Abstract
72.2981 AASKOVEN, Lasse ; NYRUP, Jacob —
Scholars of autocracies increasingly debate whether autocratic regimes promote their subordinates based on achievements, such as economic performance, and further a meritocratic system. This article argues that the extent to which autocratic regimes reward economic performance is not constant over the course of an autocratic regime’s lifespan but varies depending on the strategic goals of the regime and the regime’s ability to monitor its subordinates’ performance. We collect a new dataset on the careers of the regional leaders of the German Nazi Party, the Gauleiters, from 1936 to 1944, and a wealth of historical data sources from the regime. Using this, we show that better regional economic performance increased the chance of receiving a promotion before the outbreak of World War II but not after. [R]
72.2982 ACHARYA, Avidit ; BANSAK, Kirk ; HAINMUELLER, Jens —
We introduce a constrained priority mechanism that combines outcomebased matching from machine learning with preference-based allocation schemes common in market design. Using real-world data, we illustrate how our mechanism could be applied to the assignment of refugee families to host country locations, and kindergarteners to schools. Our mechanism allows a planner to first specify a threshold g for the minimum acceptable average outcome score that should be achieved by the assignment. In the refugee matching context, this score corresponds to the probability of employment, whereas in the student assignment context, it corresponds to standardized test scores. The mechanism is a priority mechanism that considers both outcomes and preferences by assigning agents (refugee families and students) based on their preferences, but subject to meeting the planner’s specified threshold. [R, abr.]
72.2983 AHLSTROM-VIJ, Kristoffer —
Asking people about the preferences of people in their social circles tends to yield more accurate estimates of population preference distributions than does asking each respondent about their own preference. This is likely because the former approach taps into people’s knowledge about others and thereby generates an implicit super sample that includes nonsampled members of participants’ social circles. The paper uses a set of simulation studies to argue that the superiority of social-circle surveys can be expected to be robust in the face of respondent selection issues (e.g., non-response and coverage bias), people being highly fallible about other people’s preferences (egocentric bias), and people largely surrounding themselves with those who share their preferences (homophily). Second, it reports on a survey experiment offering preliminary evidence that egocentric bias in particular can be reduced significantly through a simple survey prompt. [R, abr.]
72.2984 ALEXIADOU, Despina ; SPANIEL, William ; GUNAYDIN, Hakan —
How do prime ministers manage investors’ expectations during financial crises? We take a novel approach to this question by investigating ministerial appointments. When prime ministers appoint technocrats, defined as non-partisan experts, they forgo political benefits and can credibly signal their willingness to pay down their debt obligations. This reduces bond yields, but only at times when the market is sensitive to expected repayments — that is, during crises. To examine the theory, we develop an event study analysis that employs new data on the background of finance ministers in 21 Western and Eastern European democracies. We find that investors reward technocratic appointments by reducing a country’s borrowing costs. Consistent with the theory, technocratic appointments under crises predict lower bond yields. Our findings contribute to the literature on the interplay of financial markets and domestic politics. [R]
72.2985 ALÌ, Nunzio —
Although equality of opportunity is a fundamental idea of the egalitarian project, there is a continuing controversy about the effective distributive implications of the notion. This paper focuses on this controversy, and maintains that when equality of opportunity is correctly understood, it entails strong distributive implications. In this way, this paper intends to reject the notion that equality of opportunity is associated with a non-institutional idea of meritocracy: an idea which is often used as an ideological tool to make unacceptable inequalities seem acceptable. This paper defends the argument that only an ‘institution-dependent’ conception of equality of opportunity, such as Rawls’ fair equality opportunity, is the most adequate interpretation for a liberal democratic society. Nonetheless, it does not mean that individual merit has no place in liberal democratic societies. [R, abr.]
72.2986 ALVAREZ, R. Michael ; HEUBERGER, Simon —
In recent years, scholars, journals, and professional organizations in political science have been working to improve research transparency. Although better transparency is a laudable goal, the implementation of standards for reproducibility still leaves much to be desired. This article identifies two practices that political science should adopt to improve research transparency: (1) journals must provide detailed replication guidance and run provided material; and (2) authors must begin their work with replication in mind. We focus on problems that occur when scholars provide research materials to journals for replication, and we outline best practices regarding documentation and code structure for researchers to use. [R]
72.2987 AMSALEM, Eran ; ZOIZNER, Alon —
In the past three decades, scholars have frequently used the concept of framing effects to assess the competence of citizens’ political judgments and how susceptible they are to elite influence. Yet prior framing studies have reached mixed conclusions, and few have provided systematic cumulative evidence. This study evaluates the overall efficacy of different types of framing effects in the political domain by systematically metaanalyzing this large and diverse literature. A combined analysis of 138 experiments reveals that when examined across contexts, framing exerts medium-sized effects on citizens’ political attitudes and emotions. However, framing effects on behavior are negligible, and small effects are also found in more realistic studies employing frame competition. These findings suggest that although elites can influence citizens by framing issues, their capacity to do so is constrained. [R, abr.]
72.2988 ANDERSEN, David ; DOUCETTE, Jonathan —
This letter is the first to systematically scrutinize the multifaceted claim that a strong state promotes democratic development. It analyzes new Varieties of Democracy data from 1789 to 2015 to specify and examine eight different versions of this ‘state-first’ argument in analyses that span the entire era of modern democracy. The authors document that high levels of bureaucratic quality at the time of the first democratic transition and during democratic spells are positively associated with democratic survival and deepening. By contrast, state capacity has no robust effects on democratic survival or deepening and does not condition the impact of bureaucratic quality. These findings underline the importance of particular features of a strong state as well as the importance of a disaggregated approach. [R, abr.]
72.2989 ANDERSSON, Per F. —
Recent research claims that the link between partisanship and policy is weak and that left-wing governments tax the poor surprisingly heavily. In this article, I argue that left-wing taxation depends on the institutional context, not constraints from unions or overall spending. Using novel data, I demonstrate that the left tax more regressively in countries using proportional electoral systems, and more progressively in majoritarian countries. The political mechanism is evaluated in a comparison of Swedish and British tax policy after WWII. Uncertainty over future influence made the left in Britain wary of consumption tax, while the left in Sweden combined consumption tax with expanded social programs. [R, abr.]
72.2990 ARENA, Valentina —
This essay aims at identifying a tradition of lawgivers in the political culture of the late Republic. It focuses on the antiquarian tradition of the second half of the first century BC, which, it argues, should be considered part of the wider quest for legal normativism that takes place towards the end of the Republic. By reconstructing the intellectual debates on the nature of the consulship, which at the time was carried out through the means of etymological research, this essay shows that, when set within its proper philosophical framework, ancient etymological studies acted as a search for philosophical truth and, in the case of Varro, identify the early kings as the first Roman lawgivers. In turn, the language of political institutions and its etymologies, conceived along philosophical lines, could become a weapon in the constitutional battles of the late Republic. [R]
72.2991 ASHWORTH, Lucian M. —
Before 1914 scholars of international thought frequently relied on racist arguments, yet the ways that race was used varied widely from author to author. This article charts the way that race was used by two groups of Anglophone writers. The warriors used biological arguments to construct views of international affairs that relied on racist analysis. Pacifists might have used racist language that relied more on cultural prejudices, and would often base their more progressive views of international affairs on the idea of a civilizing mission. Using A. T. Mahan and Brooks Adams as exemplars of the warrior approach, and Norman Angell and H. N. Brailsford for the pacifists, I argue that race and racism play an important part in international thought before the First World War. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.3984]
72.2992 AVELINO, Flor —
This paper proposes a meta-theoretical framework for studying power in processes of change and innovation. Power is one of the most contested concepts in social and political theory. This paper discusses seven prevailing points of contestation: Power over versus power to, centred versus diffused, consensual versus conflictual, constraining versus enabling, quantity versus quality, empowerment versus disempowerment and power in relation to knowledge. The paper reviews how different scholars have dealt with abovementioned points of contestation and identifies how different theories of power can be translated into specific empirical questions to systematically explore power in processes of social change and innovation. [R]
72.2993 BACHMANN, Klaus, et al. —
In recent years and decades, authoritarian regimes and illiberal democracies have passed and enforced punitive memory laws, intending to ban certain interpretations of past events or sheltering official versions of history against challenges. Why do liberal democracies, committed to political pluralism and open debate, pass laws that penalize challenges to certain interpretations of the past and restrict freedom of speech? This article argues that liberal democracies may do so yielding to bottom-up pressure by courts and to regulate civil law disputes for which existing legislation and jurisprudence may not suffice. Based on case studies from Germany, France, Switzerland, Poland, Ukraine, Russia, Turkey, Rwanda, and the former Yugoslavia, we also found punitive memory laws in liberal democracies narrower and more precise than in nonliberal states. [R, abr.]
72.2994 BANDELOW, Nils C. ; HORNUNG, Johanna —
This article draws on the Programmatic Action Framework (PAF) to tackle the question of how the dominance and decline of a specific policy programme in a policy sector can be explained. It starts from the observation that visionary policy programmes, defined as a set of policy goals and instruments that find their expression in subsequently adopted and interconnected policy reforms, may shape a sector’s policies over several decades. Linking policy programmes to programmatic groups that promote these programmes in search of boosting their careers and authority, the programme’s rising and declining dominance can be explained by the career trajectories of programmatic actors. By displaying empirical evidence for the argument from German health policy, the article shows that proponents of today’s change are opponents of tomorrow’s change since individual careers depend on the dominance of policy programmes. [R]
72.2995 BANTEKAS, Ilias —
A state should be deemed to be enjoying fiscal sovereignty where it is effectively empowered, without pressure or coercion, to make all policy decisions required to run the state machinery and satisfy the fundamental needs of its people (at the very least), both individual and collective. A state’s effective policy and decision-making power is effectively curtailed where: (1) it has been substituted in these functions by a third state or an organ of that state; (2) it is prevented from taking a particular action, such as unilateral default; (3) it is forced to violate fundamental domestic laws, including its constitution or the result of a referendum; or (4) external pressure is exerted against its government and institutions, with the aim of creating volatility and uncertainty concerning its finances so it succumbs to such pressure. [R]
72.2996 BARKER, David C. ; MARIETTA, Morgan —
A substantial body of scholarship highlights the role of core values as elements of liberalism-conservatism. However, researchers have yet to fully appreciate the contribution of premises, or abstract descriptive beliefs. This disjuncture has occurred despite the fact that for centuries, philosophers have used premises about human nature and society to ground their religious, political and economic theories. In the observational and experimental studies described in this article, the authors examine the extent to which such premise disputes stand independently from value conflicts as ideological ingredients. The findings suggest that premises are distinct and meaningful elements of political cognition, analogous in importance to several well-worn values. [R]
72.2997 BARTELS, Myrthe L. —
This contribution analyses the ancient Greek notion of eunomia in the philosophical prose literature of the fourth century BC. While the term eunomia is often translated as ‘good government’ or ‘good order’, such vague translations fail to capture the specifics of eunomia, and thus part of the philosophical debate about constitutions is lost. Closer inspection reveals that within the fourth-century constitutional debate, eunomia entails two distinct aspects: the excellence of the laws and their durability. These two aspects are predicated of various constitutions: the mixed constitution, of which Sparta and Crete are primary examples in the fourth century; the Athenian democracy as a paradigm of law-abidingness; and philosophical constitutions aiming at virtue. It is a hallmark of the last that such law codes start from marriage and childbirth and follow the course of human life. [R]
72.2998 BAUMGARTNER, Frank R., et al. —
During the 1980s and 1990s, US policymakers adopted draconian criminal justice policies including widespread use of extremely long sentences, including life without parole. The country is now coming to face the consequences of these policies: a new class of geriatric prisoners posing little threat to public safety as they age into their seventies and beyond. Using a perspective drawn from bounded rationality, framing, and agenda-setting, we recount how policymakers adopted these policies, with key blind spots relating to obvious consequences of these harsh laws. We show how political leaders can over-respond to a perceived public policy crisis, particularly when powerful frames of race, fear, and dehumanization come to dominate the public discourse. [R, abr.]
72.2999 BECKMAN, Ludvig —
This paper investigates the relationship between the idea of popular sovereignty and the conditions for legal validity and argue that the latter imposes definitive limits to the former. Popular sovereignty has been defined as the condition when the will of the people is the “supreme authority in the state”. Following this conception, there is no authority above the people — [thus] the authority of the people is above the constitution. Legal validity, though admittedly still debated, is here understood along Hart’s “rule of recognition”, according to which the validity of norms ultimately depends on the social practices of public officials. Though presumably uncontroversial that democratic peoples are entitled to remake the constitution, the powers of the people with respect to the substance of the law are nevertheless limited with respect to decisions of legal validity. [R, abr.]
72.3000 BENTKOWSKA, Katarzyna —
This paper explains how informal institutions influence the reaction to the COVID-19 pandemic and the response to formal restrictions. I claim that it is not enough to introduce countermeasures, as individuals must follow them if they are to be effective. The acceptance of such measures is reflected in individuals’ degrees of mobility decrease and contact reduction, the aims of governmental restrictions. I identify a group of attitudes connected with individuals’ responses that differ across countries. They are associated with social relations and approaches to dealing with problems. The analysis confirms that formal restrictions can be seen as successful only if they are supported by strong informal institutions. In some cases, they even define individuals’ reactions more than formal recommendations. [R, abr.]
72.3001 BLAU, Adrian —
Central to much critical theory is the critique of instrumental rationality (roughly, the ability to pick good means to ends). This critique is overstated, I suggest. Critical theorists often depict instrumental rationality too narrowly, and many criticize the wrong target, for example, attacking capitalist instrumental rationality when the fundamental problem is capitalism, not instrumental rationality. Nonetheless, critical theorists’ critique requires certain changes to orthodox accounts of instrumental rationality. I offer a more palatable definition, highlight instrumental rationality’s essential contestability, and show that it can actually help us pick ends. Everyone needs instrumental rationality, especially Habermasian critical theorists. And far from instrumental rationality being amoral, I argue that because instrumental rationality almost always involves multiple ends, one end may prohibit immoral means, acting as a side-constraint. [R, abr.]
72.3002 BLUM, Johannes —
I investigate how the third wave of democracy influenced national defense spending by reference to a panel of 110 countries over the 1972-2013 period. I apply new data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute on military expenditures, which has been extended to years prior to 1988, and four democracy measures to address differences among indices of democracy. The results from a dynamic panel data model suggest that democracy’s third wave reduced defense spending relative to GDP by about 10% within countries that experienced democratization. I exploit the regional diffusion of democracy in the context of the third wave of democratization as an instrumental variable (IV) for democracy in order to overcome endogeneity problems. The IV estimates indicate that democracy reduced national defense spending relative to GDP by about 20% within countries that experienced democratization. [R, abr.]
72.3003 BOJAR, Abel, et al. —
During the Great Recession, governments across the continent implemented austerity policies. A large literature claims that such policies are surprisingly popular and have few electoral costs. This article revisits this question by studying the popularity of governments during the economic crisis. The authors assemble a pooled time-series data-set for monthly support for ruling parties from fifteen European countries and treat austerity packages as intervention variables to the underlying popularity series. Using time-series analysis, this permits the careful tracking of the impact of austerity packages over time. The main empirical contributions are twofold. First, the study shows that, on average, austerity packages hurt incumbent parties in opinion polls. Secondly, it demonstrates that the magnitude of this electoral punishment is contingent on the economic and political context. [R, abr.]
72.3004 BONE, John ; CROSETTO, Paolo ; PASCA, Carmen —
This paper reports on an experimental test of the acceptability of the Principle of Accountability. This is a principle of social justice, and states, “individuals should be rewarded for factors under their control […], but not for factors outside their control” (Cappelen and Tungodden (2009)). We specifically ask for acceptability of the principle underlying it, rather than for particular rewards in particular instances. We carry out the test with both an Internal and an External Dictator, conducting a laboratory experiment with a total of 240 subjects. We find that there is broad, but not overwhelming support for the Principle. When the Principle is internally inconsistent no clear preference emerges, which is not surprising. [R]
72.3005 BOR, Alexander ; PETERSEN, Michael Bang —
Why are online discussions about politics more hostile than offline discussions? A popular answer argues that human psychology is tailored for face-to-face interaction and people’s behavior therefore changes for the worse in impersonal online discussions. We provide a theoretical formalization and empirical test of this explanation: the mismatch hypothesis. We argue that mismatches between human psychology and novel features of online environments could (1) change people’s behavior, (2) create adverse selection effects, and (3) bias people’s perceptions. Across eight studies, leveraging cross-national surveys and behavioral experiments (total N = 8,434), we test the mismatch hypothesis but only find evidence for limited selection effects. Instead, hostile political discussions are the result of status-driven individuals who are drawn to politics and are equally hostile both online and offline. [R, abr.]
72.3006 BRITT, Lucy ; WILLIAMS, Ryan J. —
In US government courses, simulations have been shown to increase students’ engagement and knowledge retention. We present an original simulation that focuses on both the interactions between political institutions that contribute to policy making and the normative ideas underlying politics. By exploring a civil rights or liberties policy area, students learn about the importance of both political institutions and foundational political ideas such as liberty and equality. Students role-play members of Congress, lobbyists for a pro- or anti-natural gas pipeline group, and Supreme Court justices. Although the goal of simulations in many US government courses is to teach students about the ways that institutions shape policy, this is the first (to our knowledge) that also integrates normative reflection on the ideas behind political arguments. [R, abr.]
72.3007 BROWN, A. J. ; DEEM, Jacob ; KINCAID, John —
This study presents a measure of federal constitutional values as a dimension of federal political culture derived from four key features of federal systems. Tested in six federal and two non-federal countries, we find the measure is stable and taps enduring values, including confirmation that citizens who support devolutionary reform have stronger federal constitutional values. Defining federalism success as a system where citizens have strong federal constitutional values and high satisfaction with their current polycentric system, our results find Switzerland and Canada being the most viable, followed by the United States, Australia, and Germany, while Belgium is not very successful. In the non-federal countries, substantial support for devolution and possibly federalism is found in France, but devolution is more contested in the UK. [R, abr.]
72.3008 BURELLI, Carlo —
I unpack a realistic conception of politics by tightly defining its constitutive features: conflict and order. A conflict emerges when an actor is disposed to impose his/her views against the resistance of others. Conflicts are more problematic than moralists realize because they emerge unilaterally, are potentially violent, impermeable to content-based reason, and unavoidable. Order is then defined as an institutional framework that provides binding collective decisions. Order is deemed necessary because individuals need to cooperate to survive, but groups cannot spontaneously secure collective decisions and are prone to conflicts. I conclude that mischaracterizing conflict and order leads to undesirable normative principles, and that this criticism can be leveraged not only against Rawlsian liberals who moralize conflicts away, but also against some agonists who underestimate the need for order and some communitarians who underplay both circumstances. [R, abr.]
72.3009 CARLIN, Ryan E., et al. —
Constitutions empower people to ask judges for binding orders directing state agents to remedy rights violations, but state agents do not always comply. Scholars propose that by making it easier to observe noncompliance, courts can leverage public pressure for compliance when it exists. Yet, exposure to information about noncompliance might lead individuals to accept high levels of noncompliance and reduce support for judicial remedies. We estimate the rate of noncompliance with judges’ orders via a rigorous tracking study of the Colombian tutela. We then embed this rate in three survey experiments fielded with online national quota samples. We show that people find the noncompliance rate in the tutela highly unacceptable regardless of a variety of mitigating factors. [R, abr.]
72.3010 CASTALDO, Antonino —
Since the 1990s, the literature on External Democracy Promotion (EDP) expanded exponentially. Despite widely supported conclusions on EDP (in)effectiveness in fostering democratization and preventing democratic backsliding are still lacking, the literature has generated sophisticated explanations of these processes. Among them, Levitsky and Way’s (L&W’s) linkage and leverage theory stands out as one of the most influential. According to Tolstrup, however, their underestimation of domestic agency constitutes a crucial lacuna, which he proposes to fill through the concept of “Gatekeeping Elite” that underlines a significant impact of local actors on the linkage dimension and, consequently, on EDP (in)effectiveness. I believe that Tolstrup’s intuition can be further developed, expanding even more the explanatory power of L&W’s theory. I claim that domestic actors may exert a crucial influence also on the leverage dimension. [R, abr.]
72.3011 CASTELLS, Manuel —
Power relations are the source of social organization and institutions. This has been observed and theorized by the author in relation to various realms of social life, such as the formation of spatial structures and the networking of human activities around digital communication networks. [R]
72.3012 CEDERMAN, Lars-Erik ; RÜEGGER, Seraina ; SCHVITZ, Guy —
Are past border changes responsible for today’s civil wars? Departing from conventional, state-centric research designs, this article examines this question by focusing on “aggregate” ethnic groups, which are defined independently of state borders. Introducing a new index of “territorial fractionalization” that measures how fragmented such groups are across states, we postulate that higher fragmentation is linked to a greater risk of civil conflict. Furthermore, we expect that groups that experienced increases in fragmentation are particularly violence prone, as illustrated by postimperial revisionism and other cases of irredentism and secession. To test our arguments, we combine geocoded data on ethnic settlement areas with our own newly collected data on international borders since 1886, complemented by mediation analysis based on ethnonationalist claims. [R, abr.]
72.3013 CELLINI, Marco —
This article assesses whether a gender gap in political science, identified in the international literature, also is present in the context of Italian political science. The literature has mostly centered on the comparison of female publication rates in international journals with the academic workforce in the US, but this raises an issue of data comparability. As an alternative strategy to avoid comparability biases, this study focuses on the analysis of a single national case: Italy. The article evaluates to what extent the “glass-ceiling” effect persists for political scientists who intend to publish their contributions. [I] analyze data on articles published between 2015 and 2020 by the three major Italian political science journals. [R, abr.]
72.3014 CHARNYSH, Volha ; PEISAKHIN, Leonid —
This article evaluates the role of community bonds in the long-term transmission of political values. At the end of World War II, Poland’s borders shifted westward, and the population from the historical region of Galicia (now partly in Ukraine) was displaced to the territory that Poland acquired from Germany. In a quasi-random process, some migrants settled in their new villages as a majority group, preserving communal ties, while others ended up in the minority. The study leverages this natural experiment of history by surveying the descendants of these Galician migrants. The research design provides an important empirical test of the theorized effect of communities on long-term value transmission, which separates the influence of family and community as two competing and complementary mechanisms. [R, abr.]
72.3015 CHEN Ruey-Lin —
What is a biological individual and how do we identify such? The problem of biological individuality recently become a hot issue in the philosophy of biology in Europe and north America. Philosophers of biology propose many theories, views, definitions, or criteria for “biological individuality”, and this views or criteria imply different conceptions such as “revolutionary individuality” and “ physiological individuality”. To resolve the predicament, some philosophers attempt to erect unified framework, while others accept pluralism. This paper discusses current plural criteria and conceptions and argues for the inevitability of pluralism. However, instead of falling into relativism or adopting pragmatism, the paper argues that we can justify an objective pluralism on the basic of practical individuation. [R]
72.3016 CHIEN, Herlin —
One environmental solution proposed by scholars since the 1980s is to manage our common natural resources adaptively with emphasis on feedback, the inclusion of multiple stakeholders and the flexibility to change accordingly. By focusing the analysis on the understudied topic of urban river systems in adaptive governance, a systematic literature review and a scenario-building exercise were conducted. Whereas the bibliometric analysis aims to improve our collective knowledge on many aspects of the adaptive management in urban stream governance, the urban commoning scenario-building exercise is to simulate alternatives beyond conventional top-down management approaches and to explore different opportunities of engaging multiple stakeholders throughout the adaptive management cycle. [R, abr.]
72.3017 CHRISTOFFERSEN, Ashlee —
The recent intensification of both intersecting inequalities and demands for change calls for an intersectional approach which can account for the complexity of factors and processes structuring social relations, risk and outcomes. Yet intersectionality is thought to be a challenging theory to apply, and represents a puzzle to policymakers and practitioners navigating policy area and equality strand silos. Based on the first empirical study internationally to explore how both practitioners and policymakers themselves understand how to operationalise ‘intersectionality’, this article establishes different ways in which the theory of intersectionality is applied in practice. ‘Intersectionality’ is understood and used in five contradicting ways in UK equality organising and policy, an integral insight because some of these advance intersectional justice while others serve to further entrench inequalities. [R, abr.]
72.3018 CHU Joon-Beom —
This research applies Foucault’s framework of Parrhesia or “truth-telling” to analyze the twelve Republican Party’s Presidential debates in 2015-2016, culminating in the nomination of Donald Trump as the party’s Presidential candidate. Using discourse and conversation analytical methods, it explores how the three main debate competitors constructed three different narratives of truth: Donald Trump’s “parrhesiastic truth;” Marco Rubio’s “orthodox truth;” and Ted Cruz’s “ironic truth” produced by combining features of the former two. Key findings of this research are that different narratives of truth compete during political elections, and that their public resonance, or lack thereof, is historically contingent, based on shifting public attitudes towards institutional power. [R, abr.]
72.3019 COOLEY, Alexander ; NEXON, Daniel H. —
Authoritarian forces have been on the rise for years: nationally in the form of right-wing parties, internationally through the emergence of China and Russia. According to political scientists Alexander Cooley and Daniel H. Nexon, this is no longer just a threat to individual democracies, but is increasingly calling into question the liberal world order as a whole. For it is precisely the constitutive openness of liberal institutions that offers illiberals a welcome gateway. If democratic forces want to counter this, they must therefore take sides more strongly — and must not shy away from measures that are not very liberal at their core. [R, trad.]
72.3020 COTOMAN, Violeta, et al. —
The COVID-19 pandemic has had a global effect on higher education. Overnight, entire degree programs had to be moved online. One opportunity is collaborative online international learning (COIL) that enables students from universities in different countries to work on a common project. This article argues that working together collaboratively online not only mitigates the pandemic’s physical restrictions and sustains a global space of learning; it also provides for a particular active and affective learning in an intercultural virtual environment that substantiates classroom experiences even in post-pandemic higher education. To support this argument, this article reflects on the experiences of a British-Japanese COIL project that investigated political responses to COVID-19. [R, abr.]
72.3021 DAL BÓ, Ernesto ; HERNÁNDEZ-LAGOS, Pablo ; MAZZUCA, Sebastián —
The production of economic surplus, or “prosperity,” was fundamental to financing the rise of pristine civilizations. Yet, prosperity attracts predation, which discourages the investments required for civilization. To the extent that the economic footing of civilization creates existential security threats, civilization is paradoxical. We claim that, in addition to surplus production, civilizations require surplus protection, or “security.” Drawing from archaeology and history, we model the trade-offs facing a society on its path to civilization. We emphasize preinstitutional forces, especially the geographical environment, that shape growth and defense capabilities and derive the conditions under which these capabilities help escape the civilizational paradox. We provide qualitative illustration of the model by analyzing the rise of the first two civilizations, Sumer and Egypt. [R]
72.3022 DAOUST, Jean-François, et al. —
The extent to which citizens comply with newly enacted public health measures such as social distancing or lockdowns strongly affects the propagation of the virus and the number of deaths from COVID-19. It is however very difficult to identify non-compliance through survey research because claiming to follow the rules is socially desirable. Using three survey experiments, we examine the efficacy of different ‘face-saving’ questions that aim to reduce social desirability in the measurement of compliance with public health measures. Our treatments soften the social norm of compliance by way of a short preamble in combination with a guiltyfree answer choice making it easier for respondents to admit non-compliance. We find that self-reported non-compliance increases by up to 11 percentage points when making use of a face-saving question. [R, abr.]
72.3023 DE LA CUESTA, Brandon ; EGAMI, Naoki ; IMAI, Kosuke —
Conjoint analysis has become popular among social scientists for measuring multidimensional preferences. When analyzing such experiments, researchers often focus on the average marginal component effect (AMCE), which represents the causal effect of a single profile attribute while averaging over the remaining attributes. What has been overlooked, however, is the fact that the AMCE critically relies upon the distribution of the other attributes used for the averaging. [R, abr.]
72.3024 DeSCIOLI, Peter ; PINKER, Steven —
Academic writing is notoriously difficult to read. Can political science do better? To assess the state of prose in political science, we examined a recent issue of the American Political Science Review. We evaluated the articles according to the basic principles of style endorsed by writing experts. We find that the writing suffers most from heavy noun phrases in forms such as noun noun noun and adjective adjective noun noun. Further, we describe five contributors that swell noun phrases: piled modifiers, needless words, nebulous nouns, missing prepositions, and buried verbs. We document more than a thousand examples and demonstrate how to revise each one with principles of style. We also draw on research in cognitive science to explain why these constructions confuse, mislead, and distract readers. [R]
72.3025 DIGESER, P. E. —
What functions does “collaboration” play in our moral and political practices and how did it come to play those roles? We use the term “collaboration” to identify a valued partnership, but it also names a morally compromised association and functions as a reason for blaming and punishing complicitous behavior. However, it has also played nefarious political roles: shoring up patriarchy, legitimizing ethnic cleansing, and bolstering a myth of national unity. “Collaboration” plays various roles because it is both ambiguous and vague. It is ambiguous in that there are multiple conceptions of collaboration, and it is vague because it contains borderline cases that are difficult, even impossible, to resolve. An exploration of “collaboration” combined with the history of its coming of age shows why its study is so vexing and how it functions in unexpected and disturbing ways. [R]
72.3026 DONNO, Daniela ; FOX, Sara ; KAASIK, Joshua —
Democracy and women’s rights are integrally “bundled” by the international community. This means that dictatorships can signal adherence to international norms by demonstrating progress on gender equality, often in a manner that is consistent with the perpetuation of authoritarian rule. Using a new dataset of de jure advances in women’s rights, we show that dictatorships have vigorously enacted gender-related legislation, at a rate that surpasses democracies in the developing world. This pattern is shaped by international (Western) pressure: Among autocracies, foreign aid dependence and international nongovernmental organization shaming are associated with legal advances in women’s rights, but not with reforms in other, more politically costly areas related to elections, political competition, and repression. [R, abr.]
72.3027 DRAGU, Tiberiu ; LUPU, Yonatan —
How will advances in digital technology affect the future of human rights and authoritarian rule? Media figures, public intellectuals, and scholars have debated this relationship for decades, with some arguing that new technologies facilitate mobilization against the state and others countering that the same technologies allow authoritarians to strengthen their grip on power. We address this issue by analyzing the first game-theoretic model that accounts for the dual effects of technology within the strategic context of preventive repression. Our game-theoretical analysis suggests that technological developments may not be detrimental to authoritarian control and may, in fact, strengthen authoritarian control by facilitating a wide range of human rights abuses. We show that technological innovation leads to greater levels of abuses to prevent opposition groups from mobilizing and increases the likelihood that authoritarians will succeed in preventing such mobilization. [R, abr.]
72.3028 DREW, Joseph —
Much has been written about the public policy success of measures taken in response to COVID-19 from health, political and economic perspectives. However, considerably less effort has been put into evaluating the coronavirus public policy responses according to moral frameworks. This seems somewhat surprising given that coronavirus responses were principally motivated by moral considerations especially concern for the vulnerable. The main contribution of this study is to show how the inclusion of a specifically moral lens can contribute to new learning and policy refinement. To do so, I employ the natural law principle of subsidiarity which is chiefly concerned about what is required to balance human dignity against the common good — precisely the values most in tension during the pandemic. [R, abr.]
72.3029 DUCH, Raymond M., et al. —
Firms in the USA rely on highly skilled immigrants, particularly in the science and engineering sectors. Yet, the recent politics of immigration marks a substantial change to US immigration policy. We implement a conjoint experiment that isolates the causal effect of nativist, anti-immigrant, pronouncements on where skilled potential-migrants choose to immigrate to. While these policies have a significantly negative effect on the destination choices of Chilean and UK student subjects, they have little effect on the choices of Indian and Chinese student subjects. These results are confirmed through an unobtrusive test of subjects’ general immigration destination preferences. Moreover, there is some evidence that the negative effect of these nativist policies are particularly salient for those who self-identify with the Left. [R]
72.3030 ENGWALL, Lars —
This article asks: (1) What are the characteristics of the governance of foundations? (2) What role do foundations play for corporate governance? (3) What role do foundations play for resource allocation? It provides an analysis of the first centenary (1917−2017) of a major Swedish philanthropic foundation, the Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation. It is concluded that successful foundation governance is characterized by (1) rule compliance, (2) loyalty to the founders, and (3) legitimacy among prospective grantees. Additional conclusions are that the larger, the more concentrated, and the more long-term the asset portfolio, the more significant will be the role a foundation may play in corporate governance, and the more successful asset management and the more careful project selection, the more significant will be the role a foundation may play in resource allocation. [R, abr.]
72.3031 EVERITT, Joanna —
Canadian political science has changed over the past 50 years; however, these changes have come slowly and lag behind larger societal demographic transformations. While early attention to diversity concentrated on the place of women within the discipline, more recent attention focuses on the presence of Black, Indigenous and other political scientists of colour. Accompanying a diversification of personnel has been a broadening of the substantive focus of our research, as well as an expansion in the epistemological and methodological approaches applied to the study of politics. Yet despite these adaptations, the study of political science in Canada remains siloed and often exclusionary, challenging our ability to train the next generation of scholars to be capable of addressing the issues facing a world that is increasingly complex and diverse. [R]
72.3032 FERNANDES, Jorge M. ; DEBUS, Marc ; BÄCK, Hanna —
Legislative debates are a thriving field in comparative politics. They make representation work by offering legislators the opportunity to take the floor and represent their constituents. We review the key theoretical concepts and empirical findings in a maturing field. We address what legislative debates are and why we should study them to learn about inter- and intraparty politics. Next, we look at the contributions springing from Proksch and Slapin’s ground-breaking model. In so doing, our review suggests that recent work extends the original model to include further dimensions of legislative debates. Third, we examine the role of legislative debates as mechanisms of representation, focusing on gender. Four, we examine the challenges of the comparative analysis of legislative debates. [R, abr.]
72.3033 FERNANDES, Orlando ; MORRELL, Kevin ; HERACLEOUS, Loizos —
Extant research has identified numerous causes for multinational enterprises (MNE) tax avoidance and formulated a variety of remedial policy solutions. Yet despite being consistently decried as societally unfair, these contested practices persist. We reveal the conflicting and complementary ideologies and worldviews that reside in the background of MNE tax avoidance policy deliberations. Analysis of primary interviews with accounting and tax regulatory agencies, Members of the UK Parliament, and public hearings with MNE representatives, shows these different groups draw on four different discourses: globalism, idealism, pragmatism and shareholder interest. These exist in what we show to be a kind of precarious truce that allows these contested practices to continue in the face of robust critique. [R, abr.]
72.3034 FORSTER, Elisabeth ; TAYLOR, Isaac —
Dominant normative theories of armed conflict orientate themselves around the ultimate goal of peace. Yet the deployment of these theories in the international sphere appears to have failed in advancing toward this goal. In this paper, we argue that one major reason for this failure is these theories’ use of essentially contested concepts — that is, concepts whose internally complex character results in no principled way of adjudicating between rival interpretations of them. This renders the theories susceptible to manipulation by international actors who are able to pursue bellicose policies under the cover of nominally pacific frameworks, and we show how this happened historically in a case study of the Korean War of 1950-1953. In order to better serve the goals of peace, we suggest, the rules of war should be reframed to simpler, but more restrictive, normative principles. [R]
72.3035 FOSTER, David ; WARREN, Joseph —
Nimbyism is widely thought to arise from an inherent tradeoff between localism and efficiency in government: because many development projects have spatially concentrated costs and diffuse benefits, local residents naturally oppose proposed projects. But why cannot project developers (with large potential profits) compensate local residents? We argue that local regulatory institutions effectively require developers to expend resources that cannot be used to compensate residents. Not being compensated for local costs, residents therefore oppose development. Using a formal model, we show that when these transaction costs are high, voters consistently oppose development regardless of compensation from developers. But when transaction costs are low, developers provide compensation to residents and local support for development increases. [R, abr.]
72.3036 FRANCESCHET, Antonio, et al. —
In many political science journals, fewer than half of the invitations sent to potential reviewers are accepted. These low acceptance rates increase workloads for editors and lengthen the review process for authors. This article reports analyses of reviewer invitation acceptance at the Canadian Journal of Political Science between 2017 and 2020. We first describe predictors of invitation acceptance using a coded dataset of almost 1,500 invitations. We find that reviewers who are personally familiar to editors, located in the same country as the journal, and more junior scholars were more likely to accept invitations. We then report the results of an experiment that tested the effect of three letters on invitation acceptance. [R, abr.]
72.3037 FUKUMOTO, Kentaro —
In pairwise randomized experiments, what if the outcomes of some units are missing? One solution is to delete missing units (the unitwise deletion estimator, UDE). If attrition is nonignorable, however, the UDE is biased. Instead, scholars might employ the pairwise deletion estimator (PDE), which deletes the pairmates of missing units as well. This study proves that the PDE can be biased but more efficient than the UDE and, surprisingly, the conventional variance estimator of the PDE is unbiased in a super-population. I also propose a new variance estimator for the UDE and argue that it is easier to interpret the PDE as a causal effect than the UDE. To conclude, I recommend the PDE rather than the UDE. [R]
72.3038 GALLEGO, Aina, et al. —
Despite recent attention to the economic and political consequences of automation and technological change for workers, we lack data about concerns and policy preferences about this structural change. We present hypotheses about the relationships among automation risk, subjective concerns about technology, and policy preferences. We distinguish between preferences for compensatory policies versus “protectionist” policies to prevent such technological change. Using original survey data from Spain that captures multiple measures of automation risk, we find that most workers believe that the impact of new technologies in the workplace is positive, but there is a concerned minority. Technological concern varies with objective vulnerability, as workers at higher risk of technological displacement are more likely to negatively view technology. [R, abr.]
72.3039 GANI, Jasmine K. —
Ten years on since the Arab uprisings we [can] assess how the nexus between knowledge, discourse and practice had a bearing on the trajectory of the protests. They represented hope and change for millions of Arabs in the region, but to what extent was that the case for onlookers in Europe and the US, and did western discourse on events in the Middle East matter? While the toppling of longstanding dictators was met with jubilation by Arab populations, it conversely created anxiety and fear in many western governments. I study western discourse in the first year of the uprisings, which I then situate within a long durée history of western policy and representation of the Middle East. In the final sections I consider the role of scholarship and think tanks as mediators of Orientalist discourse. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.3984]
72.3040 GAO, Jacque —
This article develops a new theory of how dictators can solve the guardianship dilemma. I study a dynamic game to show that the dictator may build a large army and deal with the guardianship dilemma by resorting to international conflicts. Specifically, when a military revolt is imminent, the dictator can obtain enough resources to buy off the military by attacking and ultimately defeating his international opponent. The framework thus shows that a weakly institutionalized polity may either have a small military or have a large military and be more aggressive on the international stage. [R]
72.3041 GARRITZMANN, Julian L. ; RÖTH, Leonce ; KLEIDER, Hanna —
Most political systems consist of multiple layers. While this fact is widely acknowledged, we know surprisingly little about its implications for policymaking. Most comparative studies still focus exclusively on the national level. We posit that both “methodological nationalism” and “methodological subnationalism” should be avoided. We argue instead that in multilevel systems national and subnational governments jointly affect policymaking. Their respective influence is, however, conditional on the distribution of policy authority. Moreover, we identify power asymmetries, as subnational governments hardly affect policy-making in centralized systems whereas national governments shape subnational policy-making even in decentralized polities. Empirically, we study the case of education policy. [R, abr.]
72.3042 GERVER, Mollie —
This article presents the case for granting permanent residency to those experiencing significant risks throughout the COVID-19 pandemic to increase citizens’ safety. Increasing safety comes in many forms: directly, as when doctors, paramedics, and nurses assist patients, and indirectly, as when farmworkers produce life-sustaining food, garbage collectors protect sanitation, and social workers respond to emergency calls. A range of such workers are owed gratitude-derived duties from citizens that are best fulfilled via permanent residency. I defend this claim first for authorized migrants and then for unauthorized migrants, whose presence citizens would consent to if they were aware of the benefits they provide. Finally, I defend the claim that many frontline workers not owed gratitude are owed duties of justice, acquiring rights similar to those of permanent residency. [R]
72.3043 GETACHEW, Adom —
The questions of what makes a people a people and how they are endowed with political power are central to political founding. Through the Universal Negro Improvement Association’s first annual convention, this essay reconstructs the central role of aesthetic practices to the constitution of a new people. The convention’s spectacular performances were a vehicle through which [US] participants came to understand themselves as constituting the Universal Negro — a transnational and empowered political subject. Founding was tied to the development of “reverential self-regard,” which was a process rather than a singular moment. Central to this process was both the gaze of spectators whose affective responses confirmed the power of the people and the political leader who served as the people’s mirror. [R, abr.]
72.3044 GOENAGA, Agustín —
This article offers the first empirical and cross-national analysis of citizens’ views about the democratic importance of the public sphere. We first identify three normative functions that public spheres are expected to perform in representative democracies: they provide voice to alternative perspectives, they empower citizens to criticize political authorities and they disseminate information on matters of public interest. We then argue that citizens develop differentiated views about the importance of these democratic functions, depending on (1) their ability to influence political decisions through public debate, and (2) the extent to which voice, critique and information address democratic problems they particularly care about. Drawing on Wave 6 of the European Social Survey, the statistical analysis indicates that citizens in most European countries consider the public sphere very important for democracy, especially its role as a supplier of reliable information. [R, abr.]
72.3045 GONZÁLEZ, Lucas ; NAZARENO, Marcelo —
Inequality is unequally distributed across the territory, and national averages obscure this variation. Pockets of very high inequality persist at the subnational level of government, even when national governments implement large-scale redistributive policies. This study investigates which factors at the subnational level may help explaining differences in income inequality across units. The main claim is that in subnational units where local economic elites capture provincial states by occupying relevant positions in their governments have lower taxes on land, spend less in social programs, have more repression of federal labor rights, and, as a consequence, have higher inequality. The study uses a large-N analysis of original panel data for Argentina, presents a comparative study of two cases, and explores some comparative implications in the conclusions. [R]
72.3046 GOUARNE, Isabelle, et al. —
Cette introduction au dossier propose un retour sur l’histoire entremêlée de l’État et de la science économique au XXe siècle. Elle interroge la manière dont l’affirmation de l’État comme acteur économique s’est articulée avec l’institutionnalisation de l’économie comme discipline académique et avec l’extension des objets de celle-ci à l’étude de la puissance publique elle-même. La contribution des savoirs économiques à la construction de l’État est envisagée dans le cadre du dossier à l’échelle des instruments d’action publique qu’elle a contribué à forger aussi bien que des représentations plus générales (souvent concurrentes) qui en sont issues et qui contribuent à légitimer les transformations de son périmètre d’intervention. La présentation des contributions permet de questionner à nouveaux frais les redéfinitions du rôle (économique) de l’État jusqu’au “tournant néo-libéral”. [R, abr.]
72.3047 GRAEF, Inge ; PRÜFER, Jens —
To prevent market tipping, which inhibits innovation, there is an urgent need to mandate sharing of user information in data-driven markets. Existing legal mechanisms to impose data sharing under EU competition law and data portability under the GDPR are not sufficient to tackle this problem. Mandated data sharing requires the design of a governance structure that combines elements of economically efficient centralization with legally necessary decentralization. We identify three feasible options. One is to centralize investigations and enforcement in a European Data Sharing Agency (EDSA), while decision-making power lies with National Competition Authorities in a Board of Supervisors. The second option is to set up a Data Sharing Cooperation Network coordinated through a European Data Sharing Board, with the National Competition Authority best placed to run the investigation adjudicating and enforcing the mandatory data-sharing decision across the EU. [R, abr.]
72.3048 GROSSMAN, Jonathan —
Political science research aims for greater transparency. Authors are increasingly expected to share their data and methodology so that readers and reviewers can follow their line of argument and replicate their findings. However, citations of books, articles, and other secondary sources in the discipline are still predominantly general, referring to entire works rather than specific parts of them. This article addresses the problem of the overuse of general citations as a disciplinary norm in political science. An analysis of articles published in five top-tier journals in 2019 reveals that only around 10% of the citations in these articles provide detailed source information (e.g., page numbers and location information) and identifies some of the causes for this scarcity. The article calls for more transparent citation norms in the discipline, suggests preliminary steps toward this goal. [R, abr.]
72.3049 GRÜNEWALD, Aline —
Old-age pensions are the most widespread social security programmes around the world that in many countries account for a huge part of the national budget. Based on the PENLEG dataset (Pension Legislation around the World, 1880-2010), this article answers the question whether the political regime type has affected the choice of a specific pension design when implementing old-age pensions for the first time. The global study shows that nondemocratic regimes were more likely to implement social insurance designs, as these pension designs are best suited to bind citizens to the state and to target benefits on groups that are essential for regime survival. In contrast, the study can only find weak evidence that electoral autocracies were less likely to implement social insurance designs than closed autocracies. Moreover, colonial legacies mattered strongly. [R, abr.]
72.3050 HACKER, Jacob S. ; REHM, Philipp —
Leading accounts of the politics of the welfare state focus on societal demands for risk-spreading policies. Yet current measures of the welfare state focus not on risk, but on inequality. To address this gap, this letter describes the development of two new measures, risk-incidence and riskreduction, which correspond to the prevalence of large income losses and the degree to which welfare states reduce that prevalence, respectively. Unlike existing indicators, these measures require panel data, which the authors harmonize for twenty-one democracies. The study finds that large losses affect all income and education levels, making the welfare state valuable to a broad cross-section of citizens. It also finds that taxes and transfers greatly reduce the prevalence of such losses, though to varying degrees across countries and over time. [R, abr.]
72.3051 HALL, Peter A. —
This article argues that the relationship between capitalism and democracy is not immutable but subject to changes over time best understood as movements across distinctive growth and representation regimes. Growth regimes are the institutionalized practices central to how a country secures economic prosperity based on complementary sets of firm strategies and government policies. Representation regimes reflect conditions in the arenas of electoral and producer group politics that confer influence on specific segments of the population. The emphasis is on how economic experiences and changes in the structure of electoral cleavages alter the terms of political contestation, thereby giving voice to specific sets of interests and altering the balance of influence between capitalism and democracy. The analysis examines how the growth and representation regimes of the developed democracies have changed through three post-war eras to yield distinctive distributive outcomes in each era. [R]
72.3052 HANSEN, Eric R. ; JANSA, Joshua M. —
Do states copy or reinvent language from complex policies as they diffuse, and does this depend on legislative resources? We argue that states will more frequently reinvent more complex policies, but that states with high-resource legislatures will reinvent more than their low-resource counterparts for more complex policies. We test the theory using the bill texts from 18 policies that diffused across the 50 states from 1983 to 2014, measuring reinvention and complexity using text analysis tools. In line with expectations, we find that complex policies are reinvented more than simple policies and that high-resource legislatures reinvent bills more than low-resource legislatures on average. However, we also find that low-resource legislatures reinvent complex policies at about the same rate as high-resource legislatures. The results indicate that even legislatures with limited resources work to adapt complex policies during the diffusion process. [R]
72.3053 HARMON, Rachel ; ARNON, Daniel ; PARK Baekkwan —
Human trafficking affects millions of people globally, disproportionately harming women, girls and marginalized groups. Yet one of the main sources of data on global trafficking, the annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Reports, is susceptible to biases because report rankings are tied to political outcomes. The literature on human rights measurements has established two potential sources of bias. The first is the changing standards of accountability, where more information and increased budgets change the standard to which countries are held over time. The second is political biases in reports, which are amended to comply with the interests of the reporting agency. This letter examines whether either of these biases influence the TIP Reports. The [US] State Department issues both narratives and rankings, which incentivizes attempts to influence the rankings based on political interests. [R, abr.]
72.3054 HAY, Colin ; BENOÎT, Cyril —
In 2016, the Leave vote won the referendum on the membership of the United Kingdom in the European Union, a result that few observers had anticipated. Should we consider the fact that most political scientists were unable to predict this outcome as reflecting the failure of their theoretical models? And what are the implications for the state of political science as a discipline if it is judged primarily according to its ability to make predictive claims? Comparing the current condition of political science to that of the discipline of economics following the 2007 financial crisis, this article contends that it is a theory’s ability to retrospectively render a social event or circumstance intelligible — and not to predict it — that should be evaluated as its primary criterion for validity. Re-examining the causes of the Brexit vote, we show that the 2016 vote can be explained by several existing tenets of political science. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on “The Brexit challenge for the analytical models of political science”. See also Abstr. 72.3286, 4141]
72.3055 HAZLETT, Chad ; WAINSTEIN, Leonard —
When working with grouped data, investigators may choose between “fixed effects” models (FE) with specialized (e.g., cluster-robust) standard errors, or “multilevel models” (MLMs) employing “random effects.” We review the claims given in published works regarding this choice, then clarify how these approaches work and compare by showing that: (1) random effects employed in MLMs are simply “regularized” fixed effects; (2) unmodified MLMs are consequently susceptible to bias — but there is a longstanding remedy; and (3) the “default” MLM standard errors rely on narrow assumptions that can lead to undercoverage in many settings. Our review of over 100 papers using MLM in political science, education, and sociology show that these “known” concerns have been widely ignored in practice. We describe how to debias MLM’s coefficient estimates, and provide an option to more flexibly estimate their standard errors. [R, abr.]
72.3056 HILBINK, Lisa, et al. —
Does political mistrust lead to institutional disengagement? Much work in political science holds that trust matters for political participation, including recourse to the justice system. Scholars of judicial institutions, relying largely on survey research, argue that low trust decreases legal compliance and cooperation, threatening the rule of law. Legal consciousness and mobilization scholars, meanwhile, suggest that trust does not drive justice system engagement. However, their single-case study approach makes assessing the wider implications of their findings difficult. Based on an innovative comparative focus-group study in two uneven democratic states, Chile and Colombia, we show that trust is not the primary factor driving justice system engagement. Rather, people’s engagement decisions are shaped by their expectations and aspirations for their political system and by their politically constructed capacities for legal agency. [R, abr.]
72.3057 HOCTOR, Tom —
Critique of “neoliberalism” is generally thought of as a preoccupation of the political Left. Here it will be argued that the British Right has also been developing a distinctive critique of neoliberalism and its failure, whether they thought about it in these precise terms or not. This represented an attempt by Conservative intellectuals to grapple with the enduring legacy of Thatcherism in the party. This paper first examines the contours of a distinctively Conservative description of neoliberal society by drawing on the work of Jesse Norman. Secondly, it explains and contextualise their account of neoliberal economic failure and a possible avenue to its rehabilitation. And, thirdly, it explains why this rehabilitation was itself a failure through a critique of Norman’s attempts to read Hayek through Burke. [R, abr.]
72.3058 HUNG Ho-fung —
Since the 1980s, globalization has reduced between-country inequality and increased within-country inequality in most countries. There has been a debate about whether global inequality, which combines both between- and within-country inequalities, increased or decreased. With more adequate and updated data over the past two decades, this debate has been settled. Global inequality unmistakably diminished in the age of globalization. Underlying this reduction in aggregate global inequality is the rise of China and India into the middle strata of the global income distribution, income stagnation of the working class in rich countries, and the expansion of internal inequality in poor and rich countries. This shift in global income distribution contributed to new geopolitical conflicts and political backlash against globalization in the developed world. [R, abr.]
72.3059 HUNT BOTTING, Eileen —
Against the background of the international political crises generated by the early phase of the French Revolution at Nootka Sound in 1790 and in Saint-Domingue in 1791, Mary Wollstonecraft developed a capacious political theory of the “rights of humanity.” She pushed beyond narrow postrevolutionary European constructions of “the rights of man” which ignored or excluded “the poor,” “Indians,” “African slaves,” and “women.” While closely following the international politics of the French Revolution, Wollstonecraft developed the core arguments of A Vindication of the Rights of Men (1790) and A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792). Her key philosophical innovation was to publicly universalize the conceptual scope of rights, such that rights were no longer — implicitly or explicitly — solely the legal entitlement of propertied white European men, but rather the moral and political entitlement of the whole of humanity across nations. [R, abr.]
72.3060 JAMES, Toby S. —
The promotion of democracy has long been a cornerstone of states’ foreign policy and the work of international organizations. However, the online diffusion of gray literature on “best practices” by the international community is one method of democracy promotion which has been overlooked by the literature on democratization and international organizations. This essay provides a heuristic model for understanding the diffusion pathways, accelerants, and barriers to use for this democracy promotion method. The model is constructed using analysis of original data about the nature, volume, and direction of downloads from a major democracy promotion IGO between 2006 and 2017, alongside the process tracing of the impact of one key publication. [R, abr.]
72.3061 JERABEK, Marketa —
The literature on globalisation and democracy has primarily paid attention to economic integration and its effects on democracies. Systematic empirical evidence on the effects of social globalisation on democracy is absent. This article intends to fill this gap. Social globalisation is disaggregated into interpersonal, information and cultural globalisation. I apply the generalised method of moments estimation and analyse democracies encompassing the periods 1970-1991 and 1991-2017. The results indicate that the democratic qualities affected by social globalisation are freedom of expression, equal access and protection, and the quality of elections. The moderating effect of a given country’s democracy stock has been confirmed across different estimations. However, and especially during the post–Cold War period, younger and older democracies benefit equally from the increased spread of information caused by globalisation with regard to equal access. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.3084]
72.3062 JESTER, Natalie —
Political theory, with its abstract reasoning and unfamiliar vocabulary, is a subject that students are often apprehensive about. Whilst popular culture has been employed extensively in the teaching of other areas of political science, such as international relations, I draw attention to its comparative under-use in political theory and argue that it is a highly effective teaching tool for this subject. I use the autoethnographic method to make my case, drawing on my years-long experience in the university classroom, and take this position for three key reasons: the familiar nature of popular culture allows students to more easily acclimate to the political theory classroom, it renders abstract political theory concrete, and provides a useful arena in which to better test the logic of political theory arguments, enhancing student criticality. [R]
72.3063 JOHNSTON, Richard ; LACHANCE, Sarah —
Are campaigns epiphenomena? The dominant answer in the US literature seems to be Yes. Outcomes are driven by ‘fundamental’ considerations in place before the campaign begins, such that dynamics within the campaign reflect the elimination of ‘accidental’ considerations. Multi-country comparisons, where they exist, tend to be fragmentary. Where they are not fragmentary, they are taken from so high an altitude that critical interpretive details are lost. Also fragmentary, surprisingly, is documentation of the US case itself. This paper identifies two overlapping but distinct claims: about frontrunners and about incumbents. We also identify an insufficiently recognized fact, that the very idea of a ‘fundamental’ is contested, and that this broadens the scope for potential within-campaign dynamics. We employ rolling cross-section survey data from the US, Germany, Italy, New Zealand, and Canada. [R]
72.3064 JOPPKE, Christian —
This paper argues that conceptualizing Western state citizenship from the vantage point of advancing liberalism is insufficient. Instead, recently restrictive trends may be summarized under the umbrella of earned citizenship. Conceived of as privilege not right, this is a citizenship that is simultaneously more difficult to get and easier to lose, and it inheres elements of neoliberalism and of nationalism in tandem. One could even call it an instance of neoliberal nationalism, which is neither ethnic nor civic but including on the basis of merit and desert. The rise of earned citizenship is a convergent trend across Western Europe and the classic immigrant nations of North America and Australia. [R]
72.3065 JURKEVICS, Anna —
The recent phenomenon of land grabbing — that is, the large-scale acquisition of private land rights by foreign investors — is an effect of increasing global demand for farmland, resources, and development opportunities. In 2008-2010 alone, land grabs covered approximately 56 million hectares of land, dispossessing and displacing inhabitants. This article proposes a philosophical framework for evaluating land grabbing as a practice of territorial alienation, whereby the private purchase of land can, under certain conditions, lead to a de facto alienation of territorial sovereignty. If land grabs alienate territorial sovereignty, it follows that inhabitants can claim a violation of the people’s right to “permanent sovereignty over natural resources.” However, because sovereignty is entangled in the historical and contemporary causes of land dispossession, I cast doubt on this strategy. Territorially sovereign regimes often undermine democratic land governance by obstructing participation in activities such as zoning, land use, property regulation, and environmental stewardship. [R, abr.]
72.3066 JUVAN, Jelena —
Although the COVID-19 pandemic is not a crisis which demands that military forces are used as a main way of countering this threat, most countries have in fact deployed their national armed forces. The extent of such use varies and depends on the national legal framework determining the role of armed forces in crisis management. In certain countries, only regular forces were deployed while in others reserve forces were also activated. The role of armed forces has varied not simply regarding the type of force, but also the type of tasks. The COVID-19 crisis is not the first health crisis for which armed forces have been used. The Ebola crisis in 2014-2015 offers several important lessons for both armed forces and decision- makers. [R, abr.]
72.3067 KELSEY, Nina —
Scholarship examining the highly successful ozone negotiations is rare today, as lessons derived from them do not seem to have produced comparable success in climate negotiations. This article argues that there is a “missing piece” critical to understanding ozone negotiation success. I draw on path dependency and feedback literature as well as detailed historical research into the ozone negotiation process to propose a coherent feedback mechanism I refer to as the “green spiral.” In a green spiral, an iterative interaction between negotiation outcomes and changes to the sticky, internal material interests of industry works to make more stringent regulation feasible in subsequent negotiating rounds. Such dynamics offer a consistent explanation for the overall success of the ozone negotiations as well as the timing and nature of individual countries’ shifts in negotiating position and regulatory behavior over time. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.3955]
72.3068 KESSEL, Alisa —
I argue that conceptual analysis of rape culture must explore other dimensions of power in addition to patriarchy, such as white supremacy, heteronormativity, and capitalist exploitation. An intersectional analysis reveals how myths, discourses, and practices of rape culture sustain white male control over all subordinates of white heteropatriarchy by evolving and expanding to apply to any group that threatens white heteropatriarchal control. This essay traces the emergence of the idea of rape culture in the US, offers an alternative intersectional account of rape culture, and uses this alternative account to analyze a 2013-2014 news story involving Florida State University student and football player Jameis Winston and Florida State University student Erica Kinsman. [R, abr.]
72.3069 KHOO Su-ming —
This review essay discusses decolonial and revisionist approaches to the sociological canon, centring on a major new work, Colonialism and Modern Social Theory by Gurminder Bhambra and John Holmwood (2021). The challenge to ‘classical’ social theory and the demand to reconstitute the theory curriculum come in the context of increased visibility for wider decolonial agendas, linked to ‘fallist’ protests in South Africa, Black Lives Matter and allied antiracist organizing, and calls to decolonize public and civic spaces and institutions such as universities, effect museum restitution, and colonial reparations. The review identifies continuities and complementarities with Connell’s critique of the sociological canon, though Colonialism and Modern Social Theory takes a different tack from Connell’s Southern Theory (2009). [R, abr.]
72.3070 KIENER, Maximilian —
The notion of rigidity looms large in philosophy of language, but is beset by difficulties. This paper proposes a simple theory of rigidity, according to which an expression has a world-relative semantic property rigidly when it has that property at, or with respect to, all worlds. Just as names, and certain descriptions like The square root of 4, rigidly designate their referents, so too are necessary truths rigidly true, and so too does cat rigidly have only animals in its extension. After spelling out the theory, I argue that it enables us to avoid the headaches that attend the misbegotten desire to have a simple rigid/non-rigid distinction that applies to expressions, giving us a simple solution to the problem of generalizing the notion of rigidity beyond singular terms. [R]
72.3071 KIKUTA, Kyosuke —
Where do armed conflicts occur? In applied studies, we may take ad hoc approaches to answer this question. In some regression studies, for instance, a single conflict event can cause an entire province to be classified as a conflict zone. In this paper, I fill this void of knowledge by developing a machine learning method that is less dependent on the areal-unit assumptions and can flexibly estimate conflict zones. I apply the method to a conflict event dataset and create a new dataset of conflict zones. [R]
72.3072 KILLICK, Anna —
Some political economists explain the apparent downplaying of the importance of economic issues in political events such as Brexit with reference to the growing anger or despair people on low incomes feel about the economy. This ‘everyday political economy’ article draws on an ethnographic study conducted between 2016 and 2018 with residents of an English city to explore what people think about the phenomenon of the economy. It reveals significant differences in how interested high- and low-income participants are in the economy and its role as a bedrock for welfare. Low-income participants are more negative about the economy, particularly contesting politicians’ claims that it is distinct from the human sphere, when they view it as controlled by the rich. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.3084]
72.3073 KIM Eunji ; PATTERSON, Shawn, Jr. —
Has the pandemic exacerbated gender inequality in academia? We provide real- time evidence by analyzing 1.8 million tweets from approximately 3,000 political scientists, leveraging their use of social media for career advancement. Using automated text analysis and difference-indifferences estimation, we find that although faculty members of both genders were affected by the pandemic, the shift to remote work caused women to tweet less often than their male colleagues about professional accomplishments. We argue that these effects are driven by the increased familial obligations placed on women, as demonstrated by the increase in family-related tweets and the more pronounced effects among junior academics. [R, abr.]
72.3074 KIM Nam Kyu —
How do foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows affect democratic survival? No study has examined how FDI influences the likelihood of democratic survival, although many studies have studied the effect of regime type on FDI inflows. The previous finding that FDI contributes to authoritarian survival and decreases prospects for democratization does not answer this question since determinants of democratic transitions are clearly distinct from those of democratic survival. I argue that FDI in non-primary sectors is more likely than FDI in primary sectors to contribute to democratic survival since non-primary FDI is likely to produce growth-enhancing effects through upstream and downstream linkages in the host economy and facilitate the diffusion of democratic ideas and norms originating from the West. [R, abr.]
72.3075 KIRTCHIK, Olessia —
Les sources intellectuelles et sociales de la transition vers le “marché” et le capitalisme lors de la transformation postsoviétique en Russie sont souvent présentés comme extérieures à l’État et à sa classe dirigeante (nomenklatura). En particulier, les ”jeunes économistes” — membres du “gouvernement des réformes”, ils furent chargés de la mise en oeuvre de mesures de libéralisation économique extrêmement impopulaires – auraient pour l’essentiel, faute d’expérience personnelle, suivi les prescriptions des conseillers occidentaux. Cette contribution vise à remettre en cause cette thèse de l’extériorité des réformateurs postsoviétiques et de leurs idées en suivant de près leurs trajectoires professionnelles et leurs engagements politiques dans les années 1980 et 1990. [R, abr.]
72.3076 KNOTZ, Carlo Michael —
The increasing conditionality of access to social protection on claimants’ proven willingness to seek and accept work has been one of the major dimensions of welfare state transformation of recent decades. Our understanding of the political determinants behind this trend, however, remains insufficient. This article assesses the state-of-the-art of political research on benefit work conditionality; points out a series of gaps and inconsistencies in existing research; and formulates an agenda for renewed and intensified research on the politics of work conditionality reforms, highlighting also how this research would contribute to important debates in welfare state research and political economy more generally. [R]
72.3077 KÖNIG, Thomas ; ROPERS, Guido —
A fair peer-review process is essential for the integrity of a discipline’s scholarly standards. However, underrepresentation of scholarly groups casts doubt on fairness, which currently is raising concerns about a gender bias in the peer-review process of premier scholarly journals such as the American Political Science Review (APSR). This study examines gender differences in APSR reviewing during the period 2007-2020. Our explorative analysis suggests that male reviewers privilege male authors and female reviewers privilege female authors, whereas manuscripts reviewed by both male and female reviewers indicate less gender bias. Using within-manuscript variation to address confounding effects, we then show that manuscripts reviewed by both male and female reviewers receive a more positive evaluation by female reviewers in terms of recommendation and sentiment, but they experience a marginally longer duration. [R, abr.]
72.3078 KRAHÉ, Maximilian —
The relationship between democracy and capitalism is one of the major questions of our time. This article gives context to contemporary debates that discuss and question their compatibility by tracing past accounts of their relationship. Despite shifting and contested conceptions of the two core terms, and despite significant changes in historical context, three families of accounts can be identified as central narratives over the course of the last two centuries: incompatibility accounts, partnership accounts and, most recently, accounts that foreground a gradually unfolding antagonism between the two. [R]
72.3079 KRUSKOPF, Milla ; KETONEN, Elina E. ; MATTLIN, Mikael —
Future horizons, shaped by unpredictable ecosystems and exponential automation, require discipline-specific as well as transdisciplinary skills to navigate. In the context of political science education, negotiation simulations, for example in the form of board games, can aid in developing both. As a plausibility probe for wider investigations, we set out to research whether an IR course concept utilizing the classical board game Diplomacy with pedagogically altered rules and gaming conditions enhances students’ (n = 23) understanding of discipline-specific knowledge and future skills. We utilized a conceptual pre-post measure as well as free-form learning diaries to investigate development in participants’ conceptual understanding and future skills along the course. The results tentatively suggest quantifiable and qualitatively observable changes in the discipline-specific conceptual, as well as more broad-based competence level. [R, abr.]
72.3080 KUHLMANN, Sabine, et al. —
This article provides a conceptual framework for the analysis of COVID-19 crisis governance in the first half of 2020 from a cross-country comparative perspective. It focuses on the issue of opportunity management, that is, how the crisis was used by relevant actors of distinctly different administrative cultures as a window of opportunity. We started from an overall interest in the factors that have influenced the national politics of crisis management to answer the question of whether and how political and administrative actors in various countries have used the crisis as an opportunity to facilitate, accelerate or prevent changes in institutional settings. The objective is to study the institutional settings and governance structures, (alleged) solutions and remedies, and constellations of actors and preferences that have influenced the mode of crisis and opportunity management. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “Testing the crisis: opportunity management and governance of the COVID-19 pandemic compared”, edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 72.3948, 4088, 4113, 4130, 4131, 4140, 4160, 4171, 4172]
72.3081 LAEGAARD, Sune —
Many theorists of multiculturalism have proposed contextualism as an approach particularly suited for theorizing multiculturalism. The so-called Bristol School of Multiculturalism (BSM) is characterized by a ‘bottom up’ and claims-based approach eschewing appeal to abstract political principles. Tariq Modood has articulated this contextualist approach as a version of Michael Oakeshott’s idea of politics as ‘the pursuit of intimations’. The question is how such an approach fares when applied to the specific political and social context characteristic of, especially European, political reality of the last 10-15 years. Political opposition to multiculturalism at ideological and rhetorical levels has characterized this context. At the legal level, many of the laws and rules in place actually protecting minority groups have furthermore not had the form of group rights or policies of recognition proposed by multiculturalist theories. The question therefore arises whether a contextualist approach that takes its point of departure in the facts of such a context can deliver a justification of a recognizable multiculturalist political theory. [R, abr.]
72.3082 LANDGRAVE, Michelangelo ; WELLER, Nicholas —
Name-based treatments have been used in observational studies and experiments to study the differential effect of identity — commonly race or ethnic minority status. These treatments are typically assumed to signal only a single characteristic. If names unintentionally signal other characteristics, then the treatment can violate information equivalence, and estimated treatment effects cannot be attributed to the desired characteristic alone. Using results from a name perception study paired with an original correspondence audit experiment of US state legislators, we show that names manipulate perceptions of minority status, socioeconomic status (SES), and migrant status. Our audit study shows that low SES status is related to reply rates both across and within each racial category. [R, abr.]
72.3083 LEVIN-BANCHIK, Luba —
Building on the concept of a one-minute paper, I suggest students’ takeaways as a simple technique for inclusive assessment of participation in a classroom. Acknowledging cultural and language barriers, the takeaways technique allows an instructor to grade participation not by observing the frequency of spoken comments but instead by the quality of written comments in students’ one-point takeaway memos completed at the end of each class. In this way, all students have an equal chance to be appraised for their participation, indicated by being attentive in class. This article surveys the scholarship on one-minute papers and participation grading in political science, outlines takeaway procedures, and discusses how to adjust this technique for face-to-face and online learning environments. [R, abr.]
72.3084 LIM Sijeong ; TANAKA, Seiki —
How does economic globalisation influence individuals’ welfare state preferences? Moving beyond the unidimensional understanding of globalisation exposure, we intersect two dimensions of exposure perceptions (gain vs loss and individual vs societal impacts) and propose a novel typology: collective winner, lone winner, lone loser and collective loser. We then explain the preference gap among losers (collective losers vis-à-vis lone losers) and among winners (collective winners vis-à-vis lone winners) by considering three distinct motivations for welfare state support: compensation, risk-pooling and inequality reduction. We illustrate the usefulness of our typology using an original survey in South Korea. We find that lone winners are far more supportive of welfare spending than collective winners. At the same time, collective losers are found to be much more supportive of welfare spending than lone losers. [R, abr.] [First of a series of articles on “British political studies and the politics of global challenges”. See also Abstr. 72.3061, 3072, 3134, 3241, 3926, 3931, 3972, 4192]
72.3085 LIOU, Ryan Yu-Lin ; MURDIE, Amanda ; PEKSEN, Dursun —
There is some consensus in the literature that economic sanctions might prompt more human rights abuses in target countries. Yet, the causal mechanisms underlining the sanctions-repression nexus remain little understood. Using causal mediation analysis, we examine the processes through which sanctions might deteriorate human rights conditions. [R]
72.3086 LOTTA, Gabriela ; KIRSCHBAUM, Charles —
This study analyses how street-level bureaucrats’ categorisation of citizens is embedded within conceptual systems. We observe the process of categorisation as embedded in cultural schemata used by street-level bureaucrats. We provided vignettes to 40 teachers in São Paulo public schools to observe how they categorise similar behaviours of students within different social contexts. We then determined if there were differences in the systems of categories created and actions proposed to deal with similar behaviours in different contexts. The data showed that, depending on the way in which context triggered the teachers’ system of categorisation, distinct actions were proposed. [R, abr.]
72.3087 LUDWIG, Gundula —
At first glance, it can be stated that bodies do not play an important role in modern Western political theory. They are mostly privatized and set as natural or prepolitical. This article argues, however, that bodies are not absent in modern political theory but that they play a crucial political role. They legitimize political orders in a subtle way. Through an examination of central arguments in the work of Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Immanuel Kant, Hannah Arendt, John Rawls, and Jürgen Habermas, three ways are identified in which bodies shape modern Western political theory. First, bodies are used to legitimize the political order; second, they serve to determine political subjectivity; and third, body politics define politics. [R, abr.]
72.3088 MA Yi —
An increasing amount of research on the concept of national ownership in EU soft law governance has generated a lot of insights on: (1) its conceptualization; (2) how EU institutions foster national ownership; (3) the extent to which member state governments and other stakeholders obtain ownership. Despite all of this valuable progress, however, it remains unclear as to whether increased national ownership really improves the implementation of soft law. Based on the insights from the important management school of compliance theory, this study begins by theorizing why the member states would comply with international agreements, which they have ownership of. Then, based on an analysis of a unique dataset from the European Semester, the findings indicate that member states implement the EU recommendations better when the governments have a high level of ownership. [R, abr.]
72.3089 MAHDAVI, Paasha, et al. —
The role that private actors play in accelerating or preventing progressive climate policy and true decarbonization is a core research interest of global environmental politics. Yet scholars have struggled to measure the political behavior of multinational firms due to lack of transparency about their activities and inconsistency in reporting requirements across jurisdictions. In this research note, we present a new data source — firms’ earnings calls — that scholars might use to better understand the political behavior of major multinational polluters. To illustrate the value of earnings calls as a data source, we construct an original data-set of all earnings calls made between 2005 and 2019 by major oil and gas firms. We then code these transcripts, demonstrating that although firms can be classified as more or less pro-climate, there is little evidence of the industry’s public acceptance of decarbonization. [R, abr.]
72.3090 MAHER, Stephen ; AQUANNO, Scott M. —
We argue that a new form of finance capital has been consolidated in the United States since the 2008 crisis — defined as a fusion of financial and industrial capital. In this regime, financiers have become more entrenched in the governance of nonfinancial corporations while, reciprocally, industrial firm managers have increasingly become financiers. Indeed, this fusion has taken place on two interconnected levels: (1) within the nonfinancial corporation itself, and (2) between the nonfinancial corporation and the financial sector. Internal diversification and internationalization over the postwar era led to the reorganization of the industrial corporation as a financial group, managing not concrete production processes, but portfolios of financial assets. This was reinforced by the increasing power of outside investors over the neoliberal period. [R, abr.]
72.3091 MÄLKSOO, Maria —
This article unpacks the ways Eastern Europe (broadly conceived) has featured as a space, trope, and scholarly origin in major International Security Studies (ISS) and IR journals over the past three decades. A framing and authorship analysis in 18 disciplinary journals between 1991 and 2019 demonstrates how the region has been instrumental for the ISS subfield as an exemplary student of the Western theory and practice of IR. Eastern Europe has served as a symbolic space for exercising the civilizing mission of the West and testing the related theories (security community building, democratization, modernization, Europeanization, norm-diffusion) in practice. The relative dearth of East European voices in ISS and leading IR theory journals speaks volumes about the politics of knowledge production and the analytical economy of the field. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.3997]
72.3092 MALLARD, Alexandre —
Le recours à des labels, instaurés ou soutenus par la puissance publique, apparaît aujourd’hui comme une modalité commune de gouvernement par le marché. Cet article s’intéresse à la manière dont le signe des labels caractérise des formes spécifiques de présence de l’État dans le marché. Il étudie l’articulation entre signal et emblème qui sous-tend le fonctionnement des labels. L’analyse s’appuie sur le cas du label “Reconnu Grenelle de l’environnement” (RGE), lancé par l’État en 2011 afin d’identifier les artisans du bâtiment compétents en matière de performance énergétique. L’article montre comment différentes formes d’articulation entre signal et emblème peuvent être identifiées dans l’histoire de RGE, conduisant à marquer des formes spécifiques de présence de l’État dans le marché de la construction durable. [R]
72.3093 MARCHAND, Isabelle ; GAUDET, Stéphanie —
À partir d’une recherche qualitative menée auprès de femmes âgées de 60 ans et plus, l’article propose une modélisation de la citoyenneté “vécue” dans l’avancée en âge. Construites à partir des pratiques de la vie quotidienne, quatre figures de citoyenneté sont proposées. La présentation des figures met en lumière autant la description des pratiques du quotidien que les finalités d’action qui animent l’agir quotidien. Par la suite, l’analyse narrative examine les diverses formes de citoyenneté vécue des participantes dans le vieillissement. Si les citoyennetés tracées rendent compte de différentes pratiques de participation sociale et d’affiliation au collectif, elles témoignent aussi, par ailleurs, des inégalités sociales et de genre qui sont toujours à l’oeuvre pour penser les rapports à la citoyenneté vécue des femmes âgées sous des modes polyphoniques. [R]
72.3094 MAYER, Stéphanie —
Dans cet article, les injustices en matière de responsabilités de care entre les partenaires hétérosexuel.les sont problématisées comme des irresponsabilités relationnelles. D’abord, l’apport des théories du care à l’appréhension des asymétries de pouvoir liées au déséquilibre dans le travail de soin est discuté. Ensuite, les manifestations de ce déséquilibre sont illustrées dans les arrangements intimes établis par les couples. Ces conséquences injustes sont, par la suite, conceptualisées comme des “irresponsabilités relationnelles”. Enfin, une conception de la coresponsabilité relationnelle est proposée dans une perspective de plus de justice et de démocratie entre les personnes, dans le privé comme le public. [R]
72.3095 McCALL, Jamie R., et al. —
Communities with high levels of social capital enjoy an array of positive economic and community development outcomes. We assess the role of several key community characteristics, including the strength of government institutions, in explaining local social capital variation. The analysis draws on data from US counties and includes regression modelling and a Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition to explore differences in social capital across an area’s metropolitan status and region. The data show social capital determinants vary by place both due to the endowment levels of these determinants and the productive value of their coefficients. For example, the coefficient productive values of government capacity explain some differences in social capital levels across metropolitan status (but not across region). [R, abr.]
72.3096 McKEOWN, Maeve —
The ‘structural injustice’ framework is an increasingly influential way of thinking about historical injustice. Structural injustice theorists argue against reparations for historical injustice on the grounds that our focus should be on forward-looking responsibility for contemporary structural injustice. Through the use of a case study — the Caribbean Community (CARICOM’s) 10-Point Plan for reparations from 2014 — I argue that this reasoning is flawed. Backward-looking reparations can be justified on the basis of state liability over time. The value of backward-looking reparations is that they ensure that historical perpetrators do not evade their reparative obligations and that affected communities are taken seriously. However, I argue that this backward-looking approach should be supplemented by a forward-looking structural injustice approach and the ‘social connection model’ of responsibility. [R, abr.]
72.3097 MEYER, Cosima —
This article introduces how to teach an interactive, one-semester-long statistics and programming class. The setting also can be applied to shorter and longer classes as well as introductory and advanced courses. I propose a project-based seminar that also encompasses elements of an inverted classroom. As a result of this combination, the seminar supports students’ learning progress and also creates engaging virtual classes. To demonstrate how to apply a project-based seminar setting to teaching statistics and programming classes, I use an introductory class to data wrangling and management with the statistical software program R. Students are guided through a typical data science workflow that requires data management and data wrangling and concludes with visualizing and presenting first research results during a simulated mini-conference. [R]
72.3098 MICHON, Sébastien —
L’article interroge le renouvellement du personnel politique et la frontière de la politique à partir d’une enquête sur les principales listes de candidats aux élections municipales de 2020 dans une grande ville française. Il étudie les conditions sociales de l’éligibilité en milieu urbain à partir d’une perspective localisée et multidimensionnelle, attentive au temps long. Par rapport au scrutin précédent, les candidats sont moins souvent issus du champ politique et plus inexpérimentés dans la compétition électorale. La forte présence de novices de la politique électorale met en exergue les voies de recrutement depuis les milieux partisans et les lisières de la politique locale. L’analyse rend compte de l’espace de concurrences pour la conquête du pouvoir et la définition de la frontière de la politique. [R, abr.]
72.3099 MILLIMET, Daniel L. ; PARMETER, Christopher F. —
While classical measurement error in the dependent variable in a linear regression framework results only in a loss of precision, nonclassical measurement error can lead to estimates, which are biased and inference which lacks power. Here, we consider a particular type of nonclassical measurement error: skewed errors. Unfortunately, skewed measurement error is likely to be a relatively common feature of many outcomes of interest in political science research. This study highlights the bias that can result even from relatively “small” amounts of skewed measurement error, particularly, if the measurement error is heteroskedastic. We also assess potential solutions to this problem, focusing on the stochastic frontier model and Nonlinear Least Squares. Simulations and three replications highlight the importance of thinking carefully about skewed measurement error as well as appropriate solutions. [R]
72.3100 MILSTEIN, Brian —
Liberal democracies are reintroducing emergency securitarian measures (ESMs) that curtail rights and/or expand police powers. Political theorists who study ESMs are familiar with how such measures become instruments of discrimination and abuse, but the fundamental conflict ESMs pose for not just civil liberty but also democratic equality still remains insufficiently explored. Such phenomena are usually explained as a function of public panic or fear-mongering in times of crisis, but I show that the tension between security and equality is in fact much deeper and more general. It follows a different logic than the more familiar tension between security and liberty, and it concerns not just the rule of law in protecting liberty but also the role of law in integrating new or previously subjected groups into a democratic community. [R, abr.]
72.3101 NASH, Sarah L. ; TORNEY, Diarmuid ; MATTI, Simon, eds. —
Articles by Sarah Louise NASH and Reinhard STEURER, “Climate Change Acts in Scotland, Austria, Denmark and Sweden: the role of discourse and deliberation”, pp. 1120-1131; Mikael KARLSSON, “Sweden’s Climate Act — Is origin and emergence”, pp. 1132-1145; Ian BAILEY,, et al., “Idealism, pragmatism, and the power of compromise in the negotiation of New Zealand’s Zero Carbon Act”, pp. 1159-1174; Israel SOLORIO, “Leader on paper, laggard in practice: policy fragmentation and the multilevel paralysis in implementation of the Mexican Climate Act”, pp. 1175-1189; Peter CHRISTOFF and Robyn ECKERSLEY, “Convergent evolution: framework climate legislation in Australia”, pp. 1190-1204; Amandine ORSINI, Loïc COBUT and Maxime GABORIT, “Climate change acts non-adoption as potential for renewed expertise and climate activism: the Belgian case”, pp. 1205-1217; Alina AVERCHENKOVA, Sam FANKHAUSER and Jared J. FINNEGAN, “The influence of climate change advisory bodies on political debates: evidence from the UK Committee on Climate Change”, pp. 1218-1233; Matthew LOCKWOOD, “Routes to credible climate commitment: the UK and Denmark compared”, pp. 1234-1247.
72.3102 NEBLO, Michael A. ; WALLACE, Jeremy L. —
Governments rely more and more on experts to manage the increasingly complex problems posed by a growing, diversifying, globalizing world. Surplus technocracy, however, usually comes with deficits of democracy. While especially true in liberal regimes, authoritarian states often face parallel dynamics. Recent trends illustrate how technocratic encroachment on civil society’s prerogatives can provoke populist backlash. Such cycles can build toward crises by eroding the legitimacy citizens invest in regimes. Surprisingly, by throwing both the need for and limits of expertise into sharp relief, the politics of COVID-19 create a novel opportunity to disrupt these trends. We assess how this opportunity may be unfolding in two crucial cases, the US and China, and, more briefly, South Korea. [R, abr.]
72.3103 NOWACK, Daniel ; LEININGER, Julia —
The article addresses the question of whether international democracy aid helps to protect presidential term limits — a commonly accepted but increasingly challenged safeguard for democracy. According to our analysis, democracy aid is effective in countering attempts to circumvent term limits, thus, it contributed towards protecting democratic standards in African and Latin American countries between 1990 and 2014. Democracy aid helps to fend off term-limit circumventions, but it is not as effective in deterring presidents from trying to circumvent presidential term limits. Our analysis furthermore suggests that there is double the risk of an attempt to circumvent term limits in Latin American than in African states. Although our results confirm prior findings that “targeted aid” such as democracy aid makes a difference for maintaining democratic institutions, it challenges studies that argue democracy assistance has become “tame.” [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.4119]
72.3104 O’DRISCOLL, Cian, et al. —
First, what would it mean to approach Just War Theory as a connected activity, that is, as a form of critical reflection that takes the flesh- and-blood experience of war as both its starting point and justification? And second, is this something we should strive for, or is it a problematic proposition? This Critical Exchange will consider these questions. [R]
72.3105 OFFER-WESTORT, Molly ; COPPOCK, Alexander ; GREEN, Donald P. —
Experimental researchers in political science frequently face the problem of inferring which of several treatment arms is most effective. They may also seek to estimate mean outcomes under that arm, construct confidence intervals, and test hypotheses. Ordinarily, multiarm trials conducted using static designs assign participants to each arm with fixed probabilities. However, a growing statistical literature suggests that adaptive experimental designs that dynamically allocate larger assignment probabilities to more promising treatments are better equipped to discover the best performing arm. Using simulations and empirical applications, we explore the conditions under which such designs hasten the discovery of superior treatments and improve the precision with which their effects are estimated. [R, abr.]
72.3106 OSORIO, Maricruz Ariana ; PARKER, Sara ; RICHARDS, Erin —
This article summarizes research on the profession of community college faculty generally and data gathered from a survey of political science faculty teaching at community colleges nationwide conducted in 2018. The purpose of the article is to educate the discipline about what life is like for faculty at two-year schools and specifically how political science faculty at these schools perceive their role. [R] [See also Abstr. 72.3107]
72.3107 OSORIO, Maricruz Ariana ; PARKER, Sara ; RICHARDS, Erin —
This article uses data from a 2018 survey conducted by the American Political Science Association Committee on the Status of Community Colleges in the Profession to make specific policy recommendations for how to better reach out to and incorporate political science faculty teaching at community colleges into the association. [R] [See also Abstr. 72.3106]
72.3108 PARKINSON, Sarah E. —
In settings where war, forced migration, and humanitarian crisis have attracted international attention, research participants’ prior experiences with journalists, advocacy groups, state security, and humanitarian organizations influence scholarly work. Building on long-term fieldwork in Iraq and Lebanon, this article argues that individuals’ and communities’ previous and ongoing interactions with these actors affect the content, quality, and validity of data gathered as well as shaping possibilities for ethical academic research. Drawing on observational and interviewbased research with humanitarian service providers, journalists, and displaced persons, this article argues that the cross-sector use of “methodological cognates” such as surveys and structured interviews shapes data validity and reliability via four mechanisms: regurgitation, redirection, reluctant participation, and resistance. I contend that these features of the research process should centrally inform academics’ research designs, project siting, case selection, and data analysis. [R]
72.3109 PEPERKAMP, Lonneke —
Peace plays a central role in the ethics of war and peace, but this proves to be an enormous challenge. In a recent article, Elisabeth Forster and Isaac Taylor grapple with this important topic. They argue that certain concepts in just war theory — aggression, legitimacy, and peace — are essentially contested and susceptible to manipulation. Because the rules are interpreted and applied by the very states that wage war, it is as if the fox is asked to guard the chicken coop — a recipe for disaster. To avoid manipulation of the theory and make the goal of peace attainable, they defend “minimalism” in the ethics of war and peace. This paper responds to and builds on their article. After nuancing the analysis, I will argue (1) that their minimalism does not solve the problem since the proposed alternative concept is equally prone to misuse, and (2) that their minimalism is mistargeted. What I propose is to specify and ground the rules of war without raising the standard too high, to disentangle jus ad bellum and jus post bellum and see peace as guiding principle for jus post bellum, and to interpret that in a minimalist way. [R]
72.3110 PETERSON, David A. M., et al. —
An interested and engaged electorate is widely believed to be an indicator of democratic health. As such, the aggregate level of political interest of an electorate — macrointerest — is an essential commodity in a democracy, and understanding the forces that change macrointerest is important for diagnosing the health of a democracy. Because being interested in politics requires time and effort, the article theorizes that the electorate’s level of political interest will be highest when the electorate believes the government cannot be trusted or is performing poorly. To test hypotheses derived from a proposed theory against rival explanations, the study develops a measure of macrointerest using a quarterly timeseries of aggregated survey items (1973-2014) of political interest. [R, abr.]
72.3111 BOHACEK, Petr ; DUFEK, Pavel ; SCHMIDT, Nikola —
Technology offers unique sets of opportunities, from human flourishing to civilization survival, but also challenges, from partial misuse to global apocalypse. Yet technology is shaped by the social environment in which it is developed and used, prompting questions about its desirable governance format. In this context, we look at governance challenges of large technical systems, specifically the peaceful use of high-power lasers in space, in order to propose a conceptual framework for legitimate global governance. Specifically, we adopt a context-based approach to legitimacy to address the trade-offs between effectiveness (output legitimacy) and inclusivity (input legitimacy) in the governance of large technical systems. We show that distinguishing two basic phases of space laser policy which call for different legitimacy criteria helps balance out the trade-offs without sacrificing either effectiveness or inclusivity. [R, abr.]
72.3112 PIERCE, Jonathan J. —
Emotions affect how we think and behave and should be better incorporated into theories and frameworks of the policy process. Most research on emotions in the policy process relies on a dimensional model of emotions. However, over the past 20 years, research has found that dimensional approaches are limited compared to using categories of emotions. This article discusses theories of emotion, focusing on the theory of constructed emotion, and how emotion is studied in politics and policy. It then discusses the characteristics of enthusiasm, anger and fear, as well as the effects these emotions have on attention and information processing, risk perception, judgement and persuasion, and political participation and group behaviour. [R, abr.]
72.3113 PRZYBYLINSKI, Stephen —
This paper argues that geographers ought to pay closer attention to the role of property relations within political liberalism. Developing on the idea that propertied-citizenship excludes houseless or other property-insecure people from space, the paper argues that property-insecure people are instead incorporated within the relations of property. Examining how houseless people are incorporated within rather than outside of property, illustrates how key values of property long-held in liberalism are maintained and used to devalue a sense of social and political autonomy for the property-insecure. After tracing the dialectical relations of property with citizenship through the historical emergence of American liberalism, the paper examines how the values connecting property with citizenship continue to diminish the livelihoods of houseless people. [R, abr.]
72.3114 PUDLO, Jason M. ; ELLIS, William C. ; COLE, Jamie M. —
Increased computing capacity and the spread of computational knowledge has generated the expectation that organizations and municipalities use large quantities of data to drive decision-making. However, municipalities may lack the resources to meaningfully use their data for decision-making. Relatedly, political science and public administration programs face the challenge of training students for success in this environment. We believe one remedy is the adoption of coproduction as a pedagogical strategy. This article presents a case study of a partnership between a university research team and a municipal emergency communications center as a demonstration of how coproduction can be harnessed as a teaching tool. [R]
72.3115 QIU Xiaoyan —
Prominent formal theories of conflict provide considerable insight into how civil wars begin and end, but offer little understanding of how they proceed during wartime. One prevalent pattern is that rebel strategies vary significantly within conflicts over time, from guerrilla to conventional tactics. Why do rebels switch between different fighting strategies? How does the transition affect civil war negotiations? I develop a model of rebel-government negotiation in which rebels choose fighting strategies throughout a multiperiod war. The analysis shows that rebels switch from guerrilla to conventional tactics after gaining strength, and the expectation of growth delays rebels’ transition to conventional fighting. [R, abr.]
72.3116 RAEKSTAD, Paul —
Is realism in political theory compatible with utopianism? This article shows that it is, by reconstructing a highly restrictive realist approach to political theory for guiding legislation and public policy, drawn from the work of Adam Smith, and showing how it can accommodate Piketty’s utopian proposal for a global tax on capital. This shows not only that realism and utopianism are compatible; but how realist and utopian political theory can be carried out in concrete cases. This moves debates to more interesting questions of which forms of utopianism are permissible within which forms of realism; contributes to moving the contemporary realism debates from a Methodenstreit to questions of how it can and ought to be done; and contributes to an important contemporary debate about the permissibility of utopian proposals for political and economic reform. [R, abr.]
72.3117 RAZO, Armando —
Networks underlie notable cases of rapid development without democratic institutions, a phenomenon known as crony capitalism that has two distinctive features: (1) dispensation of selective privileges, and (2) social connections among beneficiaries. This paper advances a formal theory that explains how crony networks can induce large-scale effects that can both propagate risk of predation and incentivize private protection to withstand it. Dense networks that activate both relational mechanisms translate into aggregate outcomes wherein governments respect property rights for favored parties. From formal theory, I derive equilibrium predation conditions for a computational model that examines how variable network structures impact the number of protected privileges. [R, abr.]
72.3118 RICE, Douglas ; SCHAFFNER, Brian F. ; BARNEY, David J. —
Past research has shown that issues vary significantly in their salience across citizens, explaining key outcomes in political behavior. Yet it remains unclear how individual-level differences in issue salience affect the measurement of latent constructs in public opinion, namely political ideology. In this paper, we test whether scaling approaches that fail to incorporate individual-level differences in issue salience could understate the predictive power of ideology in public opinion research. To systematically examine this assertion, we employ a series of latent variable models which incorporate both issue importance and issue position. We compare the results of these different and diverse scaling approaches to two survey data sets, investigating the implications of accounting for issue salience in constructing latent measures of ideology. [R, abr.]
72.3119 ROGERS, Nick —
The US is in the grips of severe political polarization, which gridlocks government and strains the national social fabric. American popular culture is fragmenting along ideological lines, a process herein termed “politicultural sorting.” Previous studies have examined the politicization of individual products and activities, and theorized that culture is dividing in a neatly bipolar fashion. Using proprietary data from the National Consumer Survey, rarely seen in academia, this study advances existing scholarship in two regards: first, by eschewing a piecemeal approach and instead examining large clusters of popular culture relationally; and second, by questioning the dichotomous model that has thus far conceptualized the culture divide. Employing a combination of factor analyses and regressions, this project confirms the general concept of politicultural sorting, but finds that there are numerous archetypes within each ideological group, rather than a single manifestation. [R, abr.]
72.3120 SALTSMAN, Adam ; JACOBSEN, Karen —
When it comes to field research in contexts of forced migration, many of the challenges relate to questions of power. Most research is plagued by a power imbalance between those who call themselves ‘researcher’ or ‘technical expert’ and the forced migrants who participate in the research in various ways. This Special Section considers how this imbalance influences the production of research and how we might address the challenges created by research practices that are exclusionary, even if unwittingly so. What, for example, are the politics of designing methods for research with/on refugees? What kinds of negotiations and gatekeeping take place in determining the assemblage of actors involved in crafting and carrying out the research? Who has a seat at the table to design the research, interpret results, and write up outcomes? [R, abr.]
72.3121 SCHON, Justin ; LEBLANG, David —
What, if any, effect do physical barriers have on cross-border population movements? The foundational claim that barriers reduce migration flows remains unsupported. We conceptualize barriers as a tool of immigration enforcement, which we contend is one form of state repression. State repression could reduce mobilization (reduce immigration), have no effect on mobilization (barriers as symbolic political tools), or increase mobilization (backfire). We evaluate the relationship between barriers and crossborder population movements using a global directed dyad-year dataset for the 1990-2016 time period of all contiguous dyads and nearby noncontiguous dyads. Using instrumental variables, we find that physical barriers actually increase refugee flows, consistent with the “backfire effect” identified in research on US immigration enforcement policies on its Mexican border. [R, abr.]
72.3122 SCHULTZ, Caroline ; LUTZ, Philipp ; SIMON, Stephan —
In this article, we shed light on how countries combine two of the main admission channels, asylum and labor migration, by introducing the concept of the ‘immigration policy mix’. A comparative analysis of 33 OECD countries between 1980 and 2010 examines the pattern and drivers behind their immigration policy mix: Does the policy mix follow a pattern of convergence, is it subject to political dynamics or is it path dependent? The results reveal that despite a shift in political sympathies from asylum to labor migration, countries’ immigration policy mixes have strongly converged into more liberal policies overall. The immigration policy mix primarily reflects governments’ limited room to maneuver due to competing political pressures. [R, abr.]
72.3123 SIMONS, Arno ; SCHNIEDERMANN, Alexander —
Puzzled by the question why evidence-based policy (EBP) thrives despite evidence against it, we reconstruct the development and spread of EBP in inter- and transnational contexts and find that this process is characterised by some of the same dynamics (including ‘structural promises’ and ‘problem chasing’) that have also been observed in many policy instruments. We therefore propose a double reframing: EBP is (1) a ‘metainstrument’ aiming to establish a particular role for research in policymaking (our ideational reframing) and (2) co-evolving with an ‘instrument constituency’ motivated not only by normative goals but also by the prospect of securing an occupational niche for itself (our social reframing). [R, abr.]
72.3124 SIRSCH, Jürgen ; UNGER, Doris —
Neorepublicans like Philip Pettit and Frank Lovett claim that neorepublicanism provides a superior normative research program compared to egalitarian-liberalism. Particularly, they argue that neorepublicanism offers a better justification of redistributive policies, which are normally associated with egalitarian-liberalism. According to Lovett and Pettit, the neorepublican justification is superior because it rests on parsimonious theoretical assumptions and is more suitable to persuade people of redistributive institutions. We contest these claims on the grounds of methodological and substantive moral reasons. We argue that the neorepublican arguments claiming rhetorical effectiveness and parsimony rest on methodological presuppositions that reflect an unattractive understanding of political philosophy. [R, abr.]
72.3125 SMITH, Amy Erica ; GILLOOLY, Shauna N. ; HARDT, Heidi —
Most research on diversity within political methodology focuses on gender while overlooking racial and ethnic gaps. Our study investigates how race/ethnicity and gender relate to political science PhD students’ methodological self-efficacy, as well as their general academic self-efficacy. By analyzing a survey of 300 students from the top 50 US-based political science PhD programs, we find that race and ethnicity correlate with quantitative self-efficacy: students identifying as Black/African American and as Middle Eastern/North African express lower confidence in their abilities than white students. These gaps persist after accounting for heterogeneity among PhD programs, professional and socioeconomic status, and preferred methodological approach. However, small bivariate gender gaps disappear in multivariate analysis. Furthermore, gaps in quantitative self-efficacy may explain racial/ethnic disparities in students’ broader academic self-efficacy. [R, abr.]
72.3126 SØRENSEN, Anders Dahl —
The paper challenges the traditional assumption that the fragments of ‘Anonymus Iamblichi’ (Diels-Kranz 89) are best understood and interpreted against the intellectual and cultural background of the so-called ‘sophistic movement’. I begin by suggesting that we can distinguish, in the fragments, between two separate ‘discourses’ concerning nomos (‘law’) and its role in human life: an abstract ‘sophistic’ discourse, centered around the defense of nomos against the antinomian champions of natural pleonexia, and another, less abstract and more polemical discourse on nomos, which is aimed at the author’s contemporary Athens. I argue that the author’s engagement with well-known sophistic ideas is best understood as instrumental to his polemical agenda: it provides him with a powerful intellectual framework in which to articulate his criticism of democratic society, especially with regard to traditional notions of social ‘benefaction’ and the relation between rich and poor. [R]
72.3127 STANLEY, Sharon —
This article addresses a recurrent tension in the literature on race and racism in Brazil. On the one hand, we find the so-called myth of racial democracy presented as the dominant racial ideology in Brazil, obscuring enduring racial inequality and thwarting the development of a massmovement for racial justice. On the other hand, we find periodic announcements that the myth of racial democracy has definitively died. Accordingly, I theorize the myth of racial democracy as a paradoxically undead myth and ask what it is about the form of this peculiar myth that allows it to survive its own repeated death. Drawing on Roland Barthes’ theory of myth, I show how the celebration of racial mixture, or mestiçagem, functions as a mythological signifier of racial democracy that operates beneath and beyond the level of conscious thought. [R, abr.]
72.3128 STEMPLOWSKA, Zofia —
Oriel College [Oxford, UK] persists in displaying a statue of Cecil Rhodes, despite his role in British colonialism and despite opposition from the Rhodes Must Fall movement. This article considers arguments in support of Oriel’s position — including three versions of the charge that removing the statue might distort history — and show that they all fail. I argue that the conclusion that the statue should be removed, despite possible costs and complexity, follows once we realise that the statue makes demands on our attention and once we correctly understand that the descendants of those previously oppressed by Rhodes and who are currently subject to racism have a special insight, standing and claim to shape the environment in which they study, work and live. [R]
72.3129 SWANSON, Jacob ; KATZENSTEIN, Mary Fainsod —
In recent decades, public prisons and jails have increasingly outsourced operational functions by “turning over the keys” to private business and, more recently and specifically, to private equity. By the early 2000s, private equity-owned corporations had entered the core sectors of prison and jail operations, creating “markets behind bars” in telecommunications, commissary sales, health provision, and a range of other services. Two decades later, they have become a quasi-oligopolistic market force across the carceral economy. Reacting to these developments, scholars and activists have explored how private firms generate profits by extracting resources from families of the incarcerated. Less explored is the fact that it is often and particularly private equity firms that partner with public carceral institutions in these extractive practices. [R, abr.]
72.3130 SWEDBERG, Richard —
This article addresses the issue of how to theorize with the help of the classics in sociology; and it is pointed out that the main difficulty involved is that Weber et al have told us next to nothing of how they actually produced their analyses. [R, abr.]
72.3131 TÁÍWÒ, Olúfẹìmi O. ; TALATI, Shuchi —
Solar geoengineering research is a small but growing field as concerns arise that reducing emissions will not be sufficient to limit severe climate impacts. With this increasing attention, ensuring that the field advances equitably and inclusively is of immense importance. This commentary is a response to arguments that advocate for abandoning solar geoengineering research altogether because it perpetuates colonialism and promotes injustice. We find, however, that this brand of argument is itself performatively colonial and recommend a more inclusive framework for solar geoengineering governance that integrates existing research on relevant structures. [R]
72.3132 THERBORN, Göran —
The world’s centre of gravity is changing, from the North Atlantic to Eastern Asia. As world centres of knowledge have correlated historically with world centres of power, this ongoing geopolitical change is likely to bring changes also to the global map of cognition. Knowledge and power are intrinsically related, knowledge is power, it is based on power, and it produces instruments of power. Moreover, the vistas of social scientists and scholars are always circumscribed by the power relations of the social world they are studying. A way of looking into this is to analyse the concepts and the narratives they use and produce. What features do they highlight, and what do they hide? Cognitive change is driven by two kinds of change, change (i.e. new discovery) of evidence, and change of power. On a macro scale, the major forces of power change bearing upon cognitive change have been social mobilizations, for example, of classes, women, and ethnic groups, the rise and decline of states, and, third, economic or ecological crises disrupting the functioning of existing powers. [R, abr.]
72.3133 THUNBERG, Michael E. —
Active learning is an important component of political science instruction in which instructors use innovative active-learning techniques across the subfields. These methods are crucially important in methods courses, which contain some of the most difficult and important topics for the discipline, making it optimal for conveying challenging concepts using activelearning approaches. This article describes an active-learning exercise to engage students with operationalization, research design, data collection, and analysis. Students develop an observational study for a “fast” food delivery service. They operationalize the dependent variable — “fast delivery” — and determine which independent variables will impact delivery speed. Students collect data when the instructor orders food and has it delivered to the classroom. [R, abr.]
72.3134 TOKDEMIR, Efe —
In this article, we examine the impact of the democracy and human rights promotion efforts that are supposed to bolster positive attitudes among the public abroad and act as a tool to reach hearts and minds. Yet, we suggest that a salient in-group versus out-group dichotomy within a society could activate a reactive devaluation bias, and hence, conditions how individuals perceive and react to foreign actors and their policies depending on the source country and its links with in- and out-groups within the target state. By employing an original public opinion survey from Lebanon, we find that identities, and the level of attachment to the identity, affect individuals’ attitudes towards human rights and democracy promotion efforts. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.3084]
72.3135 TORRES, Michelle ; CANTÚ, Francisco —
We provide an introduction of the functioning, implementation, and challenges of convolutional neural networks (CNNs) to classify visual information in social sciences. This tool can help scholars to make more efficient the tedious task of classifying images and extracting information from them. We illustrate the implementation and impact of this methodology by coding handwritten information from vote tallies. Our paper not only demonstrates the contributions of CNNs to both scholars and policy practitioners, but also presents the practical challenges and limitations of the method, providing advice on how to deal with these issues. [R]
72.3136 TRACHTENBERG, David J. ; DODGE, Michaela ; PAYNE, Keith B. —
Resurgent expressions of an “action-reaction” arms race narrative and its corollary “inaction-inaction” narrative are the basis for frequent assertions that if the US would only stop its nuclear programs, opponents would also stop building their nuclear force — and a “peace race” would ensue. In other words, US efforts to maintain its deterrence capabilities are seen as sparking or accelerating the “arms race.” This argument has its roots in the 1960s; it has not changed since then. This same claim is now leveled at the contemporary and much-delayed US nuclear modernization program. As in the past, the claim now commonly expressed is that current US efforts to preserve its strategic deterrence forces are the cause of a new action-reaction arms race cycle and should, therefore, be stopped. However, history disproves the action-reaction/inaction-inaction narrative. [R, abr.]
72.3137 TRIANTAFILLOU, Peter —
After decades of consistent refusal to curb international tax evasion, the US Biden administration has recently proposed an international scheme for taxing the world’s largest transnational companies. This article seeks to better understand why it is so difficult to develop an international scheme controlling tax evasion by examining the role played by neoliberal governmentalities and their link to sovereign power. It is argued that neoliberal governmentalities have been crucial in propagating a design of sovereign power that is conducive to tax competition and, ultimately, to tax evasion. Yet, these divergences also seem to provide a space for reforming current taxation regimes. [R]
72.3138 VACCARO, Andrea —
By comparing and analysing four cross-national measures of democracy, this article provides novel information regarding the statistical properties, convergence, and interchangeability of some of the most frequently used measures of democracy. The author points out limitations related to the statistical properties of these measures and finds that even if measures of democracy are highly convergent, their interchangeability is weak. This means that the choice of the measure of democracy has considerable consequences for the conclusions of a given study. Especially so in studies covering the last few decades, because the author finds that in general the interchangeability of democracy measures has decreased since the 1980s. In choosing one measure over another, scholars should be aware of the limitations identified in this article. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.]
72.3139 VOGT, Katja Maria —
The Stoics identify the law with the active principle, which is corporeal, pervades the universe, individuates each part of the world, and causes all its movements. At the same time, the law is normative for all reasoners. The very same law shapes the movements of the cosmos and governs our actions. With this reconstruction of Stoic law, I depart from existing scholarship on whether Stoic law is a set of rules. The question of whether ethics involves a set of rules is rich and fascinating. In the 1970s and 80s, the observation that ancient ethics might do without rules was part of philosophy’s rediscovery of virtue ethics. This debate, however, neglects that Stoic law is a corporeal principle pervading the world. The key puzzle regarding Stoic law, I argue, is how it is possible that the very same law is a corporeal principle in the world and normative for us. [R]
72.3140 WANG Yuhua —
I characterize modern social scientific studies of the state as comprising three generations: society-centered, state-centered, and the state-in-society approach. I then discuss how recent books by James Scott, David Stasavage, and Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson advance the literature by taking the entire history of human political development into account. Lastly, I build on recent contributions in the field to propose what I call a “State-in-Society 2.0” framework, in which state-society linkages through elite social networks shape the strength and form of the state. The framework provides a potentially promising analytical perspective that sheds new light on the “meso-temporal” dynamics that link broad historical trends in state-society relations with state development outcomes in a variety of cases. [R]
72.3141 WHITE, Stephen K. —
Agonism emerged three decades ago as an assault on the overemphasis in political theory on justice and consensus. It has now become the norm. But its character and relation to core values of democracy are not as unproblematic today as is often thought, an issue that becomes more pressing as contemporary politics increasingly seem locked into notions of unrelenting conflict between “friends” and “enemies.” This essay traces alternative ontological roots and ethical implications of agonism, distinguishing between “imperializing” and “tempered” modes. The former, exemplified in the popular Schmitt-Mouffe formulation, is shown to be fundamentally flawed in its failure to conceive politics in a fashion that does not allow the dynamic of friend-enemy to imperially trump appeals to democratic norms. In a world of insurgent white nationalism in democratic polities, this is no small fault. “Tempered” agonists, such as William Connolly and Bonnie Honig, offer ontologies where democratic norms can gain traction. Despite the admirable qualities of these alternatives, their formulations are nevertheless not fully persuasive. The difficulty lies in their underarticulated accounts of equality. [R, abr.]
72.3142 WOLKENSTEIN, Fabio ; WRATIL, Christopher —
The study of representation is a major research field in quantitative political science. Since the early 2000s, it has been accompanied by a range of important conceptual innovations by political theorists working on the topic. Yet, although many quantitative scholars are familiar with the conceptual literature, even the most complex quantitative studies eschew engaging with the “new wave” of more sophisticated concepts of representation that theorists have developed. We discuss what we take to be the main reasons for this gap between theory and empirics, and present four novel conceptions of representation that are both sensitive to theorists’ conceptual impulses and operationalizable for quantitative scholars. In doing so, we advance an alternative research agenda on representation that moves significantly beyond the status quo of the field. [R]
72.3143 WOODLY, Deva, et al. —
What would be required for care to be an ethic and political practice that orients people to a new way of living, relating, and governing? The [authors] propose that a 21st-c. approach to the politics of care must aim at unmaking racial capitalism, cishetero patriarchy, the carceral state, and the colonial present. The politics of care is an approach to political thought and action that moves beyond the liberal approach which situates care as a finite resource to be distributed among autonomous individuals, or as a necessarily feminine virtue. Instead, those elucidating the politics of care for the contemporary era draw on rich interdisciplinary traditions and social movements to theorize and practice care as an inherently interdependent survival strategy, and a prefigurative politics for building a world in which all people can live and thrive. [R, abr.]
72.3144 WUTTKE, Alexander ; GAVRAS, Konstantin ; SCHOEN, Harald —
Democracies without democrats are not sustainable. Yet, recent studies have argued that Western citizens are turning their backs on the system of self-governance, thereby eroding the societal foundations of consolidated democracies. This study contributes to discussions about citizen support of democracy by (1) analyzing new cross-national survey data in 18 European countries that facilitate assessments of the temporal and geographical generalizability of previous findings, (2) disentangling age, cohort and period effects, thereby aligning the analytical methods with the theoretical arguments and (3) transparently reporting all evidence derived from pre-registered analyses to avoid cherry-picked findings. The findings show that citizens of consolidated democracies continue to endorse selfgovernance. Yet in some (but not all) countries, there is evidence of a growing number of ‘democrats in name only’, particularly among the young generation. [R, abr.]
72.3145 XIE Lizhong —
Like other pluralists, geographical pluralists oppose Western intellectual hegemony and advocate the diversity of sociological knowledge. Such appeals are reasonable and justified, but they give up the universality of knowledge while pursuing the diversity of knowledge, implicitly creating the danger of fragmenting knowledge. On the contrary, from the standpoint of discourse constructivism, a discourse pluralism can be constructed to enable us to not only deconstruct the intellectual hegemony of Western sociology but also pursue universal sociological knowledge. [R]
72.3146 YLÖSTALO, Hanna ; ADKINS, Lisa —
The focus of this article is a recent round of workfare reform in Finland. Departing from many existing analyses of workfare, it focuses on issues of governance. Drawing on policy documents and interviews with key policy actors, it shows how this reform and attempts at implementation took place along the lines of a specific form of managerial governance, namely strategic governance, involving the enrolment of strategic management into policy making. The article details how this mode of policy making enabled an intensification and depoliticization of workfare policies via the replacement of political concerns with economic imperatives and in so doing contributed to the broader process of economization of the state. While the latter is often located as central to the project of neoliberalism, the practices through which it is instantiated often remain hazy. This article therefore contributes knowledge on how the process of the economization of the political operates in practice. [R]
72.3147 YUAN Yuan —
This paper offers a non-reductivist account of the requirement of legitimate authority in warfare (RLA). I first advance a distinction between private and public wars. A war is private where individuals defend their private rights with their private means. A war is public where it either aims to defend public rights (e.g., a people’s right to self-governance) or relies on public means (e.g., conscription and taxation). I argue that RLA applies to public war but not private war. A public war waged by a belligerent without legitimate authority involves a form of illegitimate domination of the people. Contra the conventional wisdom that RLA is only an ad bellum principle, I show that RLA is also a vital in bello principle. Relying on the Kantian non-voluntarist account of political authority, I argue that only legitimate states have the right to wage public wars. However, I also contend that RLA is not an absolute requirement, even regarding the justice of public war. [R, abr.]
72.3148 ZARETSKY, Eli —
European liberals have viewed themselves as the avatars of the rational individual as opposed to the mob or tyrant. Faced with the populist, democratic, and egalitarian character of US society, American liberals could not take this point of view for granted. For that reason, they turned to Freud, although with mixed success. I explore this turn in three consecutive moments: the New Deal, when liberals first understood America to be not only a class society, but a mass society; Richard Hofstadter’s theory of paranoia, which he applied to the right-wing born with McCarthyism; and the New Left and feminist attempts to remake liberalism into a more democratic and multicultural creed. In all three cases, I argue that the liberal commitment to capitalist property relations and the market limited its ability to advance a more robust and democratic politics. [R] [See Abstr. 72.3175]
72.3149 ZHOU Yang-Yang ; SHAVER, Andrew —
A large literature suggests that the presence of refugees is associated with greater risk of conflict. We argue that the positive effects of hosting refugees on local conditions have been overlooked. Using global data from 1990 to 2018 on locations of refugee communities and civil conflict at the subnational level, we find no evidence that hosting refugees increases the likelihood of new conflict, prolongs existing conflict, or raises the number of violent events or casualties. Furthermore, we explore conditions where provinces are likely to experience substantively large decreases in conflict risk due to increased development. Analysis examining nighttime lights as a measure of development, coupled with expert interviews, support our claim. To address the possibility of selection bias, we use placebo tests and matching. [R, abr.]
72.3150
Articles by Rubrick BIEGON, Vladimir RAUTA and Tom F. A. WATTS, “Remote warfare – Buzzword or buzzkill?”, pp. 427-446; Ed STODDARD and Sorina TOLTICA, “Practising remote warfare: analysing the remote character of the Saudi/UAE intervention in Yemen”, pp. 447-467; Luca TRENTA, “Remote killing? Remoteness, covertness, and the US government’s involvement in assassination”, pp. 468-488; Malte RIEMANN and Norma ROSSI, “Remote warfare as “security of being”: reading security force assistance as an ontological security routine”, pp. 489-507; Tom F. A. WATTS and Rubrick BIEGON, “Revisiting the remoteness of remote warfare: US military intervention in Libya during Obama’s presidency”, pp. 508-527; Jack McDONALD, “Remote warfare and the legitimacy of military capabilities”, pp. 528-544; Vladimir RAUTA, “A conceptual critique of remote warfare”, pp. 545-572.]
72.3151
A symposium. Introduction by Jeffrey J. HARDEN and Justin E. ESAREY, pp. 203-205. Article by Lonna Rae ATKESON, “Data assignments in substantive courses: getting undergraduates excited and interested in data science”, pp. 206-209; David S. BROWN, Katherine V. BRYANT and Andrew Q. PHILIPS, “Integrating the use of statistical software into undergraduate political methodology courses”, pp. 210-215; Alan M. JACOBS, Diana KAPISZEWSKI and Sebastian KARCHER, “Using Annotation for Transparent Inquiry (ATI) to teach qualitative research methods”, pp. 216-220; Rob WILLIAMS, “Teaching programming skills in methods courses is an opportunity, not a burden”, pp. 221-224; Shawna K. METZGER, “Teaching econometrics dynamically with R-shiny”, pp. 225-229; Diogo FERRARI, “Teaching Bayesian statistics”, pp. 230-235; Clayton WEBB and Soren JORDAN, “Avoiding, and learning from, mistakes made by junior scholars teaching political methodology”, pp. 236-241; Frederick J. BOEHMKE, “Advice on presenting material in graduate methods courses for different learning styles”, pp. 242-246.