investigated convenience voting and found mixed results in terms of its effects on turnout and its composition. A relatively new but unstudied method of voting is via ballot drop box, a method states and voters have increasingly turned to. We exploit the placement of over 30 new drop boxes in King County, Washington, the home of Seattle, during the 2016 election to investigate their effect on turnout. We find that distance to the closest ballot drop box increases one's probability of voting but primarily in off-year elections and primaries. We find mixed results for heterogeneous treatment effects. Implications are discussed. [R]
68.5001 MALKOPOULOU, Anthoula; NORMAN, Ludvig —
Militant democracy relies on the idea that democracies ought to defend themselves from anti-democratic forces by constitutionalising repressive measures. We offer a criticism of this view by highlighting the exclusionary elitism on which militant democracy is built. In doing this, we consider two competing models of democratic self-defence: the procedural and the social. We suggest that the procedural model, while avoiding the exclusionary and other pitfalls of militant democracy, is detached from sociopolitical realities and fails to offer a comprehensive vision of democratic stability. The largely neglected social model of democratic self-defense avoids this problem; it combines proceduralism's commitment to dissensus with a social-democratic logic in the design of democratic constitutions. We argue in favour of such a social democratic self-defence. [R, abr.]
68.5002 MARCINKOWSKI, Franck; LÜNICH, Marco; STARKE, Christopher —
The notion of the “face effect” in political communication denotes a process by which people spontaneously infer the personal character traits of political candidates (e.g., competence, attractiveness) from campaign portrait photographs and election posters. Previous research has shown that those spontaneous trait inferences (STIs) affect people's voting decisions. Combining survey responses, election results from official statistics, and aggregate data, the present study demonstrates that STIs of competence, attractiveness, and leadership help to predict the outcome of direct election in Germany. [R, abr.]
68.5003 MARLIÈRE, Philippe —
In the run-up to the 2017 presidential elections in France, Jean-Luc Mέlenchon, who had been associated with the radical left, formed a new movement called France Insoumise (Unbowed France — FI). This was an attempt to organize the masses along the lines of an agonistic cleavage between “the people” and “the elite”, and this was also a radical break with the collective forms of leadership and action on the French left. What defines FI's populism is the role and the centrality of the leader. One may wonder whether populism is the best strategy to broaden the left's electorate as left-wing and right-wing populisms do not tap in the same culture and do not express the same feelings. [R] [See Abstr. 68.4897]
68.5004 MARTIN, Gregory J.; PESKOWITZ, Zachary —
Advertising expenditures in congressional campaigns are made not directly by campaigns themselves but indirectly though intermediary firms. Using a new dataset of revenues and costs of these firms, we study the markups that these firms charge candidates. We find that markups are higher for inexperienced candidates relative to experienced candidates, and PACs relative to candidates. We also find significant differences across the major parties: firms working for Republicans charge higher prices, exert less effort, and induce less responsiveness in their clients' advertising expenditures to electoral circumstances than do their Democratic counterparts. We connect this observation to the distribution of ideology among individual consulting firm employees, arguing that these higher rents incentivize consultants to work against their intrinsic ideological motivations. [R, abr.]
68.5005 MARX, Paul; NAUMANN, Elias —
The surge of immigration to Europe starting in 2015 is one of the most important political challenges in recent history. In this research note, we address the question of whether the “refugee crisis” has contributed to welfare chauvinistic attitudes in Germany, a country attracting a large share of asylum seekers. Moreover, we ask whether party rhetoric in general and from a new radical right-wing party in particular has influenced the expression of such attitudes. Using individual-level panel data, we show that welfare chauvinism increased markedly during the first year of the crisis. This increase is not restricted to new radical right wing voters. Although parties diverged in their position on immigration, we observe increased welfare chauvinism among supporters of all parties. Only support for a harsher version of welfare chauvinism (making benefits conditional upon citizenship) increased disproportionately among new radical right-wing voters. [R, abr.]
68.5006 MARX, Paul; NGUYEN, Christoph Giang —
The role of the welfare state has expanded beyond passive assistance and decommodificaton. Social investment policies now actively encourage (re)integration into the labor market. While the effectiveness of these policies is debated, we know even less about their broader social and political effects. We explore the impact of social investment policies on one key aspect of social life: political participation. Combining insights from social psychology with institutional analysis, we investigate the impact of three social investment policies on two disadvantaged groups: young individuals from low-skill backgrounds; and single parents. Combining the European Social Survey with data on social investment, we find that these risk groups have reduced political efficacy and political participation. Social investment policies can alleviate these participation gaps in some cases, but not all. [R] [See Abstr. 68.4641]
68.5007 MASKIVKER, Julia —
Do citizens have a moral duty to vote, or is the franchise just a right they are free to exercise or to abstain from, at will? The prevalent position in voting ethics is that citizens should be free to choose whether or not to exercise their right to vote. This article situates itself in opposition to the prevalent account and develops an argument supporting (1) a moral duty to vote and (2) a moral duty to vote well. I argue that a duty of Samaritan justice can require us to vote with care for the sake of the well-being of society. Samaritan duties of aid bind us when an intervention would not be unduly costly — not when it would be costless. I argue that voting with care is a cost that society can reasonably expect citizens to assume given what elections have the potential to achieve: minimally just governments. [R]
68.5008 MATTHEWS, Felicity —
Decentralization is frequently justified in terms of representation and participation, with its advocates emphasizing the capacity of regional institutions to remedy the democratic deficiencies of the centre. Yet empirical examinations of the democratic performance of regional governing systems are scarce, and there is no analysis that systematically compares the operation of different tiers within the same state. This article responds to this significant lacuna. Drawing upon the tools of cross-national comparison, it develops an analytical framework that evaluates the effects of regional and national institutions on the dispersal of electoral payoffs. This framework is applied to the UK, to compare the Scottish Parliament and National Assembly for Wales with Westminster. The article provides important empirical insights regarding the difference wrought by decentralization and offers a more critical assessment of the relationship between decentralization and such democratic goods. [R, abr.]
68.5009 McADAM, Doug —
Climate change/global warming has spawned surprisingly little grassroots activism in the contemporary US. Drawing on social movement theory, the author seeks to explain this puzzle. The prevailing consensus among movement scholars is that the prospect for movement emergence is facilitated by the confluence of three factors: the expansion of political opportunities, the availability of mobilizing structures, and cognitive and affective mobilization through framing processes. The author then applies each of these factors to the case of climate change, arguing that (a) awareness of the issue developed during an especially inopportune period in American politics, (b) the organizations that arose to address the issue were ill suited to the kind of grassroots mobilization characteristic of successful movements, and (c) the amorphous nature of the issue played havoc with efforts at strategic framing. [R, abr.]
68.5010 McALLISTER, Ian; MULLER, Damon —
There has been an international trend in recent years towards voters casting an early ballot. In the 2016 Australian federal election almost one in three votes were cast in this way, most of them in person using pre-polling centers. This trend towards early voting raises both normative and practical questions about the purpose of election campaigns and how they are conducted, as well as what party advantage may be gained from the process. This paper applies multivariate analysis to the 2016 Australian Election Study to test four hypotheses related to early voting. The results show that early voters have less trust in politics and are less likely to participate in the election. There are small but consistent electoral advantages to be gained from early voters for the Liberal-National Coalition. [R]
68.5011 McEVOY, Joanne —
Referendums have been used to legitimate power-sharing settlements in deeply divided societies transitioning from conflict. This article assesses the capacity of referendum rules to facilitate the “voice” of multiple groups or “peoples” in the decision to share power as a “constitutional moment.” Drawing on the constitutional referendums in Northern Ireland in 1998 and Iraq in 2005, the author demonstrates that referendum rules matter in highlighting the variable degrees of support for the elite-negotiated deal on the part of the contending groups. The institutional design process prior to the referendum is crucial for incentivizing groups to support the settlement, particularly the previously dominant group. When faced with a choice between a simple majority threshold and counter-majoritarian procedures, majoritarianism is appropriate only in so far as the main groups see their constitutional preferences satisfied and concurrent majorities can be secured. [R, abr.]
68.5012 MIRILOVIC, Nikola; POLLOCK, Philip H., III —
The authors analyze 2012 American National Election Study data to examine why some Latino US citizens, but not others, maintain an interest in their country of origin politics. They argue that party identification helps explain this variation and that Republicans are less likely than Democrats to maintain an interest. [R]
68.5013 MOLINS, Joaquim M.; MEDINA, Iván —
Studies on local interest groups have generated a considerable number of theories on urban power. Such literature has been especially concerned with discovering who governs the city, paving the way for discussions on elitism, pluralism and urban regimes. Some approaches consider that the business elite dominates local politics, while other theories assert that interests other than business (neighbors, environmentalists, faith-based organizations, civic groups) have been gaining relevance and access to local government. The POLLEADER survey (2006) provided data on the influence of certain social groups as perceived by mayors in Spain. Data showed that the local business community was, at best, as influential and active as voluntary associations. With recent data from the POLLEADER II survey (2015), this article confirms a certain pluralistic model of local power. [R, abr.]
68.5014 MORAL, Mert; ZHIRNOV, Andrei —
Prevalent models of issue voting view vote choice as a choice among party policies. Choice sets are implicitly assumed to be the same for all voters, and their composition is left to researchers' discretion. This article aims to relax such assumptions by presenting a model with a varying probability of inclusion in the choice set. We apply the “constrained choice conditional logistic regression” to survey data from the 1989 parliamentary election in Norway to examine the effects of party identification of voters and electoral viability and policy extremity of parties on individual voters' choice set compositions. Further, we look into the effect of parties' policy positions on their electoral fates under alternative assumptions about the composition of voters' choice sets. [R, abr.]
68.5015 MORGANS, Catherine —
In contrast to recent waves of ad hoc social-media-fueled protest, Brazil's leftist social movements consider new media unreliable, supplementary, and dominated by hegemonic actors. Owing to a shift in power relations online, these virtual spaces pose an approximation to their capitalist adversaries, a degree of institutionalization, and a breach of traditional trenches of resistance, leading anti-capitalist movements to restrict their use of new media. Their wariness counters resurgent cyber-optimism that regards the internet as a politically neutral or autonomous space favored by marginalized and alternative political actors. [R] [See Abstr. 68.4892]
68.5016 MOTTA, Matthew —
Recently, Americans have become increasingly likely to hold anti-intellectual attitudes. However, few have investigated the political implications of anti-intellectualism, and much empirical uncertainty surrounds whether or not these attitudes can be mitigated. Drawing on cross-sectional General Social Survey (GSS) data and a national election panel in 2016, I find that anti-intellectualism is associated with not only the rejection of policy-relevant matters of scientific consensus but support for political movements (e.g., “Brexit”) and politicians (e.g., G. Wallace, D. Trump) who are skeptical of experts. Critically, though, I show that these effects can be mitigated. Verbal intelligence plays a strong role in mitigating anti-intellectual sympathies, compared with previously studied potential mitigators. [R]
68.5017 NEUMANN, Iver B. —
Using Slavic examples, the article looks at the nationalism/security nexus present today between the birth of ethnicities (early middle ages) and the birth of nationalism (18th c.). I discuss how Slavic ethnicity emerged in Greek and Roman security thinking. Others were classified in terms of ethnoi and were then interpellated into this self understanding. If ethnicity is an identity for the Other, then nationalism is an identity for the Self. It becomes a security concern not to order the Other polity's identity, as did the Byzantines, but to see to it that groups that may threaten your own nationalism — minorities, imperial subjects — cannot embrace nationalism. The policy of denying nationhood to minorities must be understood amongst other things as security policy. [R, abr.]
68.5018 NICHOLSON, Stephen P., et al. —
A fundamental characteristic of party categories is that they minimize perceived differences of members within a party (e.g., two Democrats) and maximize perceived differences between members of different parties (e.g., a Republican and a Democrat). In two-party systems, politicians in leftist parties will often be perceived as highly differentiated from politicians in right-wing parties. Yet, in multiparty systems there is greater complexity and potential for confusion since there are often multiple parties on the left and/or right. Spatial models of political competition predict that ideologically close neighboring parties will be perceived as similar, yet a categorical perspective holds that the public will perceive parties on the same side of the ideological divide to be dissimilar. We review a research program investigating how political parties are treated as categories, and present new data from seven democracies showing that people perceive parties to be highly differentiated regardless of where parties are located in ideological space. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.4890]
68.5019 NISNEVICH, Yuliy A. —
The article analyzes the roe of the institution of elections in the legitimation of public authority, depending on the type of the ruling political regime. The distribution of government forms in modern states allows us to conclude that in the overwhelming majority of states, the institution of elections is called upon to play the determining role in the typology of public power legitimation. In each specific state, the real typology of public power legitimation is dictated by the way this institution is implemented in the political practice of the givens state. [R, abr.]
68.5020 OLDENDICK, Robert W.; HENDREN, Lindsey Brooke —
Willingness to support funding for government programs, particularly social programs, has been a key difference between Democrats and Republicans since the New Deal era. In recent years, considerable research has pointed to increasing differences between partisans. The current research uses General Social Survey data from 1973 to 2014 to examine the extent to which differences between Democrats and Republicans on spending issues have increased over time, have been consistent across domains, or have fluctuated differentially during this period. The results demonstrate that while Democrats and Republicans have distinct and opposing views on questions of government spending, partisan differences in support for spending are not uniform across issue areas, with larger differences on social welfare issues than on issues that are seen as redistributive, but not entitlements. [R, abr.]
68.5021 OTJES, Simon; KROUWEL, Andrέ —
The 2017 Dutch elections saw dramatic results: the governing Liberal-Labour coalition lost half its voters. We analyze the results of the 2017 elections as a results of the changing dimensions of conflict; in particular, the rise of the new cultural dimension divides those who seek to defend the national interest and identity from those who prefer international cooperation and a multicultural conception of identity. At the same time economic issues have become two-dimensional. The new cultural dimension now structures voters' policy opinions on many issues including immigration and EU integration, but also the environment; it is key in understanding how voters conceive of left and right and for understanding which parties voters vote for. [R] [See Abstr. 68.4897]
68.5022 PAGE, Douglas —
Existing studies suggest that normative commitments to the EU's gender equality standards remain weak in states applying for EU membership, and that citizens are unresponsive to information the EU provides. However, these studies do not gauge public support for women's rights when they are addressed as an EU issue (an EU frame). In an original experimental survey of Bosnia and Herzegovina, I examine the effect of EU framing on support for equal pay between women and men, and the responsibility assigned to the government for unequal pay. I find that EU frames affect the responsibility assigned to the government. Supporters of independence from the EU assign less responsibility to their government for unequal pay, when equal pay is addressed as an EU issue. [R]
68.5023 PALABIYIK, Mustafa Serdar —
This article analyzes how history has been used as a political discourse by the current ruling elites of Turkey in the post-2010 period. It first defines what the politicization of history is and locates the Justice and Development Party's (AKP) perception of history within the broader conservative political movements in Turkey. Then, the article focuses on the discourses of some AKP politicians and pro-AKP journalists to show how the AKP has been using history as a discourse to create a binary opposition between the Unionist/CHP mentality and the AKP mentality and to label the latter as the source of all current political troubles of Turkey. [R] [See Abstr. 68.4929]
68.5024 PARTZSCH, Lena —
Celebrities are able to mobilize a wide range of people on a global scale. In his Oscar acceptance speech, L. DiCaprio urged his international audience to work collectively to combat climate change. Another example of celebrity activism is D. Hannah's support for biofuels and the campaign against the Keystone XL pipeline. I analyze the legitimacy of such celebrity power in international relations along three criteria (political impact, broad participation, and control and accountability). I argue that, as long as celebrities' claims are vague and do not go further than UN consensus, celebrity power can be considered legitimate through the political impact. In addition, DiCaprio and Hannah contribute civil society perspectives to the international agenda while, however, not necessarily voicing the most marginalized positions. Finally, by urging governments to comply to international agreements, as DiCaprio does, he holds governments accountable on behalf of the public. [R, abr.]
68.5025 PENAGLIA VÁSQUEZ, Francesco Emmanuel; VALENZUELA VAN TREEK, Esteban Manuel; LEGUÁ VALENZUELA, Jessica —
This article studies the main activities of the anti-centralist and anti-neoliberal regionalist movements in Chile from 2011, and the resistance of the bloc holding political power to the promotion of reforms aimed at the distribution of powers, increases in taxation, and the establishment of norms of self-government. The investigation refers to the co-optation of the agenda of regionalist movements by the second national government of Michelle Bachelet. The first section describes the socio-political context in Chile, characterised by an increase in social conflict starting in 2011, the rise of the Nueva Mayoría as a ruling coalition accompanied by reformist rhetoric, and the crisis of political legitimacy in Chile. The second section examines regional conflicts and the strategy of the governing bloc to deal with them. [R, abr.]
68.5026 PERRELLA, Andrea M. L.; KISS, Simon J.; KAY, Barry J. —
The 2014 general election in Ontario was the third straight time when the opposition Progressive Conservative party was poised to win, only to find itself returned to the opposition benches. Part of the incumbent Liberal party's victory certainly can be attributed to strategic choices of the party, positioning itself closer to where voters wanted them to be. However, there is also a case to be made that the PCs squandered their chance to form government. The following articles walks through some of the key points of the campaign, and the context within which it was held. [R]
68.5027 POLK, Jonathan; KÖLLN, Ann-Kristin —
Party politics and electoral research generally assume that party members are loyal voters. This article first assesses the empirical basis for this assumption before providing individual-level explanations for defection. It combines prominent theories from party politics and electoral behavior research and argues that internal disagreement and external pressure can each bring about disloyal voting. The hypotheses are motivated with multi-country European survey data and tested on two sets of party-level national surveys. The results show, first, that, on average, 8 per cent of European party members cast a defecting vote in the last election, and second, that dissatisfaction with the leadership is the strongest predictor of defection. Additionally, internal ideological disagreement is associated with higher probabilities of defection, whereas the effects of pull factors in the form of contentious policies are rather limited. [R, abr.]
68.5028 RABOTYAZHEV, Nikolai V. —
The article is devoted to the ideological evolution of the British Labour Party after it went into opposition in 2010. After Tony Blair's resignation in 2007, the Party began to revise the principles of New Labour. In the years of Ed Miliband's leadership in the Party (2010–2015), the departure of British Labour from pro-market and pro-globalist doctrine of New Labour became more evident. After the Labour Party's defeat at the 2015 general election, Miliband resigned as its leader, and the 2015 BLP leadership election was won by Jeremy Corbyn, a “hard left”. Corbyn is an old fashioned democratic socialist and Euroskeptic to some extent. Before the EU referendum in June 2016, he, however, called Labour to vote against Brexit. [R, abr.]
68.5029 RAE, Maria; HOLMAN, Rosa; NETHERY, Amy —
The act of witnessing connects audiences with distant suffering. But what happens when bearing witness becomes severely restricted? External parties, including the mainstream news media, are constrained from accessing Australia's offshore immigration detention centres. The effect is that people seeking asylum are hidden from the public and excluded from national debates. Some detainees have adopted social media as a platform to communicate their stories of flight, and their experiences of immigration detention, to a wider audience. This article examines the ways in which social media, and particularly Facebook, has facilitated what we call self-represented witnessing. We analyse two public Face-book pages to assess how detainees use such social media networks to document their experiences, and we observe the interaction between detainees, other social media users and mainstream media. [R, abr.]
68.5030 RAO, Nitya; CAGNA, Paola —
More than two decades after the Fourth World Conference on Women was held in Beijing, gender equality policies have not delivered in the ways envisaged. This special cluster of articles seeks to understand why. Women's mobilization and feminist activism was central to the Beijing process and the advocacy that followed, yet their influence on policy processes seems constrained in the current context of global political and economic changes. The articles in this cluster explore the negotiations between different actors, institutions and discourses — and the tensions and contradictions therein — as explanations for why certain domains of women's rights remain at the margins of political agendas and others receive more attention. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a thematic issue of the same title. See Abstr. 68.4955, 4980]
68.5031 RASMUSSEN, Magnus Bergli; PONTUSSON, Jonas —
Many studies have found that countries with union-administered unemployment insurance have higher rates of unionization than countries with state-administered unemployment insurance. With data going further back in history, this article demonstrates that the introduction of so-called “Ghent systems” had no effect on unionization rates. We argue that the Ghent effect identified by the existing literature came about as a result of increasing state subsidization and benefit generosity in the 1950s and 1960s. Exploring the partisan politics of unemployment insurance, we show that progressive Liberals (“Social Liberals”) favored Ghent designs while Social Democrats favored state-administered unemployment insurance before the Second World War. [R, abr.]
68.5032 REIDY, Theresa; SUITER, Jane; BREEN, Michael —
The global economic crisis presents new challenges for economic voting models. While there is a consensus that economic voting exists, even the most ardent supporters agree that it is a variable force and can only explain a portion of voting behaviour. This article investigates the impact of positive and negative economic performance on voting patterns. The idea that voters are more likely to punish governments for poor economic performance, the grievance asymmetry hypothesis, has found some empirical support, but in their comprehensive review of the economic voting literature, Lewis-Beck and Stegmaier concluded that the evidence of asymmetric economic voting was, at best, mixed. Ireland presents a clear test of the grievance asymmetric economic vote with recent elections taking place against backdrops of some of the highest economic growth rates in the world and then one of the most spectacular economic crashes. We demonstrate that economic shocks matter a great deal; Irish voters like their counterparts elsewhere in crisis-hit states are unforgiving. Furthermore, the electoral change at the 2011 election in Ireland was extreme and challenges the consensus that economic voting is a small force. [R]
68.5033 REUCHAMPS, Min; DODEIGNE, Jeremy; PERREZ, Julien —
Federalism is often presented through metaphors, but little is known about the impact of such metaphors. Two experiments were conducted in Belgium presenting federalism as Tetris — with control and treatment groups — in order to grasp the influence of this metaphor. The first experiment reveals that being exposed to text with the Tetris metaphor influences respondents' representations of federalism towards a more institutional representation and towards more regional autonomy. The second experiment confirms the importance of the text, and more specifically of the metaphor, if political knowledge is taken into account. [R, abr.]
68.5034 REYES-HOUSHOLDER, Catherine —
Latin America has elected more female presidents than any other region in the world, yet dominant theories on campaigning tend to ignore gender. In addressing this lacuna, this article argues that the widespread belief that women are better at mobilizing women means that female candidates tend to invest more significant effort into cultivating a core constituency of women on the basis of gender identity. In contrast, male candidates tend to delegate women-mobilization tasks to female surrogates. An analysis of approximately 1,000 newspaper articles reveals that the “most different” female candidates in Chile and Brazil consistently met with female voters early in their campaigns, evoked gender identities and promised pro-women change. The “most different” male candidates enlisted their wives and female politicians to target women, defend their pro-women promises, and deflect accusations of sexism. [R, abr.]
68.5035 RICH, Timothy S. —
To what extent do presidential candidates influence voting in mixed member legislative elections? A sizable literature addresses presidential-legislative coattail effects in the American context, with less attention given to this interaction in non-Western democracies. Nor is the role of past voting behavior adequately assessed in the literature. Taiwan's historic 2016 election allows for an analysis of the extent in which the popularity of presidential candidates influences coattail voting in the more complex electoral environment of two-vote mixed legislative systems. Evidence finds that, controlling for partisanship and previous voting behavior, voters who supported a presidential candidate were more likely to also support the party's legislative candidates, although this influence is stronger in regards to Democratic Progressive Party's Tsai Ing-wen. [R]
68.5036 RIERA, Pedro —
Abundant research demonstrates that electoral rules have an impact on party system fragmentation. Building on these findings, and adopting a dynamic approach, this article investigates the effect of changes of the ballot structure on party system nationalization and shows that this effect is conditioned by levels of ethno-geographic concentration and political decentralization. Specifically, candidate-centered reforms hamper party system nationalization by making parties less likely to obtain similar vote shares across constituencies, whereas party-centered reforms tend to foster it. Moreover, concentration of ethnic groups at the district level or considerable political decentralization exacerbates the impact of candidate-centered changes. These effects are demonstrated through an analysis of an original dataset of electoral reforms and party system nationalization as measured with different indices across fifty-nine democracies and more than five hundred legislative elections. [R]
68.5037 ROBERTS, David —
Globalization and digitization have combined to create a ‘pictorial turn’ that has transformed communication landscapes. Routine exposure to visual stimuli like images has acculturated our students' learning processes long before their arrival at university. But when they reach us, we expose them to text-centric teaching out of kilter with the worlds from which they come. More importantly, emerging scholarship argues that such textual hegemony is out of kilter with how they learn. This article describes a 3-year experiment to assess the veracity of such claims. It found that student academic engagement was greater when apposite images were applied. In addition, the experiment revealed that introducing imagery triggered active learning behaviours. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of these findings for politics and international relations teaching. [R]
68.5038 ROBISON, Joshua; LEEPER, Thomas J.; DRUCKMAN, James N. —
How attitudes change and affect behavior depends, in large part, on their strength. Strong attitudes are more resistant to persuasion and are more likely to produce attitude consistent behavior. But what influences attitude strength? We explore a widely discussed, but rarely investigated, factor: an individual's political discussion network. What prior work exists offers a somewhat mixed picture, finding sometimes that disagreeable networks weaken attitudes and other times that they strengthen attitudes. We use a novel national representative dataset to explore the relationship between disagreeable networks and attitude strength. We find, perhaps surprisingly, no evidence that disagreements in networks affect political attitude strength. We discuss likely reasons for our findings, which, in turn, provide a research agenda for the study of networks and attitude strength. [R]
68.5039 ROSENFELD, Bryn —
While a large literature recognizes that economic crises threaten the stability of electoral autocracies, we know relatively little about how citizens form economic perceptions and how they attribute blame for worsening conditions in these regimes. To gain traction on these questions, I exploit subnational variation in economic performance across Russia's regions during a recent downturn, combining regionally representative surveys of more than 67,000 voting age respondents with data on growth and unemployment. Contrary to conventional wisdom that citizens are passive consumers of propaganda, I show that they extract objective economic information from personal experience and local conditions. [R, abr.]
68.5040 ROVINSKAYA, Tatiana L. —
The article thoroughly analyses the history of the American environmentalism as a socio-political movement and follows the evolvement of the early elitist Conservationist Movement based on public participation. The author investigates their present condition and perspectives, strategy and tactics of their social and political activities. [R, abr.]
68.5041 ROWE, Pia —
The narratives about the decline in political participation are as frequent as they are familiar. The great irony of these narratives, however, is that they occur at a time when citizens have more avenues to voice their opinions than ever before. This article uses a coding framework to analyze political talk occurring on the Facebook page of an Australian community group, MamaBake. It highlights two important but often overlooked trends: political talk can take place in various forums, which do not necessarily have any links to the formal political sphere; and these discussions enrich the everyday politics of the private sphere. However, these new forms of enacting politics usually go unrecognized, reinforcing the dominant narrative of passive, disinterested citizens. [R, abr.]
68.5042 SAMUEL-AZRAN, Tal; YARCHI, Moran; WOLFSFELD, Gadi —
In the last decade, bio-politics and psychology studies indicated a link between conservatives' attraction to emotion-based appeals and liberals' attraction to logic-based appeals. This study seeks to contribute to current analyses by using an innovative approach, that of Aristotelian rhetorical analysis. This study examines the rhetorical strategies used by Israel's party leaders on Facebook and their reception during the 2013 elections. Addressing the prevalence of emotion-based appeals (pathos) versus logic-based appeals (logos), we found that left-wing leaders used more logo appeals than all other candidates whereas right-wing party leaders used the most pathos. We also found that the most shared and liked messages of right-wing candidates were mainly pathos-based ones, whereas the most shared messages of left-wing candidates were logos-based posts. [R, abr.]
68.5043 SANTOS, Sales Augusto dos; SILVA LOPES, Ivonete da —
The federal funds allocated to Brazilian public television are insufficient for its adequate maintenance and could be increased. Instead of advertising on public television, which was the flagship of the Brazilian public communication system, the Lula and Rousseff administrations turned to private broadcasting systems in the hope of co-opting them. In addition to robbing public television of critical funding, this proved a political mistake when TV Globo became one of their harshest critics. [R] [See Abstr. 68.4892]
68.5044 SANTUCCI, Jack —
New interest in “multi-winner ranked-choice voting” raises old questions about effects on party cohesion. Earlier scholars thought this single transferable vote (STV) rule was net-problematic for parties. This paper consults the roll-call and electoral records in Cincinnati (1929–1957) and Worcester, Mass. (1949–1960), two of three American STV implementations that produced conventional wisdom. First, I show how party cohesion could be high or low. Then I show how low-cohesion terms followed elections in which candidates campaigned for themselves over their parties. Finally, I show that parties endorsed such candidates when they needed the votes to expand their seat shares. [R, abr.]
68.5045 SCHAFFNER, Brian F.; MACWILLIAMS, Matthew; NTETA, Tatishe —
The authors examine the extent to which economic insecurity, racism, and sexism were important factors in determining vote-choices in the 2016 American presidential election. They find that racism and sexism were particularly strong predictors of vote-choice in 2016, while economic insecurity was much less important. [R]
68.5046 SCHILLER, Naomi —
The formation of new state television outlets in Venezuela during the Chávez era was a process of dismantling and remaking hierarchies among social classes and between the fields of state and community media production. An analysis of the involvement of community media producers in creating a new state television outlet in Caracas and the collaboration between community and state producers in the first decade of the 21st c. suggests that the influx of community media producers into state media projects and vice-versa was mutually transformative. Such an analysis [shows] the conflict and cooperation between different social sectors that were central to the making of both official and unofficial media projects aligned with the Chávez-led Bolivarian Revolution. In these joint efforts we see the state as an unfolding process of negotiation and struggle. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.4892]
68.5047 SCHLEITER, Petra; BELU, Valerie —
Can fixing the parliamentary term be expected to reduce electoral incumbency advantages? The UK's 2011 Fixed-term Parliaments Act aims to prevent incumbents from scheduling early elections for political benefit. Yet, the view that flexible election timing gives incumbents an unfair advantage remains contested. The literature on opportunistic election calling — including the signaling effects of this strategy and the competence of governments that select it — lends support to both sides in the debate. This article examines how far the divergent arguments apply in the UK. Using observed outcomes and a potential outcomes approach, we investigate to what effect incumbents have used election timing. Our results suggest that governments can improve their re-election chances when they have discretion to time elections to favorable circumstances. [R, abr.]
68.5048 SCHLEITER, Petra; MORGAN-JONES, Edward —
Many European presidents have extensive constitutional powers to affect the timing of early parliamentary elections, which enables them to influence when incumbent governments must face the electorate. This article examines whether presidents use their assembly dissolution powers for partisan benefit. To date, presidential activism in the electoral arena of parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies remains poorly understood. We hypothesize that presidents use their powers to influence election calling for the advantage of their political allies in government. To test this argument, we use data on 190 elections in 18 European democracies. Our results suggest that presidents with significant dissolution powers are able to shape the electoral success of incumbents. Prime ministers whose governments are allied to such presidents realize a vote and seat share bonus of around 5%. [R, abr.]
68.5049 SCHMIDT, Franzisca —
The aim of this article is to analyse what different types of populist communication styles emerged during the 2014 European Parliament election campaign and under which conditions political parties selected specific populist communication styles. To do this, a comparative quantitative content analysis of press releases in the run-up of the latest European Parliament elections has been conducted for parties in France, Germany, Austria and Greece. The article presents a definition of populism based on the contemporary academic discourse, which focuses on the transnational nature of the European political field. It is shown that populist party communication is more pronounced on the fringes of the political spectrum and in countries struggling with severe macroeconomic difficulties. [R, abr.]
68.5050 SCHRAMA, Reini; ZHELYAZKOVA, Asya —
The importance of civil society in policy-making is twofold; civil society organizations (CSOs) monitor government performance and mediate between citizens and the state to ensure proper implementation. In this study, we analyze the effects of two aspects of civil society (civic participation and CSO consultation) on member states' implementation of EU policy. The analysis is based on a novel dataset of practical implementation in 24 member states. Our findings reveal that the combination of high levels of civic participation and routine CSO consultations improves policy implementation. Furthermore, the effect is conditional on states' bureaucratic capacity to accommodate societal interests regarding the EU directives. The results indicate a paradox; civil society is not effective in countries with low bureaucratic capacity, where civil society is needed most to improve government performance. [R] [See Abstr. 68.5127]
68.5051 SEZAL, Mustafa A.; SEZAL, Ihsan —
The results of the 2002 general election in Turkey came as a powerful shock to multifarious circles both within and outside the country. There were deep concerns that the ‘moderate’ Islamic-oriented Justice and Development Party (AKP) might try to dismantle the very bases of the secular state. Fifteen years of AKP rule have displayed four distinctively different periods: (1) Normalization and reinstitution of civil governance (2002–2007); (2) Methodological transition (2007–2009); (3) Consolidation of power-base (2009–2011); and (4) De-secularization, de-democratization, re-securitization and shift to authoritarianism (2011–2016). Drawing upon the ‘competitive authoritarianism’ literature and the concept of ‘instrumentalization of democracy,’ this article elaborates the above points as well as the intrinsic Islamist mindset of the AKP. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.4929]
68.5052 SHI Anshu; LACHAPELLE, François; GALWAY, Matthew —
In post-Mao China, a group of Chinese intellectuals who formed what became the New Left sought to renew socialism in China in a context of globalization and the rise of social inequalities they associated with neo-liberalism. As they saw it, China's market reform and opening to the world had not brought greater equality and prosperity for all Chinese citizens. As part of China Information's research dialogue on the intellectual public sphere in China, this article provides a historical survey of the development of the contemporary Chinese New Left, exploring the range of ideas that characterized this intellectual movement. It takes as its focus four of the most prominent New Left figures and their positions in the ongoing debate about China's future: Wang Shaoguang, Cui Zhiyuan, Wang Hui, and Gan Yang. [R]
68.5053 SHOMER, Yael; PUT, Gert-Jan; GEDALYA-LAVY, Einat —
Previous research has shown a steady decline of citizen's political trust and growing skepticism towards key institutions of representative democracy. Political parties, which perform the crucial role of linking citizens to the political system, are in the eye of the storm: citizens are generally more distrusting towards parties than other social and political institutions. The relevant literature mentions that parties often implement intra-party democratization to remedy party distrust. This article examines whether democratic candidate selection processes actually affect party trust among voters. The analysis is based on the cases of Belgium and Israel, where politicians made a strong case for intra-party democracy in recent history. The results indicate that, while inclusive selectorates indeed increase trust levels, decentralization decreases trust towards parties in both countries. [R]
68.5054 SIMANTOV NACHLIELI, Ilanit, et al. —
Members of conflicting groups are motivated to restore their in-group's agency, leading to antisocial tendencies against the out-group. The present research tested the hypothesis that affirming conflicting groups' agency would increase their members' mutual prosociality. The effectiveness of agency affirmation was demonstrated in three contexts of conflict between groups: Switzerland and the EU following the 2014 referendum (Study 1), Israelis and Palestinians (Study 2), and Israeli rightists and leftists (Study 3). Study 1 found that in a nonconflictual context Swiss participants prioritized their moral (prosocial) over agentic goals, yet in the context of conflict with the EU, they prioritized their agentic over moral goals. Studies 2 and 3 demonstrated the positive effect of agency affirmation on prosociality among Israelis referring to Palestinians and Israeli rightists and leftists referring to the adversarial political camp. [R, abr.]
68.5055 SINGHA, Komol —
Following reclamation of ethnic identity amid the gnawing scarcities, Assamese ethnic movement germinated in the 1950s, manifested in the form of language and anti-migrants agitations. It became more apparent in the early 1960s. Despite the Assam accord, signed in 1985, certain section of the society with radical leanings picked up arms for a mission of secession from India. Unfortunately, State intervention seemingly failed to contain armed conflict, rather convoluted the situation and gave rise to hybrid ethnic identities. In this manner, since the 2000s, the entire state is engulfed in internal feuds. How have the Assamese movements shifted from the socio-cultural to armed struggle for secession and then to internal feuds, and why has the State failed in curbing them are discussed. [R]
68.5056 SKOOG, Louise; KARLSSON, David —
This article shows how two forms of party conflict (political dissent and antagonistic behaviour) are related but explained by different factors. It is therefore of utmost importance to distinguish between the two forms of conflict. Political dissent is mainly explained by the size of demos while social fragmentation, fiscal stress and party contestation increase antagonistic behaviour. The presence of a local protest party inflates both forms of conflict. Surprisingly, party contestation has less impact on conflict levels than earlier studies have suggested. The study builds on data from a unique survey conducted among all councillors in the 290 municipalities in Sweden. [R]
68.5057 SLATER, Dan —
Democracy and opposition are supposed to go hand in hand. Opposition did not emerge as automatically as expected after Indonesia democratized, however, because presidents shared power much more widely than expected. The result has been what I call party cartelization, Indonesian-style. This differs significantly from canonical cases of party cartelization in Europe. Yet it exhibits the same troubling outcome for democratic accountability: the stunted development of a clearly identifiable party opposition. Since the advent of direct presidential elections in 2004, Indonesian democratic competition has unsurprisingly assumed somewhat more of a government vs. opposition cast. But this shift has arisen more from contingent failures of elite bargaining than from any decisive change in the power-sharing game. [R, abr.]
68.5058 SMITH, David Norman; HANLEY, Eric —
Recently released data from the 2016 American National Election Study allow us to offer a multifaceted profile of white voters who voted for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election. We find that Trump's supporters voted for him mainly because they share his prejudices, not because they're financially stressed. Exit polls showed that voters without four-year college degrees were likelier than average to support Trump. But millions of these voters opposed Trump because they oppose his prejudices. These prejudices should be called authoritarian: negatively, they target minorities and women; and positively, they favor domineering and intolerant leaders who are uninhibited about their biases. Multivariate logistic regression shows that, once we take these biases into account, demographic factors (age, education, etc.) lose their explanatory power. [R, abr.]
68.5059 SMITH, Danέ —
Extending on notions of securitisation and how it challenges democracy, this paper uses Marshall McLuhan's tetrad of media effects within a social constructivist paradigm, to engage in an intertextual and intervisual analysis of political cartoons in Denmark. It illustrates how and why particular community groups within democracies can be targeted in ‘speech acts’ that subsequently pushes them into becoming securitised as possible threat groups within the democracy. The securitisation that takes place in democracies through these identified and analysed ‘speech acts’ embedded in political images are deconstructive features to promoting democratic rights, and must be understood and addressed at a structural level to instead promote desecuritisation. [R]
68.5060 SMYTH, Regina; TUROVSKY, Rostislav —
We explore the evolution of the Kremlin's election control strategy in response to the reintroduction of gubernatorial elections in 2012. Our analysis focuses on the evolution of four tools used to engineer electoral competition: auxiliary institutions, subnational punishment regimes, ballot construction, and turnout manipulation. We argue that election managers deploy these mechanisms to maximise victories for state-sponsored candidates while minimising the possibility for post-election protest. The analysis demonstrates that electoral manipulation presents conflicting incentives for the Kremlin and its regional officials. It also shows the critical role that Russia's systemic opposition plays in the electoral management system and regime stability. [R]
68.5061 SO, Florence —
Why do mainstream opposition parties sometimes fail to adopt policy positions that are attractive to the wider electorate? I construct a game-theoretic model between the party leader, the party's MPs, and the party organization to illustrate how opposition parties' platform adjustments depend on the party leader's risk assessment of being deposed and MPs' re-election incentives. The model predicts that a party leader is most likely to adhere to the activists' position when MPs' re-election probabilities depend greatly on activists' campaign effort, and when MPs' benefits of re-election are high. Platform adjustments are only possible when the reverse is true. These results have important implications on electoral competitiveness and strategies of parties in majoritarian versus proportional electoral systems. I expect that opposition parties in majoritarian systems are less able to adjust their platforms than those in proportional systems. [R]
68.5062 SOSS, Joe; WEAVER, Vesla —
Against the backdrop of Ferguson and the Black Lives Matter movement, we ask what the American politics subfield has to say about the political lives of communities subjugated by race and class. We argue that mainstream research in this subfield — framed by images of representative democracy and Marshallian citizenship — has provided a rich portrait of what such communities lack in political life. Indeed, by focusing so effectively on their political marginalization, political scientists have ironically made such communities marginal to the subfield's account of American democracy and citizenship. We provide a corrective by focusing on what is present in the political lives of such communities. We argue that studies of the liberal-democratic “first face” of the state must be complemented by greater attention to the state's more controlling “second face.” [R, abr.]
68.5063 SPARLING, Robert Alan —
The study of political corruption has been beset by disagreements concerning the exact definition of the term. One definition that has grown increasingly popular in the social-scientific literature in recent years is that proposed by O. Kurer and developed by B. Rothstein: political corruption should be understood as a breach of the norm of impartiality. This article argues that while this definition has intuitive plausibility and while its relative parsimony makes it attractive for cross-cultural social-scientific research, it suffers from a number of the ills attending all attempts to depoliticize inherently political concepts. Not only is the definition insufficient to capture numerous instances of the abuse of the public office for private gain, but it is dangerous insofar as it papers over fundamental disagreements about the nature of the good regime. [R, abr.]
68.5064 STERNBERG, Claudia —
How to make sense of a popular vote is a question raised once again by the prospect of a Brexit referendum. To date the French rejection of the EU constitutional treaty's ratification has been one of the most consequential electoral statements in the history of European integration. Still, what its actual message was continues to puzzle analysts. What were the French telling us? The article approaches this question of from the angle of the discursive processes of meaning making in the public sphere, through arguments, narratives and images. Complementing available explanatory accounts based on survey date or quantitative textual analysis, it presents a non-quantitative interpretive discourse analysis of political ideas. [R, abr.]
68.5065 STIER, Sebastian, et al. —
Although considerable research has concentrated on online campaigning, it is still unclear how politicians use different social media platforms in political communication. Focusing on the German federal election campaign 2013, this article investigates whether election candidates address the topics most important to the mass audience and to which extent their communication is shaped by the characteristics of Facebook and Twitter. Based on open-ended responses from a representative survey conducted during the election campaign, we train a human-interpretable Bayesian language model to identify political topics. Applying the model to social media messages of candidates and their direct audiences, we find that both prioritize different topics than the mass audience. The analysis also shows that politicians use Facebook and Twitter for different purposes. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.4632]
68.5066 STOCKEMER, Daniel —
This research aims at detecting commonalities and differences between right-wing and left-wing activists. Based on 44 interviews with members of the French National Front (FN) and 88 Attac activists, I find that Attac activists are individuals with high amounts of civic skills that have been politically socialised until the age of 25. Somewhat different, my interview research indicates that the socialisation mechanisms of FN members, as well as their social and educational backgrounds are diverse. Pertaining to the activists' values, the two groups expose values at the opposite end of the political spectrum. Whereas left-wing activists respond to globalisation and neo-liberalism by highlighting national and international solidarity and participatory democracy, the radical right-wing members respond to the same phenomena by propagating nationalism, authoritarianism and protectionist policies. [R, abr.]
68.5067 STOYAN, Alissandra T.; NIEDZWIECKI, Sara —
Previous literature on the consequences of decentralization has demonstrated a positive effect on voter participation in subnational elections. However, does this positive effect also extend to national level elections? This paper evaluates the consequences of decentralization-level political participation. Our approach innovates by disaggregating decentralization to uncover the specific dimensions that matter for voting participation. We argue that self-rule (or the authority that subnational units exercise in their own territory) is closely associated with vertical accountability and positively affects voting participation. Moreover, we find that political dimensions of self-rule matter more than fiscal dimensions. Shared-rule (or the authority that subnational units exercise in the country as a whole) has no significant effect on participation since it is more closely related to horizontal accountability. We test our theory in 20 Latin American and Caribbean countries using a hierarchical model with 2010 data at the national and individual-level. [R]
68.5068 STOYANOVA, Veronika —
In 2013, Bulgaria was shaken by two waves of mass protests, which seemed to mobilise distinct social groups and put different, and often conflicting, demands on the table. In the midst of the turbulence of the protests, new political formations emerged which aimed to capitalise on the mobilisations. The mushrooming of new political projects in the wake of the mass protests seems to mark an apparent re-politicisation following the post-political turn after 1989. Yet the language and identities of these new civic and party formations point to a more complicated dynamic between civic movements, political parties and the state. Drawing on Gramsci's theory of hegemony, this article scrutinises the links between the newly emerged political projects and the civic mobilisations of 2013. [R, abr.]
68.5069 STUBAGER, Rune; SEEBERG, Henrik Bech; SO, Florence —
Although classic voting studies noted that voters may reach their voting decision on the basis of different criteria most contemporary voting studies assume that one voting model fits all. Building on the limited, but developing literature on the topic, this paper develops and tests models incorporating voter decision criteria heterogeneity. Paying particular attention to the role of voter sophistication, we investigate which voters mainly decide on the basis of ideology, position and valence issues, or party leaders, and how these differences influence their party choices. Analyses using mixed logit and a specially-designed survey instrument embedded in a high-quality, nationally representative survey of Danish voters show that decision criteria heterogeneity has substantial influence on the vote. The conclusion discusses the normative implications, in particular the question of whether voters' reliance on party leaders constitutes a democratic problem. [R]
68.5070 SZCZEPANSKA, Kamila —
Utilizing the examples of three G7/8 summits held in Japan in recent years — the 2000 Kyushu-Okinawa summit, the 2008 Hokkaido-Toyako summit, and the 2016 Ise-Shima summit — I analyze in this article the extent to which the norm of inclusive approach to the participation of civil society in global governance processes has been embraced by subsequent Japanese governments. I propose that the norm of civil society inclusion in global governance processes has not yet taken sufficient hold among Japanese ruling elites, and the extent and the conditions of civil society organization participation in the summits were dictated by the political philosophy of the given prime minister in power, resulting in an inconsistent and contradictory approach to nongovernmental actors. [R]
68.5071 THORSON, Kjerstin; XU Yu; EDGERLY, Stephanie —
We use a two-wave panel survey of parent-child dyads in the US to connect online democratic divides with the unequal socialization of political interest in the home. We test a model connecting parent socio-economic status to the amount of political communication in the home and the subsequent development of youth political interest over the course of an election cycle. We develop the theoretical concept of online civic infrastructure to foreground how interest-driven social media use in adolescence may shape future opportunities for civic and political engagement by building network connections and opening up flows of communication that carry news, political information, and opportunities for mobilization. [R]
68.5072 TRUMM, Siim —
Politics in Wales is often portrayed as being relatively consensual and enjoying healthy levels of trust between voters and elites when compared with the rest of the UK. Recent events, like the decision of Welsh voters to reject membership of the EU against the advice of most of its political establishment, are however calling into question this perception. Using the 2016 Welsh Candidate Study and 2016 Welsh Election Study data, this article evaluates the extent of policy divisions between voters and candidates in Wales. I find that candidates hold more liberal policy positions and are less likely than voters to think of immigration as the most important policy priority. [R, abr.]
68.5073 UDANI, Adriano; KIMBALL, David C. —
Public beliefs about the frequency of voter fraud are frequently cited to support restrictive voting laws in the US. However, some sources of public beliefs about voter fraud have received little attention. We identify two conditions that combine to make anti-immigrant attitudes a strong predictor of voter fraud beliefs. First, the recent growth and dispersion of the immigrant population makes immigration a salient consideration for many Americans. Second, an immigrant threat narrative in political discourse linking immigration to crime and political dysfunction has been extended to the voting domain. Using new data from a survey module in the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study and the 2012 American National Election Study, we show that immigrant resentment is strongly associated with voter fraud beliefs. Widespread hostility toward immigrants helps nourish public beliefs about voter fraud and support for voting restrictions in the US. [R, abr.]
68.5074 URFALINO, Philippe —
My primary concern here is deliberating bodies, that is groups organized for the purpose of making decisions. But given that deliberating bodies are a species of the genus “collective entity”, my observation and arguments will apply at same points to the entire set of collective entities, at others to deliberating bodies only. In section I, I test the robustness of Bentham's nominalist conception of political assemblies. Section II presents deliberating body identity criteria. In section III I demonstrate that deliberating bodies are a specific type of organization. Section IV discusses what conditions are required in order for a collective entity to be a collective agent. In section V, I define the “mode of existence” of such collective agents. Section VI identifies the constitutive nature of the deliberating body's ends or goals. [R]
68.5075 VALDINI, Melody E.; LEWIS BECK, Michael S. —
The impact of institutions on the economic vote stands as a well established proposition for the advanced democracies of Europe. We know less, however, regarding the institutional effects on the economic vote in the developing democracies of Latin America. Carrying out an analysis of presidential elections in 18 Latin American countries, we offer evidence that the usual Eurocentric conceptualization of the clarity of responsibility is not ideal for understanding the economic vote in this region. There does exist a powerful effect of institutions on the economic vote within Latin American democracies, but one uniquely associated with its presidential regimes and dynamic party systems. Rules for these elections — such as concurrence, term limits, and second round voting — suggest that we should reconceptualize the notion of the clarity of responsibility in Latin America, focusing more on individuals in power and their constraints, and less on the political parties from which they hail. [R]
68.5076 VALENZUELA, Sebastián; CORREA, Teresa; GIL DE ZÚÑIGA, Homero —
Political Communication 35(1), Jan.-March 2018: 117–134 Based on the theoretical concepts of social networks and technology affordances, this article argues that different social media platforms influence political participation through unique, yet complementary, routes. More specifically, it proposes that Facebook and Twitter are conducive to protest behavior through two distinct mechanisms: whereas the influence of Facebook use is more effective through communication with strong-tie networks, the impact of Twitter use is more effective through communication with weak-tie networks. To test these expectations, we analyze data from a cross-sectional, face-to-face survey on a representative sample of Chilean youths conducted in 2014. Findings in the study lend empirical support for these hypotheses. Consequently, while different social media (in this case, Facebook and Twitter) are similar in their participatory effects, the paths through which this influence occurs are distinct. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.4632]
68.5077 VAN DER BLES, Anne Marthe, et al. —
In recent years, extreme right-wing and left-wing political parties and actors have gained popularity in many Western countries. What motivates people to vote for extreme-right or left-wing parties? In previous research, we showed that a collectively shared sense of doom and gloom about society can exist among citizens who, individually, experience high well-being. Previous research developed an operationalization of this collective societal discontent as an aspect of Zeitgeist, which can be compared to personal experiences. We investigate whether this Zeitgeist of societal discontent predicts voting for extreme parties. We conducted a field study during the 2015 Dutch provincial elections (N = 407). [R, abr.]
68.5078 VERGE, Tània; PASTOR, Raquel —
The extent to which politics is still a “man's game” is made evident every time a top political office has a female holder for the first time. These incredibly revealing moments may give a new social meaning to women in politics — women's political presence — and women and politics — gendered social constructions about women's capacity to rule. This article explores the types of gendered mediation underpinning the representation of first-ever women serving in historically male-dominated political offices in Spain. It shows that gender media frames are pervasive, which may lead to an effective annihilation of women's symbolic representation. [R]
68.5079 VRIES, Catherine E. de; SOLAZ, Hector —
Democratic elections have been assumed to play a crucial role in curbing corruption among public officials. Voters, due to their general distaste for corruption, are expected to sanction politicians who misuse public office for private gains. Yet, empirical evidence to date is mixed, and it often suggests that the electoral punishment of corruption is rather mild. Recently, political scientists have made great strides in understanding why corruption might be tolerated by voters. In this review, we identify three key stages — information acquisition, blame attribution, and behavioral response — that underlie a retrospective vote based on corruption. A breakdown of one or more of these stages may lead to a lack of electoral punishment of corruption. [R, abr.]
68.5080 WALTER, Barbara F. —
Post-2003 civil wars are different from previous civil wars in three striking ways. First, most of them are situated in Muslim-majority countries. Second, most of the rebel groups fighting these wars espouse radical Islamist ideas and goals. Third, most of these radical groups are pursuing transnational rather than national aims. Current civil war theories can explain some of what is going on, but not everything. I argue that the transformation of information technology, especially the advent of the Web 2.0 in the early 2000s, is the big new innovation that is likely driving many of these changes. I offer a theory to explain why rebel groups, especially those in Muslim countries, have chosen to pursue a particular type of extreme ideology and goals. [R, abr.]
68.5081 WHIGHAM, Stuart; BLACK, Jack —
This article critically examines print media discourses regarding the 2014 Glasgow Commonwealth Games. The forthcoming analysis examines the political symbolism of the Commonwealth Games with regard to the inter-linkages between the British Empire, sport and the global political status of the UK. The article gives specific consideration to the UK's declining global power as well as the interconnections between the 2014 Games and the Scottish independence referendum. M. Hechter's “internal colonialism” thesis [Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536–1966, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975], which portrays Scotland's marginalized status within the UK, is drawn upon to critically explore the political symbolism of sport for Scottish nationalism. Discussion then focuses upon the extent to which the modern Commonwealth is symptomatic of the UK's declining status as a global power. [R, abr.]
68.5082 WIRTZ, Bernd W.; DAISER, Peter; BINKOWSKA, Boris —
Despite the rising scientific and practical relevance of e-participation, the field still suffers from a diffuse, heterogeneous state of knowledge and our understanding of successful e-participation strategies and implementation is very limited. This situation is seen as a key reason why e-participation initiatives in practice often fall short of expectations. Against this background, this study compiles the existing insights from the interdisciplinary scientific literature to deduce a unifying definition and propose an integrated strategic e-participation framework that conceptually combines important strategic and organizational factors as well as environmental drivers of e-participation. [R]
68.5083 WIRTZ, Bernd W.; WEYERER, Jan C.; RÖSCH, Michael —
Given the lack of empirical research investigating citizens' use of open government, this study examines the antecedents of citizens' use of open government data. Based on technology acceptance and motivation theory, this article proposes and empirically tests a research model, applying structural equation modeling to survey data collected from 210 citizens. The findings show that ease of use, usefulness, intrinsic motivation, and internet competence significantly determine citizens' intention to use open government data. Overall, this study contributes to the understanding of citizens' attitudes and behavior in the context of open government and offers implications for research and practice. [R]
68.5084 WONG, Stan Hok-Wui; MA Ngok; LAM Wai-man —
Migration to electoral autocracies has become increasingly common. Extant studies, however, accord little attention to the immigrants' influences on the domestic politics of these regimes. We argue that immigrants have attributes (status quo bias and lack of prior exposure to local politics) that make them an attractive co-optation target of the authoritarian regime. We provide a case study of mainland Chinese immigrants in Hong Kong to illustrate our argument. Since the sovereignty transfer, the Hong Kong government has devised various schemes to attract these immigrants, while pro-establishment political parties and groups have actively sought to co-opt them. Using two distinct public opinion surveys, we also find that immigrants are more likely to approve of the political and economic status quo, and less likely to vote for pro-democracy opposition parties than the natives. [R, abr.]
68.5085 YEO, Andrew I. —
Drawing on insights from IR and social movement theories, I explore anti-base protests on Jeju Island and the ensuing politics of peace. I find that the clash between activists and policymakers is fundamentally tied to different views regarding the legitimacy of state actions on security policy and whether actors see states or people as the primary object of security. These real-world differences are mirrored in realist and critical perspectives of international politics. Policymakers tend to view the naval base as a means of protecting national interests and enhancing maritime security. Meanwhile, anti-base activists seek emancipation from an illegitimate state project uprooting a peaceful community. However, the perpetuation of a powerful realist discursive structure within the South Korean security and foreign policy establishment presents significant hurdles for anti-base movements in advancing their cause. [R, abr.]
68.5086 ZARIFIAN, Julian —
In the first part of his professional and political career, Barack Obama was not particularly close to the US Armenian community. It is only after being elected Senator of Illinois and even more during the 2007–2008 presidential campaign that Obama and Armenian-Americans undertook a spectacular rapprochement and that Obama started to be viewed as a major supporter of the Armenians. However, once elected, he did not respect his promises to the Armenians. On the contrary, he opted for a line rather similar to that of his predecessors and favored Turkey and its allies, the Armenia lobby's opponent. This article [examines] why and how the relations between the Armenian-Americans and Obama evolved in such a drastic way. [R, abr.]
68.5087
Articles by Barbara HOLLAND-CUNZ; Rosalind GILL; Ilse LENZ; Imke SCHMINCKE; Thomas GESTERKAMP; Susanne MAURER.
68.5088
Articles by Judith GRANT, “A Left feminist comment on supporting Hillary Clinton”, pp. 106–111; Lilly J. GOREN, “Authenticity and emotion: Hillary Rodham Clinton's dual constraints”, pp. 111–115; Meredith CONROY, “Strength, stamina, and sexism in the 2016 presidential race”, pp. 116–121; Jocelyn M. BORYCZKA, “WANTED: Hillary Clinton, Suspect Citizen”, pp. 121–127; Elisabeth R. ANKER, “I feel your pain: a reckoning”, pp. 127–131.
68.5089
Introduction by Stephen COLEMAN, pp. 117–121. Articles by W. Lance BENNETT and Steven LIVINGSTON, “The disinformation order: Disruptive communication and the decline of democratic institutions”, pp. 122–139; Barbie ZELIZER, “Resetting journalism in the aftermath of Brexit and Trump”, pp. 140–156; S. COLEMAN, “The elusiveness of political truth: From the conceit of objectivity to intersubjective judgement”, pp. 157–171; Limor SHIFMAN, “Testimonial rallies and the construction of memetic authenticity”, pp. 172–184; Marianna PATRONA, “Mediated conversation and political propaganda: A discourse analysis of news practices on Greek prime-time news”, pp. 185–199; R. BAILEY, “When journalism and satire merge: The implications for impartiality, engagement and ‘post-truth’ politics — A UK perspective on the serious side of US TV comedy”, pp. 200–213; Jason HANNAN, “Trolling ourselves to death? Social media and post-truth politics”, pp. 214–226.
68.5090
Articles by Zachary LEVENSON, “Articulating Trumpism”, pp. 8–15; David SHOWALTER, “Donald Trump and the political aesthetics of reality television”, pp. 16–25; Hannah DICK, “Not without precedent: populist white evangelical support for Trump”, pp. 26–31; Priya Rajalakshmi CHANDRASEKARAN, “Unsetting ‘Indian American Hindus’ and model minority projects in Trump-era ‘America’”, pp. 32–43; Stacy TORRES, “First-generation college students as post-election go-betweens”, pp. 44–47; Shelly STEWARD, “Teaching in a Trump country: the political potential of introductory sociology”, pp. 48–55.