Abstract
72.4404 ABDELAATY, Lamis ; STEELE, Liza G. —
While there is a large literature on attitudes toward immigrants, scholars have not systematically examined the determinants of attitudes toward refugees. Often, refugees are simply treated as a subset of immigrants, under the assumption that attitudes toward both sets of foreigners are similar. In this article, we examine whether there are distinctions between attitudes toward refugees and immigrants, as well as variation in their determinants. We address these questions using individual-level data from 16 countries in the 2002 and 2014 waves of the European Social Survey. We demonstrate that these two groups of foreigners are, indeed, viewed as distinct and that differences emerge because attitudes toward refugees are more often related to macro-level factors while immigrants are more frequently associated with micro-level economic concerns. [R]
72.4405 ABOUELDAHAB, Noha, ed. —
Introduction by the editor. Articles by Pádraig McAULIFFE, "Transitional justice, institutions and temporality: towards a dynamic understanding", pp. 817-847; Zinaida MILLER, "Temporal governance: the times of transitional justice", pp. 848-877; Thomas Obel HANSEN, "The multiple aspects of ‘time’ rendering justice for war crimes in Iraq", pp. 878-904; Randle C. DeFALCO, "Time and the visibility of slow atrocity violence", pp. 905-934; Maja DAVIDOVIĆ, "Reconciliation complexities of time in criminal justice and transitional justice", pp. 935-961; Jayson S. LAMCHEL and George B. RADICS, "Dealing with the past of moving forward? Transitional justice, the Bangsamoro Peace Agreement and federalism in the Philippines", pp. 962-989; Eric WIEBELHAUS-BRAHM and Dylan WRIGHT, "Temporal patterns in Latin American Truth Commission recommendation formulation and implementation", pp. 990-1023.
72.4406 ALBRECHT, Holger ; KOEHLER, Kevin ; SCHUTZ, Austin —
This research note introduces new global data on military coups. Conventional aggregate data so far have conflated two distinct types of coups. Military interventions by leading officers are coups “from above,” characterized by political power struggles within authoritarian elite coalitions where officers move against civilian elites, executive incumbents, and their loyal security personnel. By contrast, power grabs by officers from the lower and middle ranks are coups “from below,” where military personnel outside of the political elite challenge sitting incumbents, their loyalists, and the regime itself. Disaggregating coup types offers leverage to revise important questions about the causes and consequences of military intervention in politics. This research note illustrates that coup attempts from the top of the military hierarchy are much more likely to be successful than coups from the lower and middle ranks of the military hierarchy. [R, abr.]
72.4407 ALGER, Ingela ; LASLIER, Jean-François —
This paper revisits two classical problems in the theory of voting — viz. the divided majority problem and the strategic revelation of information — in the light of evolutionarily founded partial Kantian morality. It is shown that, compared to electorates consisting of purely self-interested voters, such Kantian morality helps voters solve coordination problems and improves the information aggregation properties of equilibria, even for modest levels of morality. [R]
72.4408 ALLEY, Joshua —
How does alliance participation affect military spending? Some argue that alliance membership increases military expenditures, while others contend that it produces spending cuts. I argue that deep formal defense cooperation modifies the impact of alliance participation on military expenditures and can explain increases and decreases in spending by small alliance members. Security-seeking junior members of deep alliances usually decrease military spending because these treaties are more credible. Joining shallow alliances often increases junior alliance member military spending, however. I test the argument by creating a latent measure of alliance treaty depth and using it to predict differences in how alliance participation affects military spending. [R, abr.]
72.4409 AYRES, Sarah —
The aim of this article is to examine the impact of informal governance on democratic legitimacy. It draws on the literatures on informal governance and decentred theory to examine how governance mechanisms that are un-written, un-codified and non-institutional impact on democratic legitimacy in governance networks. Drawing on a case study of English devolution in the United Kingdom, this article explores how informal governance impacts on different dimensions of legitimacy — input, throughout and output. It does so by drawing on the narratives and stories of central government officials directly involved in English devolution between 2015 and 2018. Findings reveal that even when formal structures are weak, democratic legitimacy can be secured, especially in promoting effective decision making and problem solving — throughput legitimacy. Nonetheless, a decentred analysis has shown a high level of selectivity and differentiation in central-local relationships that undermine legitimation based on input (inclusiveness) and outcome (results) legitimacy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.4423]
72.4410 BACCINI, Leonardo, et al. —
Previous studies have paid only limited attention to how variations in domestic institutions across countries affect the winners and losers from opening up to trade. We argue that the presence of coordinated wage-bargaining institutions, which impose a ceiling on wage increases, and state-subsidized vocational training, which creates a large supply of highly skilled workers, generate labor market frictions. Upward wage rigidity, in particular, helps smaller firms weather the rising competition and increasing labor costs triggered by trade liberalization. We test this hypothesis using a firm-level data-set of EU countries, which includes more than 800,000 manufacturing firms between 2003 and 2014. [R, abr.]
72.4411 BAELE, Stephane J. ; BALZACQ, Thierry —
The performance of ritual and the ritualisation of performance are the two main theoretical repertoires of ritual study in international politics and beyond. However, they also escalate tensions between those who insist on ritual’s ability to operate by virtue of participants’ presence and those who believe that global networks of media call for a representational turn, which must tie participants and audiences across borders. Should we fail to understand how these distinct theoretical repertoires interact, it would be difficult to study international ritual, identify its functions, and trace its effects. Anchored in the sociology of ‘social occasions’, this article weaves ritual’s patterns, properties, and resources into a coherent analytical framework. [R, abr.]
72.4412 BAGG, Samuel —
Camila Vergara’s Systemic Corruption is an extraordinarily rich, provocative and original work of political theory, which makes several compelling interventions in the normative literature. It develops a forceful critique of overly narrow definitions of corruption, insisting that a more ‘systemic’ conception is required in order to grasp the scale of oligarchic domination in contemporary democracies. It also points out the limitations of the ‘proceduralist’ model of contestation adopted by neo-republicans, and outlines a persuasive conception of the people as a partisan actor with specific interests to defend. Yet Vergara’s alternative vision of how popular power might be institutionalized is less convincing. Though she rightly insists on the importance of organized countervailing power and plebeian solidarity, the system of nested local assemblies that she proposes is not well-suited to foster the development of either. [R]
72.4413 BAHAMONDE, Hector ; TRASBERG, Mart —
Although the relationship between democratic rule and income inequality has received important attention in recent literature, the evidence has been far from conclusive. In this paper, we explore whether the redistributive effect of democratic rule is conditional on state capacity. Previous literature has outlined that pre-existing state capacity may be necessary for inequality-reducing policies under democratic rule. In contrast to that intuitive view, this study argues that democratic rule and high state capacity combined produce higher levels of income inequality over time. This relationship operates through the positive effect of high-capacity democratic context on foreign direct investment and financial development. [R, abr.]
72.4414 BALCELLS, Laia ; PALANZA, Valeria ; VOYTAS, Elsa —
We implement a novel field experiment at the Museum of Memory and Human Rights in Santiago, Chile, to understand the effects of governments’ attempts to shape citizens’ attitudes through symbolic transitional justice policies such as museums and memorials. Our findings suggest that though perceptions of the museum vary along ideological lines, Chilean university students display greater support for democratic institutions, are more likely to reject institutions associated with the repressive period, and are more supportive of restorative transitional justice policies after visiting regardless of their ideological priors. We test for the persistence of these results and find that some of the effects endure for six months following the museum visit. We find support for the notion that emotional appeals deployed in the museum can shift citizen attitudes, which might have implications for processes of reconciliation. [R, abr.]
72.4415 BALLARD-ROSA, Cameron ; MOSLEY, Layna ; WELL-HAUSEN, Rachel L. —
Governments interact strategically with sovereign bond market creditors: they make choices not only about how often and how much to borrow, but also under what terms. The denomination of debt, in domestic or foreign currency, is a critical part of these terms. The “original sin” logic has long predicted that creditors have little appetite for developing-country government debt issued in domestic currency. Our novel data, including bond issues by 131 countries in 240,000 primary market transactions between 1990 and 2016, suggest otherwise. Domestic-denominated bonds have come to dominate the market, although domestic-currency issuance often is accompanied by shorter bond maturities. We argue that ideologically rooted policy preferences play an important role in this unexpected trend in denomination. [R, abr.]
72.4416 BANDOLA-GILL, Justyna —
This article addresses the puzzle of double — technocratic and political — legitimacy of experts by proposing a framework for understanding expert legitimacy as an interplay of three analytical levels: epistemic, individual actor and institutional. The paper explores this problem in the case study of global poverty measurement as a field located at the interface of science and policy. This is a comparative case study of poverty measurement in the World Bank and UNICEF. [R, abr.]
72.4417 BEECH, Matt —
The aim of this article is to examine Brexit through the lens of decentred theory. Decentred theory regards the British state as neither a monolith (as per modernist social science) nor a myth (as per postmodern theory) but rather as a repository of norms, customs, practices and thought acquired by elite actors, professionals and policy networks. The central thesis of the article is that the idea of the decentred state, as an explanation of state governance, can be seen in the phenomenon of Brexit. The article uses literatures on governance and contemporary history to examine the relevance of the concept of the decentred state. Then it considers the case study of British politics in the 1970s as a precursor to the decentring effects of Brexit on state governance. The article then moves to consider three dimensions of the phenomenon of Brexit which can be understood as decentring practices in and of themselves. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.4423]
72.4418 BEIER, J. Marshall —
Avoidance of civilian casualties increasingly affects the political calculus of legitimacy in armed conflict. “Collateral damage” is a problem that can be managed through the material production of precision, but it is also the case that precision is a problem managed through the cultural production of collateral damage. Bearing decisively on popular perceptions of ethical conduct in recourse to political violence, childhood is an important site of meaning-making in this process. In pop culture, news dispatches, and social media, children, as quintessential innocents, figure prominently where the dire human consequences of imprecision are depicted. Children thus affect the practical “precision” of even the most advanced weapons, perhaps precluding a strike for their presence, potentially coloring it with their corpses. But who count as children, how, when, where, and why are not at all settled questions. [R, abr.]
72.4419 BENGTSON, Andreas —
I set out to defend the claim that a central principle in democratic theory, the all-subjected principle, applies not only when one is subject to a rule by a state but also when one is subject to a rule by a ‘non-state’ unit. I argue that self-government is the value underlying the all-subjected principle that explains why a subjected individual should be included because she is subjected. Given this, it is unfounded to limit the principle to the state, as subjection which threatens self-government occurs in non-state units such as corporations and families. This means that following the all-subjected principle surprisingly implies that we ought to have family and workplace democracy. [R]
72.4420 BERGGREN, Niclas ; BJØRNSKOV, Christian —
There is scant systematic empirical evidence on what explains variation in academic freedom. Making use of a new indicator and panel data covering 64 countries 1960-2017, we investigate how de facto academic freedom is affected by, in particular, political institutions. We find that moving to electoral democracy is positive, as is moving to electoral autocracy from other autocratic systems, suggesting the importance of elections. Communism has a strongly detrimental effect. Legislatures that are bicameral are associated with more academic freedom, while legislatures that become more diverse and more ideologically to the right also seem to stimulate this type of freedom. Presidentialism and coups do not appear to matter much, while more proportional electoral systems strengthen academic freedom. [R, abr.]
72.4421 BERGLUND, Oscar ; DUNLOP, Claire A. ; WEIBLE, Christopher M. —
This Special Issue makes a statement about the study of policy and politics, where it has been, how it is done, what it is, and where it is going. When addressing the question ‘who gets to speak for our discipline?’ we respond emphatically — many people, from many places, working in many ways. It comprises scholarship that has rarely been combined to explore some cardinal challenges about our scholarship: (1) How do we conceive of policy and political studies? (2) To what extent should our science be ‘normative’ or ‘objective’ or ‘positive’? (3) Who are our audiences, and how do we engage them? (4) Whose knowledge matters, and how does it accumulate? (5) How should we advance the study of policy and politics? [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on "Taking risks and breaking new frontiers". See also Abstr. 72.4460, 4486, 4545, 4558, 5032, 5074]
72.4422 BERTRAM, Daniel —
In recent years, the burgeoning literature on transnational dissemination of policies has moved beyond orthodox models to incorporate the institutional context by means of social-constructivist approaches. This article engages in a critical review of the status quo by arguing for the importance of an overlooked key variable in policy transfer research: culture. Particularly, it is contended that culture plays an under-acknowledged role in co-shaping transfer dynamics both as a dependent and as an independent variable and consequently deserves a more thorough embedment in mainstream research. [R, abr.]
72.4423 BEVIR, Mark —
This article provides an introduction to discussions and empirical studies of the decentered state. The first section traces the historical origins of the concept of the decentered state. Group theory and interorganizational theory drew attention to the role of diverse actors in policymaking. The study of policy networks explored these actors and their relationships. The concept of the hollow state arose to describe a state made up of proliferating networks. Finally, post foundationalists amended these earlier ideas by insisting that the state should not be reified. There are, then, at least three different versions of the decentered state — the pluralist state, the hollow state, and the stateless state. The second section shows how the post foundationalism of decentered theory transforms the earlier debates about network governance and pluralist democracy. [R, abr.] [First article of a thematic issue on Decentred state", edited by the author. See also Abstr. 72.4409, 4417, 4435, 4571, 4690]
72.4424 BLAIR, Christopher W., et al. —
Cooperation among militant organizations contributes to capability but also presents security risks. This is particularly the case when organizations face substantial repression from the state. As a consequence, for cooperation to emerge and persist when it is most valuable, militant groups must have means of committing to cooperation even when the incentives to defect are high. We posit that shared ideology plays this role by providing community monitoring, authority structures, trust, and transnational networks. We test this theory using new, expansive, time-series data on relationships between militant organizations from 1950 to 2016, which we introduce here. We find that when groups share an ideology, and especially a religion, they are more likely to sustain material cooperation in the face of state repression. [R, abr.]
72.4425 BLAIR, Graeme ; CHRISTENSEN, Darin ; WIRTSCHAFTER, Valerie —
How does conflict affect firms’ investment decisions? Past results are mixed: a third of the studies we reviewed report null or mixed correlations; some suggest that conflict increases investment. We rationalize these results, arguing that armed conflict has divergent effects depending on firms’ exposure to violence. Conflict can deter investment by disrupting production or raising uncertainty. Yet, conflict can encourage investment by hampering government oversight. We argue that each mechanism operates over different geographic extents. We use data from the mining sector to test these claims and report three main results. Firms operating at conflict sites dramatically reduce investments. By contrast, firms operating in territory surrounding conflict, but separated from fighting, actually increase investment. Firms far from violence see a small negative effect. [R, abr.]
72.4426 BŁESZNOWSKI, Bartłomiej —
In this article, I reflect on the Warsaw school of the history of ideas (WSHI), a loose collective of people that formed after the birth of the communist system in Poland. First, I analyse the biographical factors that determined the political and intellectual choices of the WSHI members. Next, I attempt to show the nature of their public attitudes, which can be seen as part of the habitus of post-war Marxist intellectuals in Poland. My aim is to investigate how it happened that the WSHI, which was an element of Polish state at the beginning, became, in the 1960s, one of the primary points of contestation in Poland and an indicator of the collapse of the project of institutionalising Marxism-Leninism in Polish universities. I assume that the transformation did not entail a simple transmission from the nineteenth century to post-war revisionism but instead implied a series of breaks with, and migrations of, ideological models. [R, abr.]
72.4427 BLOEM, Jeffrey R. —
Many researchers use an ordinal scale to quantitatively measure and analyze concepts. Theoretically valid empirical estimates are robust in sign to any monotonic increasing transformation of the ordinal scale. This presents challenges for the point-identification of important parameters of interest. I develop a partial identification method for testing the robustness of empirical estimates to a range of plausible monotonic increasing transformations of the ordinal scale. This method allows for the calculation of plausible bounds around effect estimates. [R, abr.]
72.4428 BODE, Ingo ; MORO, Giuseppe —
This article, inspired by the epistemology of critical realism and its approach to assessing social and institutional change, elaborates on the impact of past welfare reform agendas in Europe, taking Italy and Germany as examples. Reading welfare state change through the lens of the concept of empowerment, it argues that such agendas should be studied by considering the nexus of different (coinciding) policies, the transformation of organisational settlements, and the reforms’ fit with encultured social expectations. Illustrating how a reform agenda containing a potential to enhance self-determination in the area of work and family life may simultaneously contribute to disempowerment, the article shows how a multidimensional ‘proto-evaluative’ endeavour may help develop a more holistic understanding of past welfare state change up to the outbreak of the Corona19 pandemic. [R]
72.4429 BOHN, Frank ; WANG Xue —
Trump and Bolsonaro are perceived as erratic presidents, but they may actually be quite rational. We explore two channels of manipulation in a polarized society. One relates to swing voters and their perception of a president’s competence. The other one captures the effort by a president to appeal and mobilize her base voters. We model erraticism in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic, but our model could also be applied to other realms of political manipulation. We find that erratic freedom propaganda directed against state-administered lockdowns may help a president in her re-election bid. [R, abr.]
72.4430 BOSWORTH, William —
This paper defends the use of non-cooperative game theory for analysing questions of governance. To do so it posits a way of extending the resource account of social power from cooperative games to noncooperative games in a way that side steps a range of criticism. This involves identifying tipping points in the reputations of certain agents for paying and punishing those in their thrall. These tipping points are what give threats and offers their credibility in the absence of enforcement mechanisms and stabilise the distribution of social resources in society. [R]
72.4431 BOX-STEFFENSMEIER, Janet M. —
Engaged pluralism entails active interaction, debate, and learning from each other. I argue that individuals need to undertake the challenges arising from engaged pluralism to ensure a healthy, vibrant disciplinary future, and for a democracy that thrives. I consciously extend the term “engagement” to apply not only to understanding across sub-disciplines and different grounds of knowledge, but also to addressing research to the needs of society. There are golden opportunities centered around the benefits of a more open, rigorous, and contentious science that can be maximized through focused engagement around methodologies and methods. [R, abr.]
72.4432 BRONIECKI, Philipp ; LEEMANN, Lucas ; WÜEST, Reto —
Multilevel regression with poststratification (MrP) has quickly become the gold standard for small area estimation. While the first MrP models did not include context-level information, current applications almost always make use of such data. When using MrP, researchers are faced with three problems: how to select features, how to specify the functional form, and how to regularize the model parameters. These problems are especially important with regard to features included at the context level. We propose a systematic approach to estimating MrP models that addresses these issues by employing a number of machine learning techniques. [R, abr.]
72.4433 BRUNEAU, Quentin —
Bounded rationality and practice theory have both become popular theories of action for major strands of work in constructivist and rationalist International Relations (IR). Based on this observation, I make two arguments. The first is that although they underpin what are generally seen as opposed theoretical camps in IR, bounded rationality and practice theory share two fundamental assumptions. They both accept that how agents process information and make decisions depends on where they are situated in social space, and where they stand in historical time. In turn, these shared assumptions imply that they agree on the existence of a common type of change: change in terms of how groups of people process information and make decisions over time. My second argument is that by studying this type of change, it is possible to shed new light on major transformations of international relations, and that one way of engaging in this type of research is to study international practitioners’ education over substantial time periods. [R, abr.]
72.4434 BUTCHER, Charles ; GRIFFITHS, Ryan D. —
It is thought that political order in premodern Europe was characterized by overlapping and crosscutting forms of authority. Scholars have called this heteronomy, arguing that it preceded and may follow the modern sovereign state system and that it has characterized various historical locales around the world. We maintain that this conception has been under-examined, and we identity three different forms of heteronomy that existed historically. These include: (1) interstitial heteronomy, where polities with limited capacity in low-density regions experience zones of informal mixed rule on the frontier; (2) functional heteronomy, where states in thickly populated systems develop complex patterns of functional differentiation; and (3) personalistic heteronomy, where power that is invested in individuals rather than territorially defined polities can produce patterns of dual vassalage. [R, abr.]
72.4435 CAIRNEY, Paul —
I describe a policy theory story in which a decentred state results from choice and necessity. Governments often choose not to centralise policymaking but they would not succeed if they tried. Many policy scholars take this story for granted, but it is often ignored in other academic disciplines and wider political debate. Instead, commentators call for more centralisation to deliver more accountable, ‘rational,’ and ‘evidence-based’ policymaking. Such contradictory arguments, about the feasibility and value of government centralisation, raise an ever-present dilemma for governments to accept or challenge decentring. They also accentuate a modern dilemma about how to seek ‘evidence-based policymaking’ in a decentred state. I identify three ideal-type ways in which governments can address both dilemmas consistently. I then identify their ad hoc use by UK and Scottish governments. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.4423]
72.4436 CAROTHERS, Christopher —
I argue that authoritarian regimes curb corruption more frequently — and sometimes more effectively — than scholars realize. Using a novel scoring system for anti-corruption efforts, I find that there have been at least twenty-five substantial anti-corruption efforts and nine successful reforms by authoritarian regimes in recent decades. Despite the association between democracy and corruption control, successful reforms have been by fully authoritarian regimes, rather than hybrid regimes, and employed a decidedly authoritarian approach, rather than the conventional approach emphasizing democratic institutions. This authoritarian approach to corruption control commonly involves power centralization, top-down control and penetration, and regime propaganda. I illustrate these points with a “least likely” case study of Chinese President Xi Jinping’s controversial anti-corruption campaign. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.5487]
72.4437 CHAUVANCY, Raphaël —
La guerre par le milieu social (GMS) ne concerne pas uniquement les Américains, mais est aussi employée par d’autres protagonistes comme l’Iran ou le Hezbollah. Cette approche multidomaine contribue à la compétition stratégique, nous obligeant à revoir nos propres modes d’action. [R]
72.4438 CHEVANNES, Derefe Kimarley —
This article examines the role of labor as a political concept within the work of Caribbean thinker and activist, Claudia Jones. It argues for a reformulation of black labor politics. Specifically, it contends Jones’ formulation of labor requires moving beyond its conventionally economic articulations, to consider, in tandem, labor’s expressly political, existential (racial), and epistemic dimensions to actualize a coherent project of transnational liberation. Doing so requires decolonizing labor, reimagining it anew — outside Eurocentric thought. Such a multilayered, imbricated approach widens the philosophical margins of liberatory politics, interrogating, in the process, the Arendtian model of labor, so as to speak meaningfully to the emancipatory possibilities that lie within the labor practices of the colonized. [R, abr.]
72.4439 CHICK, Matthew —
This article brings together two sets of insights about deliberative democracy and uses them to develop a novel epistemic justification for the importance of testimony. Some democratic theorists have argued persuasively that a deliberative process limited to formal argumentation is exclusionary and thus undermines democratic legitimacy; they have made a compelling case for testimony on grounds of democratic inclusion. Others have made the case that deliberation has important epistemic benefits. Those theorists emphasize the give and take of reasons as a means to arrive at well-informed collective decisions. The author’s central claim is that there is an important epistemic value to the inclusion of testimony. It can introduce new information into the deliberative process. [R, abr.]
72.4440 CHIN, John, et al. —
Dictators shape regime structures to counter the threats they face. Personalization entails the progressive accumulation of power in the hands of the dictator to minimize internal threats from organized elites in the military and party. However, elites have incentives to resist the personalization to avoid being marginalized by personalist strongmen. We argue that as personalism increases, rival elites, less able to coordinate coup attempts, turn to strategies that do not require substantial elite coordination: assassinations. At low levels of personalism, elites coordinate insider coups to oust the ruler, reshuffling leadership and still retaining power. At middle levels of personalism, elites organize regime change coups as reshuffling coups become more difficult. [R, abr.]
72.4441 CHIN, John J. ; CARTER, David B. ; WRIGHT, Joseph G. —
Interest in authoritarian politics and democratic breakdown has fueled a revival in scholarship on coups d’état. However, this research is held back by the fact that no global coup dataset captures theoretically salient information on the identity of coup-makers, their goals, and the relationship between the coup leaders and the ruling regime. We introduce the Colpus dataset, new global data on coup types and characteristics in the pos-World War II era. These data introduce a typology of coups, measurement strategy, and coding procedures to differentiate between whether coups seek to preserve existing ruling coalitions (leader reshuffling coups) or significantly alter ruling coalitions (regime change coups). We show trends in coup types across time and space. Finally, we demonstrate that poverty — an established determinant of coups — only predicts regime change coups. [R, abr.]
72.4442 CHOI Changyong ; JEE Sang Hoon —
Utilizing state-society relations as a theoretic framework, this study investigates whether the internet is used to facilitate or impede democratization in authoritarian regimes. The present paper uses governance practice as the mediating mechanism, along with a regime’s degree of authoritarianism as a moderator, to measure the direct and indirect effects of the Internet on democratization. This research found that the internet can be mobilized to suppress political freedom in authoritarian regimes, while at the same time reinforcing the legitimacy of the regime’s basis — both of these deter democratization. The internet, as a tool, must be complemented by democratic deliberation to fully generate democratization. [R]
72.4443 CICERCHIA, Lillian —
In recent years, there has been a wide-ranging debate about the neo-republican principle of non-domination. Neo-republicans argue that domination is a capacity for one to intentionally use arbitrary power to interfere in someone’s life. Critics of neo-republicanism argue that this definition of freedom as non-domination precludes a structural analysis of domination, which would explain and critique the ways in which societies produce structural domination unintentionally. The article focuses on capitalism’s labor process and its labor markets. It argues that critics are correct to think that the neo-republican principle of non-domination has an insufficient scope, but that an alternative account of structural domination should still support the neo-republican idea that agency must be involved. Otherwise, we might simply fail to explain the social processes that reproduce structural domination. [R, abr.]
72.4444 CINO PAGLIARELLO, Marina —
What is ambiguity, and why does it matter in policy change? Often treated as an exogenous factor, the ambiguity of ideas has been considered a taken for granted entity instrumental to actors’ strategic action. Less attention has been devoted to elucidating the nature and drivers of ambiguity in the policy process. Building on the concept of ‘boundary objects’, originally developed within the sociology of science, this article identifies polysemy as one explanatory factor through which multiple and contradictory meanings are shared across a constellation of different actors. Empirically, the article examines how the idea of the ‘Europe of Knowledge’ in European education policy was first rejected in the mid-1990s and then adopted only a few years later thanks to its polysemy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.4495]
72.4445 CLAASSEN, Christopher ; MAGALHÃES, Pedro C. —
Ineffective governance is known to weaken support for governments and leaders. However, it is less clear whether these effects spill over to the regime and erode support for the democratic system. This article returns to this classic question, now using time-series, cross-sectional data to test whether the effectiveness of governments in sustaining economic growth, providing quality healthcare, and tackling violent crime affects popular attitudes to democracy. We find that satisfaction with democracy is driven by fluctuations in economic performance and violent crime (but not healthcare quality). Diffuse support for democracy, in contrast, remains relatively impervious to changes in government effectiveness. Violent crime is the only indicator of effectiveness which has an impact on democratic support, and does so indirectly, via its influence on democratic satisfaction. [R, abr.]
72.4446 CLARE, Joe ; DANILOVIC, Vesna —
What factors influence third parties to intervene in civil wars? Our focus on major powers, which are disproportionately more likely than other states to intervene in civil conflicts, directs us to the factors that uniquely shape their interests. While our study does not rule out humanitarian interventions by collective security international institutions and individual states, we do not find that humanitarian concerns motivate major powers. We argue and demonstrate that their decisions to intervene are principally motivated by their drive to establish, consolidate, or expand influence in different geopolitical regions. Past research with the strategic approach stressed the importance of an intervener’s prior ties with a civil war state for this decision. Though important, we show the effect of these ties is subordinate to other factors. In our argument, their role is primarily relevant for determining whether an intervener will be on the side of the government or opposition. [R, abr.]
72.4447 CLEARY, Matthew R. ; ÖZTÜRK, Aykut —
In recent decades, prominent national leaders like Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Venezuela’s Hugo Chávez gained power through democratic institutions, only to undermine those institutions once in office as part of a broader effort to consolidate authoritarian power. Yet attempts at “executive aggrandizement” have failed in other countries, with varying consequences for democratic institutions. We develop an agency-based perspective to enhance the understanding of aggrandizement and to explain when it results in democratic breakdown. Relying on comparative case studies of five countries — Bolivia, Ecuador, Thailand, Turkey, and Venezuela — our analysis suggests that the contingent decisions of opposition actors during the process of aggrandizement have a significant effect on regime outcomes. [R, abr.]
72.4448 CLOOS, Jim —
Le temps est venu de passer à une approche plus structurée et plus volontariste, à un effort systématique, pour tirer les leçons de la gestion des crises, avec pour objectif une plus grande autonomie et une meilleure capacité d’agir. [R]
72.4449 COPELAND, Lauren ; BOULIANNE, Shelley —
Political consumerism refers to the deliberate purchase or avoidance of products, goods, or services for political reasons. For decades, researchers have studied the micro-level predictors of political consumerism in many countries and across a variety of contexts. However, many questions remain. Do resource-based models of political participation or theories of lifestyle politics best explain why some people are more likely to engage in political consumerism? To answer this question, we conduct a meta-analysis of 66 studies with more than 1000 tests. We find more support for theories of lifestyle politics. Political consumerism is associated with political distrust, liberal ideology, and media use, as well as education, political interest, and organizational membership. The findings help us understand the subset of people who are using their purchasing power to express political opinions. [R, abr.]
72.4450 CORDELLI, Chiara ; LEVY, Jonathan —
Political theory has remained nearly silent on the ethics of capital movement. We develop a general account of the ethics of global capital mobility — identifying both the forms of mobility that merit protection and those that merit restriction. By integrating normative theorizing with an economic analysis of global investment, we argue that the movement of capital, with important exceptions, should be much more restricted than it is today. We make the case, on both grounds of global justice and international assistance, for imposing coercive limits on cross-border inflows and outflows of capital. To enable them, we also propose a radical reform of the international monetary system — a new global currency — that would simultaneously facilitate beneficial capital movements. [R, abr.]
72.4451 CRABTREE, Charles ; KERN, Holger L. ; PIETRYKA, Matthew T. —
Many academic surveys administered online include a banner along the top of the survey displaying the name or logo of the researcher’s university. These banners may unintentionally influence respondents’ answers since subtle contextual cues often have great impact on survey responses. Our study aims to determine whether these banners influence survey respondents’ answers, that is, whether they induce sponsorship effects. For this purpose, we field three different studies on Amazon’s MTurk where we randomly assign the sponsoring institution. Our outcome measures include survey questions about social conservatism, religious practices, group affect, and political knowledge. [R, abr.]
72.4452 CRONERT, Axel ; HADENIUS, Axel —
This is an article about the foundations of human well-being. It makes two integrated contributions. We first examine well-being around the contemporary world, finding a remarkable correlation between subjective and objective measures and a considerable variation in overall well-being among countries. We then argue that certain institutional conditions have laid the basis for these differences. Integrating insights from several research strands, we outline a new explanatory model of popular well-being that considers the interactions between three institutional provisions: a well-functioning democracy, advanced state capacity, and an encompassing social protection system. To test the relationships implied, we used a new dataset involving more than 100 countries in the contemporary world that extends six decades back in time. [R, abr.]
72.4453 CURATO, Nicole, et al. —
What is the state of deliberative democracy in the age of serial crisis? This survey article provides a descriptive and reflective assessment of recent developments in the field in the light of a political context in which there is growing incivility, political polarization, normalization of disinformation and the growing appeal of finding simplistic solutions to complex problems. We describe deliberative democracy as a field of research that has evolved to become (1) assertive in practice, (2) precise in theory, (3) global in reach and (4) ambitious in empirical research. [R, abr.]
72.4454 DANCY, Geoff ; THOMS, Oskar Timo —
This article presents and tests an original theory that truth commissions (TCs) inspire democratic behaviors, but have little discernible impact on democratic institutions. Using quantitative analyses of countries undergoing transitions between 1970 and 2015, and accounting for endogeneity of TCs, we find that these temporary bodies are associated with greater democratic participation and state agent observance of physical integrity rights. However, they have no measurable effect on institutions like fair elections, rules regulating political association, liberal checks on the executive, or judicial independence. This contradicts a key argument in the transitional justice literature that TCs catalyze institutional reform through investigation and extensive recommendations. This article’s findings might encourage those who intend to use these bodies as a tool to promote citizen activism or police restraint. [R, abr.]
72.4455 DEBS, Alexandre —
Is mutual optimism a rationalist explanation for war? Countries are mutually optimistic if they have incompatible beliefs about the balance of power. Private information may fuel such beliefs, but it is unclear how rational countries could maintain incompatible beliefs if favorable information motivates a decision to fight, once countries incorporate their understanding of equilibrium strategies and later observe their enemy’s decision to fight. I show that if countries have multiple reasons to fight — a favorable signal about the balance of power and a high resolve for the issue in dispute — then rational enemies can hold incompatible beliefs about the balance of power because an enemy’s preference for war may not come from a favorable signal. Rational countries may even celebrate such an announcement, if it helps justify their own decision to fight. [R, abr.]
72.4456 DEMAZIERE, Didier ; LE SAOUT, Rémy —
L’indemnisation des mandats politiques est étrangement marginale dans l’étude des parcours des élus. Elle peut pourtant servir à analyser la professionnalisation politique puisque, dans la filiation wébérienne, celle-ci est définie a minima comme le fait de vivre exclusivement de ses mandats. Nous interrogeons ici cette situation dans les termes d’une dépendance financière aux mandats, en considérant l’indemnisation comme une source de revenus qui entre en tension avec d’autres sources de revenus issus d’activités professionnelles ou de la sphère familiale. Nous appuyons pour cela sur une enquête réalisée en France par entretien biographique et par questionnaire auprès d’élus qui occupent des positions intermédiaires dans le champ politique. [R, abr.]
72.4457 DIERMEIER, Matthias ; NIEHUES, Judith ; REINECKE, Joel —
The New Liberal Dilemma predicts that European universal welfare states lose support among natives due to large immigration numbers. This article contributes to the debate regarding the validity of the argument posited by the New Liberal Dilemma by examining the contradictory combination of support for a popular welfare state reform, Universal Basic Income (UBI), and conditionality for immigrants’ access to the welfare state in 20 European countries. Even though UBI is unconditional, two thirds of UBI supporters want to impose significant conditions on immigrants’ access to the welfare state and thus exhibit contradictory and chauvinistic welfare state preferences. UBI supporters consist of different groups of respondents that are chauvinist. Nativists hold strong anti-immigration attitudes and want to exclude immigrants entirely from welfare benefits, while reciprocity chauvinists are willing to grant immigrants access to the welfare state once immigrants prove themselves to be deserving of benefits by paying taxes for at least a year. [R, abr.]
72.4458 DORFF, Cassy ; GALLOP, Max ; MINHAS, Shahryar —
Spatial interdependencies commonly drive the spread of violence in civil conflict. To address such interdependence, scholars often use spatial lags to model the diffusion of violence, but this requires an explicit operationalization of the connectivity matrices that represent the spread of conflict. Unfortunately, in many cases, there are multiple competing processes that facilitate the spread of violence making it difficult to identify the true data-generating process. We show how a network-driven methodology can allow us to account for the spread of violence, even in the cases where we cannot directly measure the factors that drive diffusion. To do so, we estimate a latent connectivity matrix that captures a variety of possible diffusion patterns. We use this procedure to study intrastate conflict in eight conflict-prone countries and show how our framework enables substantially better predictive performance than canonical spatial-lag measures. [R, abr.]
72.4459 DURAZZI, Niccolo —
How do policies change? The article argues that dominant public policy theories overemphasize the stage of adoption of new policies and disregard the discrepancies that often take place between formal and substantive change. But can we really speak of change if formal changes do not trigger change in actors’ behaviour? And how can policy-makers achieve substantive change? Building on the comparative political economy literature, the article conceptualizes policy change as the interaction between rule-makers and rule-takers. It is argued that (1) rule-makers can use policy design strategically to minimize reliance on non-compliant rule-takers and (2) the scope for rule-makers to side-line non-compliant rule-takers is greater if non-compliant behaviour produces negative policy feedback. [R, abr.]
72.4460 DURNOVÁ, Anna —
This article summarises the main achievements of interpretive approaches to policy analysis and signposts ways to develop them to strengthen inclusivity and diversity. By visualising tangible strategies used in the approach, it demonstrates how we can better understand how policies are made and understood. At the same time, the article places a strong focus on emotions and ethnography as a way to strengthen the societal relevance of the approach. Focusing on emotions in policy research goes beyond a simple interest in emotions, using them as a specific critical lens to view the researched phenomenon while considering how policy ideas are framed as relevant or irrelevant through expressive language. Analogously, the article describes ethnography as an epistemological lens for analysing policy wherein researchers embrace human bias and the normativity of their research. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.4421]
72.4461 ECKHOUSE, Laurel —
Bureaucracies increasingly use quantitative measures to monitor personnel behavior. I develop a model of the incentives created by metrics management, a bureaucratic accountability technique, using policing as a case to show that monitoring can lead public-interest motivated bureaucrats to focus on work not in the public interest. Second, I develop a new measure of data manipulation in crime statistics: although theory predicts the presence of manipulation, researchers observe only the altered data. I solve this using the fact that police departments can reclassify rapes (but not other violent crimes) as “unfounded,” concluding the reported crime did not occur. Finally, I test the effects of metrics management in policing using a novel data-set. [R, abr.]
72.4462 ERMAN, Eva ; MÖLLER, Niklas —
Ever since the debate between ideal and nonideal theory emerged in political theory, a “strong position” has been defended, which holds that ideal theory is useless for theorizing what ought to be done to make our actual societies more just. In the last couple of years, however, the strong position has been defended in a more systematic way and on other grounds than previous proposals. It is argued that ideal theory is entirely uninformative for theorizing nonideal principles. It is this version of the strong position that is scrutinized [here]. We make two claims. First, we argue that the arguments put forward fail to demonstrate that ideal theory is uninformative in the intended sense. Second, we sketch plausible ways in which ideal theory may be informative in construing principles for our current conditions. [R, abr.]
72.4463 ESKILDSEN, Lasse Skjoldager ; BJØRNSKOV, Christian —
It is often assumed that there is a trade-off between civil rights and national safety although the association is theoretically ambiguous. This article therefore explores this association by estimating the effect of degrees of freedom of expression on the risk of terrorist attacks. We first note that different theoretical arguments support both a positive and negative association between freedom of expression and terrorism. We explore this association empirically in a large panel of 162 countries observed between 1970 and 2016. Distinguishing between media freedom and discussion freedom, and separating democracies and autocracies, we find that discussion freedom is unambiguously associated with less terrorism in democracies. [R]
72.4464 FENG Yilang —
This article investigates how political connection shapes firm owner preference on economic openness and international competition in China, a topic that is getting increasingly relevant today amid China’s trade disputes with its trading partners over the nature of the country’s business-government relations. Politically connected entrepreneurs and their enterprises usually exploit and benefit from their political resources, but this can lead to both supporting and opposing views on expanding trade liberalization. To solve this puzzle, this article proposes a theory that focuses on (1) a selection effect of political connection on firm productivity and (2) trade-related institutional development in China. With survey data on China joining the world trade organization, I develop a modified Bayesian item response theory model to measure political connection and find that Chinese politically connected entrepreneurs held a less supportive view before joining the world trade organization than their less connected counterparts. [R, abr.]
72.4465 FERNANDES CARVALHO, Fabia ; HOFFMANN, Florian F. —
Introduction by the editors. Articles by Kevin E. DAVIS, Guillermo JORGE and Maria R. MACHADO, "Coordinating the enforcement of anti-corruption law: South American experiences", pp. 160-199; Maria Paula BERTRAN, Maria Virginia NABUCO DO AMARAL MESQUITA NASSER, "Whistleblowing to a Latin tune: the adaptation problems of the OECD/FCPA paradigm in environments with disseminated corruption through the lenses of the Odebrecht case in Latin America", pp. 200-218; Rimdolmsom Jonathan KABRE, "The interplay between international and national institutions in fighting corruption: lessons from the Piero Foresti, Laura de Carli & others v. The Republic of South Africa’s case", pp. 243-262; Su BIAN, "More discretion, less law: exploring the dilemmas in the recent anticorruption reform in China", pp. 263-278; Gwendolyn DOMMING, "Challenging the power of the prosecution? The first phase of the establishment of the corruption investigation office for high-ranking officials in the Republic of Korea", pp. 279-300.
72.4466 FINNEGAN, Jared J. —
Many policy problems require taking costly action today for future benefits. Examining the case of climate change, this paper examines how two institutions — electoral rules and interest group intermediation — structure the distributional politics of climate change and as a result, drive variation in climate “policy investments” across the high-income democracies. Proportional electoral rules increase electoral safety, allowing politicians to impose short-term costs on voters. Concertation between industry and the state enables governments to compensate losers, defusing organized opposition to policy change. Moreover, the joint presence of both institutions generates complementarities that reinforce their independent effects, pushing countries onto different climate politics trajectories. Newly available data on climate policy stringency provide empirical support for the arguments. [R, abr.]
72.4467 GELEPITHIS, Margarita ; GIANI, Marco —
Highly educated individuals tend to be less supportive of redistribution by most accounts because they have more to lose and less to gain from it. We use European Social Survey data to develop the argument that university education reduces support for redistribution in large part independently of the improved material circumstances with which it is associated. While university encourages a range of progressive ideas related to cultural inclusivity, it simultaneously encourages conservative redistribution preferences that are reinforced — but only partly explained — by the economic security it tends to provide. In short, European universities foster norms of cultural inclusion, while simultaneously eroding norms of economic solidarity. [R]
72.4468 GERBER, Dominik ; RIEBER, Christopher ; LANDES, Xavier, eds. —
A symposium. Articles by Joseph HEATH, "The failure of traditional environmental philosophy", pp. 1-16; Morten Ebbe J. NIELSEN and Asbjørn HAUGE-HELGESTAD, "Come as you are? Public reason and climate change", pp. 17-32; Nils HOLTUG, "Climate refugees, demandingness and Kagan’s conditional", pp. 33-48.
72.4469 GIOVANNINI, Arianna ; WOOD, Matthew —
Against the background of recent debates on ‘democratic crisis’, we argue that the concept of ‘democratic stress’ provides a useful way to understand the diversity of pressures that representative democracy faces in the contemporary context, as well as a valuable ‘organising perspective’ for developing more nuanced analyses. We then map out the main contributions of the articles included in this special issue, and survey the way in which they further this agenda, conceptually and empirically. [R] [Introduction to a series of articles on "Understanding democratic stress", edited by the authors. See Abstr. 72.4565, 4576, 4751, 4768, 4818, 5228]
72.4470 GODREJ, Farah —
I argue that a normative commitment to dismantling mass incarceration requires us to examine the effects of self-care and self-disciplinary practices within carceral spaces. I take up the specific case of the South Asian traditions of yoga and meditation. Many critics have suggested that their practices can produce pacifying, politically neutering effects through their emphases on non-judgment and non-reaction. They can teach acceptance of an unjust, immiserating reality, seen as the result of individual responsibility or pathology, rather than of structural factors. But others insist that yogic and meditative traditions can be interpreted to generate attention and resistance to social injustice. I explore the conditions under which the therapeutic, rehabilitative forms of self-discipline taught by these traditions reproduce neoliberal penality, encouraging the targets of mass incarceration to accept their own responsibility for structurally unjust outcomes. [R, abr.]
72.4471 GOLDFARB, Avi ; LINDSAY, Jon R. —
Recent scholarship on artificial intelligence (AI) and international security focuses on the political and ethical consequences of replacing human warriors with machines. Yet AI is not a simple substitute for human decision-making. The advances in commercial machine learning that are reducing the costs of statistical prediction are simultaneously increasing the value of data (which enable prediction) and judgment (which determines why prediction matters). But these key complements — quality data and clear judgment — may not be present, or present to the same degree, in the uncertain and conflictual business of war. As a result, conflicts involving AI complements are likely to unfold very differently than visions of AI substitution would suggest. [R, abr.]
72.4472 GOLDSCHMIDT, Nils —
The goal of capability and empowerment approaches consists of expanding opportunities for individual realization. At the same time, capability policies are always also a social policy intervention, encroaching on individual autonomy and harboring the suspicion of determining people’s way of life paternalistically. Fraught with this tension, this article tackles the question how individualized social policy can be justified both practically and conceptually. [R]
72.4473 GOMEZ, Miguel Alberto ; WHYTE, Christopher —
Employing a survey experiment, we find that the assumptions of the “cyber doom” narrative are misleading. While sensitivity to cybersecurity threats is shaped by negative information, the onset of panic and dread is not a given. The impact of novel environmental circumstances on opinion-formation is shaped by the individuals’ embeddedness in modern digital society. Consequently, long-term exposure to any invasive development mitigates the emotional response associated with it, normalizing novel threats over time. We present evidence suggesting that the unique characteristics of a development (i.e., web-technology proliferation) matter in opinion-formation, as sensitivity to digital threats to the polity is grounded on personal threat sensitivity. Thus, policymakers can expect to see public responses to new national security threats manifest through the lens of prevailing social and political narratives. [R, abr.]
72.4474 GONZALEZ GINOCCHIO, Brenda ; HINDMOOR, Andrew ; STANLEY, Liam —
How pluralist is political studies? How are resources distributed across the discipline? In this article, we turn one of the fundamental questions of politics – who gets what, when, and how – back on to the study of politics itself. Our focus is on two areas that are central concerns to pluralism: gender and sub-discipline. We pose two specific questions: What is the gender and sub-disciplinary composition of political studies? And how are various resources — ranging from jobs to prizes — distributed along gender and sub-disciplinary lines? In addressing these questions, we draw on a pilot and partial audit of departments, journals and other key indicators from 1998 to 2018. The article contributes to long-standing debates about the character of political studies and the extent to which the field is pluralistic or not. [R] [First of a series of articles on " Pluralism and political studies in the UK". See also Responses by Gerry STOKER, pp. 24-26; Angelia R. WILSON, pp. 27-29; Fran AMERY, pp. 30-32; Peter ALLEN, pp. 33-35]
72.4475 GOODMAN, Rob ; BAGG, Samuel —
Responding to empirical research that casts doubt on the generalizability of deliberative mechanisms outside of carefully designed forums, this essay seeks to broaden the scope of discourse theory by considering speech that addresses participants’ identities instead. More specifically, we ask what may be learned about identity-oriented discourse by examining the practice of religious preaching. As we demonstrate, scholars of homiletics — the study of preaching — have identified three core features that support its focus on identity: its unconditionality, its appeal to authoritative texts and traditions, and its diffuse instrumentality. We then ask what each of these features might look like in more straightforwardly political contexts. Finally, we address several normative questions raised by this practice, as a way of exploring the promises and dangers accompanying identity-oriented discourse more generally. [R, abr.]
72.4476 GOREN, Paul ; SMITH, Brianna ; MOTTA, Matthew —
Political sophistication systematically affects the structure, crystallization, and use of political values, but it remains unclear if sophistication manifests similar effects on human values. This paper integrates Shalom Schwartz theory of human values with sophistication interaction theory to examine the degree to which education and political interest condition the structure, crystallization, and use of an important subset of values. We theorize that human values are (1) identically structured and equally crystallized in sophistication-stratified populations and (2) that relationships between human values and ideological judgments grow stronger at higher levels of sophistication. Using data from a nationally representative sample of 10,765 Americans, we compare extremely sophisticated individuals (e.g., people with doctorates) and extremely unsophisticated individuals (e.g., high school dropouts) to demonstrate that neither education nor political interest affect value structure and crystallization. [R, abr.]
72.4477 GRUFFYDD-JONES, Jamie J. —
Does international attention to political prisoners make them more likely to be released? The political science literature provides theoretical reasons to believe that widely publicizing a case may make regimes both more and less likely to free their prisoners, but to date there has been no systematic examination of this issue. An analysis of political prisoners in China from 1994 to 2017 shows that international publicity of a political prisoner’s case will make regimes 70 percent more likely to release them early before sentencing, but has no effect once the prisoner has been sentenced — and may even be counterproductive. This “resistance” to international efforts appears to be more closely related with demonstrating the regime’s strength to an international audience rather than to a domestic one. [R, abr.]
72.4478 GULOTTY, Robert ; KRONICK, Dorothy —
Foundational theories of trade politics emphasize a conflict between consumer welfare and protectionist lobbies. But these theories ignore other powerful lobbies that also shape trade policy. We propose a theory of trade distortion arising from conflict between consumer welfare and importer lobbies. We estimate the key parameter of the model — the government’s weight on welfare — using original data from Venezuela, where Hugo Chávez used an exchange-rate subsidy to underwrite hundreds of billions of dollars of imports. Whereas estimates from traditional models would make Chávez look like a welfare maximizer, our results indicate that he implemented distortionary commercial policy to the benefit of special interests. Our analysis underscores the importance of tailoring workhorse models to account for differences in interest group configuration. [R, abr.]
72.4479 GUNDERSON, Anna —
The growth of the carceral state over the last few decades has been remarkable, with millions of Americans in prison, jail, on parole or probation. Political science explanations of this phenomenon identify partisanship as a key explanatory variable in the adoption of punitive policies; by this theory, Republicans are the driving force behind growing incarceration. This article argues this explanation is incomplete and instead emphasizes the bipartisan coalition that constructed the carceral state. I argue Democratic governors are incentivized to pursue more punitive policies to compete with Republicans when those Democrats are electorally vulnerable. I test this proposition using a series of regression discontinuity designs and find causal evidence for Democrats’ complicity in the expansion of the carceral state. [R, abr.]
72.4480 GUNDERSON, Anna —
The US has witnessed privatization of a variety of government functions over the last three decades. Media and politicians often attribute the decision to privatize to ideological commitments to small government and fiscal pressure. These claims are particularly notable in the context of prison privatization, where states and the federal government have employed private companies to operate and manage private correctional facilities. I argue that state prison privatization is not a function of simple ideological or economic considerations. Rather, prison privatization has been an unintended consequence of the administrative and legal costs associated with litigation brought by prisoners. I assemble an original database of prison privatization in the US and demonstrate that the privatization of prisons is best predicted by the legal pressure on state corrections systems, rather than the ideological orientation of a state government. [R]
72.4481 GUTIÉRREZ-SANÍN, Francisco ; GUTIÉRREZ, José A. —
This special issue revisits and reframes the old, but active, debate on the relationship between criminality and civil war. It argues that the terms in which the debate is generally posed are still inadequate to address the complexities of this relationship, showing how criminalisation and de-criminalisation are deeply political and hotly contested processes. The shifting movements towards the separation - or convergence- between criminality and politics are part of the processes of constitution of both political power and state. The articles in the issue flesh out the mechanisms and social dynamics through which this takes place. [R] [First article of a thematic issue of the same title. See also Abstr. 72.4485, 4517, 4518, 4537, 4541, 5047, 5533, 5534, 5556, 5565]
72.4482 HAAS, Nicholas —
COVID-19 is expected to radically alter higher education in the United States and to further limit the availability of tenure-track academic positions. How has the pandemic and its associated fallout affected doctoral students’ career aspirations and priorities? We investigate this question by comparing responses to a PhD career survey prior to and following significant developments in the pandemic. We find little evidence that the pandemic caused substantial shifts in PhD students’ aspirations and priorities. However, some differences emerge when considering later dates in our survey period, particularly among more senior students who express a greater interest in some non-academic careers and job characteristics. Contrary to expectation, we also find evidence that the pandemic improved some students’ perceptions of their academic departments. [R, abr.]
72.4483 HANSON, Stephen E. ; KOPSTEIN, Jeffrey S. —
The past decade has witnessed a resurgence of patrimonial rule not only in the developing world but also, more surprisingly, in the developed West. This resurgence carries potentially dire consequences for responding to a range of pressing problems. Understanding the sources of contemporary patrimonialism is hindered by assimilating the phenomenon into the familiar democracy/autocracy typology or by assuming that it is a function of failed modernization. This article identifies the patrimonial phenomenon and explores the contemporary global diffusion of patrimonial rule from its origins in post-communist Russia, with a focus on how patrimonialism has manifested itself in policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. Some signs indicate that reestablishing bureaucratic predictability and expertise may be much harder than demolishing it. [R, abr.]
72.4484 HARRIS, Jerry —
Integrated global capitalism has emerged over the past forty years as the dominant economic system. This world system was constructed by the transnational capitalist class, which established hegemonic political and cultural power in both the Global North and South. Nevertheless, competition and contradictions characterize global capitalism, within and between classes as well as nationstates. [R]
72.4485 HAUGAARD, Mark —
The article contains a sociological theory of power and crime, demonstrating how crime is socially constructed, relative to power. It is argued that crime is socially constructed differently when power structures are either legitimate or illegitimate, and when power is either coercive or based on authority. Legitimacy has both a sociological and normative meaning, which are not the same. While the emphasis is sociological, the article also contains a normative theorization of crime, relative to political power. The normative aspect hinges on the distinction between dominating power, which is zero-sum, and enabling power, which is positive-sum. [R] [See Abstr. 72.4481]
72.4486 HEIKKILA, Tanya ; JONES, Michael D. —
Numerous published efforts have compared and contrasted policy process theories. Few assessments, however, have examined the extent to which they are inclusive or diverse. Here we summarise lessons from previous assessments, paying attention to how Paul Sabatier’s science-based criteria have shaped the contours of the field. In looking at these contours, we explore evidence of diversity and inclusivity of policy process approaches in terms of methods, concepts, topics, geography and authors. We conclude with strategies to address challenges revealed by our examination: creating space for conversations among scholars of differing perspectives and approaches; building sustained and meaningful efforts to recruit and train researchers with diverse backgrounds; establishing research coordination networks that focus on policy problems; and creating better metrics to assess our diversity and inclusivity. [R] [See Abstr. 72.4421]
72.4487 HILL, Seth J. —
Individuals vary in how intensely they care about political outcomes. Despite attention to intensity in studies of representation and public opinion, the study of elections has paid less attention to the strategic dynamics of intensity. I present a theory that brings intensity to electoral competition. I investigate the preelection actions of voters and the response of candidates through a game-theoretic model. Because intensity is unobserved and subject to misrepresentation, voters communicate intensity through costly political action. Candidates respond to voter actions by sometimes proposing policy opposed by a low-intensity majority. The theory suggests when and why citizens choose costly action and expression, describes why citizens might prefer candidates with negative traits such as a history of misconduct, indicates when majoritarian systems might implement nonmajoritarian policy, shows when costly political action is welfare enhancing. [R, abr.]
72.4488 HIRSCH, Alexander V. ; KASTELLEC, Jonathan P. —
We develop a theory of policymaking that examines when policy sabotage — the deliberate choice by an opposition party to interfere with the implementation of a policy — can be an effective electoral strategy, even if rational voters can observe that it is happening. In our model, a potential saboteur chooses whether to sabotage an incumbent’s policy by blocking its successful implementation. A voter then decides whether to retain the incumbent, who is of unknown ability, or to select a challenger. We find that the incentives for sabotage are broadly shaped by the underlying popularity of the incumbent — it is most attractive when an incumbent is somewhat unpopular. If so, sabotage may decrease the probability the incumbent is reelected, even though sabotage is observable to the voter. [R, abr.]
72.4489 HOOGHE, Marc ; GOUBIN, Silke —
Political consumerism is now firmly accepted as a form of political participation increasingly adopted by the young. We investigate two claims often made concerning the democratic potential of political consumerism. First, visibility bias would imply that political consumerism mainly targets visible and often symbolic goods, without real economic impact. Our results suggest that participants indeed tend to focus on goods, and neglect services, despite the growing importance of the service sector. Second, it has been argued that political consumerism is only a weapon for the ‘happy few’. Our results indeed show that especially higher educated and progressive respondents tend to use political consumerism. Although our findings are based on specific samples in Belgium, and therefore cannot be generalized, we close with some observations on the broader democratic impact of political consumerism. [R, abr.]
72.4490 ISSAR, Sukriti ; DILLING, Matthias —
Theoretical advances in the study of institutional change center around a productive paradox. While change agents can take strategic action to change institutions, institutions display a remarkable level of formal stability. From this paradox, we expect that attempts to change institutions are an empirical regularity and that many formal change attempts will fail. This article contributes to historical institutionalism by analyzing the political effects of failed formal institutional change attempts on institutional sequences. Failed institutional change attempts could be mere blips, having little effect on subsequent institutional trajectories, or even inoculate against future attempts. Failed attempts could also lay the ideational groundwork, aid in coalition building, and garner concessions for subsequent institutional change, or convince change agents to alter their strategy. [R, abr.]
72.4491 JABKO, Nicolas ; SCHMIDT, Sebastian —
Scholars regularly mobilise the concept of policy paradigm to characterise successive periods in which certain ideas appear to structure policymaking. While this concept proved useful to establish that ideas matter, it is time to start thinking about ideas in ways that better resonate with actors’ practices. This article introduces and empirically illustrates two conceptual alternatives. First, it looks at international monetary relations from 1944 through the early 1970s. Instead of simply labelling this period as ‘Keynesian,’ it shows that the enduring centrality of gold was a pivotal practice among policy makers. Second, it considers the governance of the Eurozone in the run-up to the crisis of the 2010s. Rather than viewing this period as ‘neoliberal,’ it highlights a new discursive repertoire of governance that produced both austerity and unconventional policies. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.4495]
72.4492 JAMES, Toby —
The promotion of democracy has long been a cornerstone of states’ foreign policy and the work of international organizations. However, the online diffusion of gray literature on “best practices” by the international community is one method of democracy promotion which has been overlooked by the literature on democratization and international organizations. This essay provides a heuristic model for understanding the diffusion pathways, accelerants, and barriers to use for this democracy promotion method. The model is constructed using analysis of original data about the nature, volume, and direction of downloads from a major democracy promotion IGO between 2006 and 2017, alongside the process tracing of the impact of one key publication. The analysis suggests that the resources were more likely to be used by electoral management bodies lacking capacity as well as by universities worldwide with reduced educational and research resources. Internet access was a barrier to diffusion. [R, abr.]
72.4493 JDERU, Gabriel —
In a departure from car-centered analyses of the automobility systems, this article highlights the importance of motorcycles and motorcycling in the mobility practices of socialist countries. For at least half of the existence of socialist mobility systems, and especially during the 1950s and 1960s, there were more motorcycles on the roads than cars. Motorcycling was important in commuting, for the mobility of lower-ranking administrative personnel in the countryside, and for mass tourism and leisure. [R, abr.]
72.4494 JOLLY, Seth, et al. —
Research on party competition and political representation relies on valid cross-national measures of party positions. This research note reports on the 1999-2019 Chapel Hill expert survey (CHES), which contains measures of national party positioning on European integration, ideology, and several EU and non-EU policies for six waves of the survey, from 1999 to 2019. The trend file provides party position measures for all 28 EU countries and 1196 party-year observations. In this article, we analyze the evolving party positions on European integration from 1999 to 2019, with a particular focus on how EU positions are related to economic left-right and the Green/Alternative/Libertarian-Traditional/Authoritarian/Nationalist dimension (GAL-TAN). The dataset is publicly available on the CHES website. [R]
72.4495 KAMKHAJI, Jonathan C. ; RADAELLI, Claudio M. —
Ideational explanations of policy change are popular in the fields of political economy, comparative politics and policy analysis. And yet, to make the case for ideational explanations, we must make further progress on the nature of ideas, where they come from, what they consist of, and how they change over time. We highlight four critical building sites concerning the definitional aspects of ideational explanations, micro-foundations, mechanisms and the difference between ideational and cognitive analysis. We make recommendations on how to carry out work in the building sites and describe the range of suggestions and ways forward found in the articles of this Symposium. We also suggest cross-fertilising political science with the findings of neighbouring disciplines that have developed empirically robust models of ideation and cognition. [R] [First of a symposium on "Reframing the policy and politics of ideas", edited by Claudio M. RADAELLI, Jonathan C. KAMKHAJI and Femke VAN ESCH. See also Abstr. 72.4444, 4491, 4511, 4567]
72.4496 KEARNS, Oliver —
As the covert and clandestine practices of states multiplied in the twentieth century, so did these practices’ footprint in public life. This footprint is not just visual and material but sonic and aural, sounding the ‘secret state’ into being and suggesting ways of ‘listening in’ on it. Using multisensory methodology, this article examines Careless Talk Costs Lives, a UK Second World War propaganda campaign instructing citizens on how to practice discreet speech and listening in defence against ‘fifth columnist’ spies. This campaign reproduced the British secret state in the everyday: it represented sensitive operations as weaving in and out of citizens’ lives through imprudent chatter about ‘hush-hush’ activities and sounds you shouldn’t overhear. The paradox at the campaign’s heart — of revealing to people the kind of things they shouldn’t say or listen to — made the secret state and its international operations a public phenomenon. [R, abr.]
72.4497 KENNEDY, John ; SAYERS, Anthony ; ALCANTARA, Christopher —
Does federalism prevent citizens from holding governments accountable for their actions? The pandemic represents the ideal scenario for testing the effects of federalism on democratic accountability because citizens are highly motivated to hold governments accountable for preventing or failing to prevent the rapid transmission of the virus. Previous research suggests that a number of institutional and political factors complicate the accountability function in federal systems. We add to this literature by assessing the effect of one political factor, exclusivity (measured in terms of policy variation at one level), on accountability. The coronavirus pandemic provides a unique opportunity to assess this factor given the high levels of issue saliency, media attention, and low levels of intergovernmental and interparty conflict it has generated. [R, abr.]
72.4498 KENT, Daniel ; WILSON, James D. ; CRANMER, Skyler J. —
Across the social sciences, scholars regularly pool effects over substantial periods of time, a practice that produces faulty inferences if the underlying data generating process is dynamic. To help researchers better perform principled analyses of time-varying processes, we develop a two-stage procedure based upon techniques for permutation testing and statistical process monitoring. Given time series cross-sectional data, we break the role of time through permutation inference and produce a null distribution that reflects a time-invariant data generating process. The null distribution then serves as a stable reference point, enabling the detection of effect changepoints. In Monte Carlo simulations, our randomization technique outperforms alternatives for changepoint analysis. A particular benefit of our method is that, by establishing the bounds for time-invariant effects before interacting with actual estimates, it is able to differentiate stochastic fluctuations from genuine changes. [R, abr.]
72.4499 KERSTENETZKY, Celia Lessa —
This article explores new horizons for social democracy, by initially identifying two sets of proposals currently being advanced in policy debates: the social investment welfare state and Thomas Piketty’s ‘transcending capitalism’ blueprint. After establishing their common social democratic grounds, the article sets out the terms for a new conversation between them, with a view to assessing frontiers for social democratic ambition. The imagined conversation makes explicit their distinct emphases — one on labor strength (social investment); and the other on capital democratization (transcending capitalism) — and reveals that these are because of contrasting assessments of problems and possibilities. It also makes clear that the integration of the two proposals is both possible and desirable, but suggests that an all-encompassing social democratic agenda might offer possibilities beyond such an integration. [R, abr.]
72.4500 KIKUTA, Kyosuke —
Where do armed conflicts occur? In applied studies, we may take ad hoc approaches to answer this question. In some regression studies, for instance, a single conflict event can cause an entire province to be classified as a conflict zone. In this paper, I fill this void of knowledge by developing a machine learning method that is less dependent on the areal-unit assumptions and can flexibly estimate conflict zones. I apply the method to a conflict event dataset and create a new dataset of conflict zones. A replication of Daskin and Pringle (2018, Nature 553, 328-332) with the new dataset indicates that the effect of civil war on mammal populations is much smaller than the original estimate. [R]
72.4501 KNIESS, Johannes —
People often fail to make the choices that best satisfy their preferences. The design of the social environment inevitably makes some choices easier than others. According to Libertarian Paternalists, these facts justify governments nudging people towards better choices through changes to the so-called choice architecture. This is a form of means paternalism. However, the social environment affects not only people’s choices or means, but also the preferences they adopt in the first place. Call this the problem of ‘preference architecture’. This article argues that preference architecture constitutes a fundamental challenge to the justificatory basis of Libertarian Paternalism. More generally, it explores when, if ever, government paternalism that influences preference formation can be justified. [R, abr.]
72.4502 KÖNIG, Pascal D. ; SIEWERT, Markus B. —
The project of liberal democracy is inherently marked by tensions between its liberal and democratic pillar. This means that liberal democracy needs to constantly strive for a balance between conflicting principles. If it does not contain these centrifugal forces, liberal democracies risk becoming subverted from within due to one principle clearly dominating the other. In this article, we start from the idea of liberal democracy depending on balance to systematically assess multiple endogenous challenges to democracy. We identify four types of deformations and show how they are qualitatively distinct phenomena, yet systematically relate to each other. We furthermore discuss what the co-existence of several such deformations means for the notion of liberal democracy understood as a state of balance. [R, abr.]
72.4503 KOSTYUK, Nadiya —
Existing scholarly works argue that cyber deterrence by punishment using cyberattacks is ineffective because the difficulty of attributing the origin of cyberattacks makes the threat of future attacks less credible. However, these works have told us relatively little about the deterrence ability of public cyberinstitutions (PCIs), defined as publicly observable proactive efforts aimed at signaling a country’s level of cyber offensive and defensive capability. This research shows that middle powers (that have scarce cyber arsenals) can use PCIs to deter cyber attacks that cause significant damage to their economy and prosperity; however, this deterrent capability is rather limited. Using an incomplete-information model, we demonstrate that PCIs only deter adversaries that are susceptible to the costs created by these institutions. [R, abr.]
72.4504 KRAININ, Colin ; SCHUB, Robert —
Alliances are costly to form and to terminate, and yet alliances change frequently. Scholars typically attribute these decisions to static factors, such as the power balance, and retrospective ones, such as past power shifts. We highlight another factor: prospective changes, particularly anticipated military strength shifts. We analyze a three-country bargaining model of alliances and war that incorporates forward-looking power dynamics. The model, unlike those restricting players to set roles, flexibly allows players to ally in any arrangement. We find that alliance arrangements that are optimal when power is static are often suboptimal when power fluctuates. Maintaining prior alliances despite expected power shifts may even lead to preventive war. States thus strategically look to the future to identify optimal alliances in the present. Quantitative analyses corroborate the expectation. [R, abr.]
72.4505 KREBS, Ronald R. ; RALSTON, Robert ; RAPPORT, Aaron —
What shapes public support for military missions? Existing scholarship points to, on the one hand, individuals’ affiliations and predispositions (such as political partisanship and gender), and, on the other hand, factors that shape a rational cost-benefit analysis (notably, mission objectives, the prospects for victory, and the magnitude and distribution of costs). We argue that public opinion is also shaped by beliefs about why soldiers voluntarily enlist. Using novel survey data and an experiment, deployed to a nationally representative sample of Americans, we test how four conceptions of soldiering affect support for a prospective military operation. [R, abr.]
72.4506 LALL, Ranjit ; ROBINSON, Thomas —
Principled methods for analyzing missing values, based chiefly on multiple imputation, have become increasingly popular yet can struggle to handle the kinds of large and complex data that are also becoming common. We propose an accurate, fast, and scalable approach to multiple imputation, which we call MIDAS (Multiple Imputation with Denoising Autoencoders). MIDAS employs a class of unsupervised neural networks known as denoising autoencoders, which are designed to reduce dimensionality by corrupting and attempting to reconstruct a subset of data. We repurpose denoising autoencoders for multiple imputation by treating missing values as an additional portion of corrupted data and drawing imputations from a model trained to minimize the reconstruction error on the originally observed portion. Systematic tests on simulated as well as real social science data, together with an applied example involving a largescale electoral survey, illustrate MIDAS’s accuracy and efficiency across a range of settings. We provide open-source software for implementing MIDAS. [R]
72.4507 LAMBACH, Daniel —
Is the COVID pandemic a "revenge of nature"? This common topos seizes on the pandemic to postulate, in an anti-populist reflex, a supposed return of the material that prevails over the ephemerality of language and discourse. In this paper, I critique this view, particularly its tendency toward unnecessary dualisms and determinisms, and discuss COVID in particular and materiality in general as a challenge to social constructivist theorizing in IR. To this end, I sketch a relational picture of society as a sociomaterial web of relations in which actors are connected to each other and to things. Ideas, representations, and identities come into play in these relations. Finally, the implications of this approach for the interpretation of the pandemic are elaborated. [R]
72.4508 LARUELLE, Marlene —
Illiberalism is an emerging concept in social sciences that remains to be tested by different disciplines and approaches. Here, I advance a fine-grained frame that should help to “stabilize” the concept by stating that we should 1/ look at illiberalism as an ideology and dissociate it from the literature on regime types, 2/ consider illiberalism to be in permanent situational relation to liberalism. To make that demonstration, I advance a pilot definition of illiberalism as a new ideological universe that, even if doctrinally fluid and context-based, is to some degree coherent. [R]
72.4509 LEE Chia-yi —
The resource curse literature shows that natural resources, particularly oil, help regime or leadership survival, but it also suggests that resource-rich countries are prone to civil wars or political instability. This article argues that the ownership structure of the oil sector matters and influences leadership survival. Specifically, foreign ownership of the oil sector raises leaders’ survival prospect and leads to more military interventions aimed to help the leader. Using data on oil ownership and leaders from 1962 to 2006 across 120 developing countries, this article finds that foreign involvement in the oil sector has a negative effect on leadership turnover. Countries with deeper foreign involvement in the oil sector are also more likely to experience military interventions on the side of the leaders. [R, abr.]
72.4510 LEE Chungjae ; LIOU, Stacey —
This article presents Minobe Tatsukichi’s emperor organ theory as a novel understanding of the temporality of founding. In contrast to a conventional framework of founding which legitimizes the constitution by postulating the pre-constitutional power of “the people,” emperor organ theory invents “the people” out of the Meiji Constitution as a democratically empowered subject to-come. In so doing, emperor organ theory calls upon the transformation of shin-min, the presumed subject of the emperor, into koku-min, the people of this constitutional state. However, emperor organ theory also highlights the contingency of founding moments. [R, abr.]
72.4511 LESCH, Matthew ; MILLAR, Heather —
This article examines how ideational factors shape policy making during crisis conditions. Crises can generate ‘problem uncertainty’, in which policymakers are uncertain about the nature of policy problems. Existing studies have linked such conditions to processes of policy learning. Yet crises can also trigger ‘policy urgency’, where policymakers’ preference for immediate policy action is paramount. This study suggests that bounded emulation, in which policymakers copy available solutions without learning, is related to perceptions of policy urgency. To probe the plausibility of the framework the study conducts a comparative analysis of value-added tax reform in Ontario and British Columbia, drawing on 41 semi-structured interviews, policy documents and news articles. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.4495]
72.4512 LINK, Werner —
Wolfgang Streeck’s conception of a new national and international order (which is considered to replace the present system of "hyperglobalisation" and "global governance") is a theoretical construction according to the model of the "Keynes-Polanyi-State". However, the prevailing circumstances (which are separately discussed) indicate that the conditions for realizing this concept do not exist. Most of all, the actors who are necessary for the system’s transformation are missing — on the national and on the international level. The hope for the great reversal ("Umkehr") will not come true. [R]
72.4513 LONARDO, Livio Di ; TYSON, Scott A. —
To study the conceptual foundations of deterrence, we develop a model of an international crisis between a country seeking to maintain a peaceful status quo (Defender), and a potential aggressor (Attacker). Attacker’s leader is politically insecure and may be unseated by domestic elites. Leaders and elites can each be hawkish, benefiting from conflict, or dovish and prefer peace. We show that the ability to maintain peace through deterrence crucially depends on ideological cohesiveness within Attacker countries. When there is ideological disagreement, we identify two novel mechanisms that cause the conventional logic of deterrence to fail. First, political instability breaks the link between a leader’s aggressive actions and Defender’s retaliatory response. Second, political instability creates a commitment problem leading doves to initiate crises to quell domestic conflicts. [R, abr.]
72.4514 Mac GINTY, Roger —
This article contributes to debates on appropriate levels of analysis, temporality, and the utility of fieldwork in relation to Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS), and International Relations more generally. It observes a recentism or privileging of the recent past in our studies and a consequent overlooking of the longer term. As a corrective, the article investigates the extent to which wartime memoirs and personal diaries (specifically from World War I and World War II) can help inform the study of contemporary peace and conflict. In essence, the article is a reflection on the epistemologies and methodologies employed by PCS and an investigation of the need for greater contextualisation. [R]
72.4515 MAHER, Henry —
This article explores the relationship between neoliberal ideology and ‘actually existing neoliberalism’. Critical scholarship on neoliberalism identifies significant discrepancies between neoliberal ideology and neoliberal state practice in advanced economies, but struggles to account for the exact relationship between ideology and practice. Through a critical reading of neoliberal thinker Milton Friedman, I propose two hypotheses. Firstly, I argue that access to power resources determine which social actors are able to successfully resist neoliberal reform, and therefore that attention to power relations can account for the variegated, uneven development of neoliberalism. Secondly, I suggest neoliberal reforms limiting the role of government have allowed corporate actors to accrue unprecedented economic and political power, which is leveraged by corporations to create increasingly pro-corporate, but often anti-neoliberal, forms of economic regulation. [R, abr.]
72.4516 MALCOLM, Finlay —
Epistocratic systems of government have received renewed attention, and considerable opposition, in recent political philosophy. Although they vary significantly in form, epistocracies generally reject universal suffrage. But can they maintain the advantages of universal suffrage despite rejecting it? This paper develops an argument for a significant instrumental advantage of universal suffrage: that governments must take into account the interests of all of those enfranchised in their policy decisions or else risk losing power. This is called ‘the Interests Argument’. One problem for the Interests Argument is that governments are not entirely responsive to voter interests, partly because voters do not always know what is in their interests. I will show how this epistemic claim can be used to support certain forms of epistocracy, but deny that it undermines the Interests Argument. I then consider whether we can identify forms of epistocracy that preserve the benefits of the Interests Argument whilst overcoming the epistemic limitations of democracy. [R, abr.]
72.4517 MALEŠEVIĆ, Siniša —
Social scientists regularly differentiate sharply between crime and political violence. They often argue that unlike the political forms of violence such as wars, terrorism, or revolutions the criminal acts of violence lack clearly defined ideological aims. In this short contribution, I reflect on the special issue articles which all successfully challenge this dichotomy. Furthermore, I expand on these arguments to emphasize the centrality of coercive power in the development and legitimation of social orders throughout history. [R] [See Abstr. 72.4481]
72.4518 MANN, Michael —
This is a short commentary upon five articles. The main themes of these articles are the roles of paramilitaries in civil wars, focusing specifically on Colombia and the former Yugoslavia. While recommending the quality of the articles, this paper explores two lines of criticism. The first concerns the insufficient attention paid to ideological paramilitaries, who are significant for a number of reasons, including their remarkable resilience in combat. Second, while the papers discuss how paramilitaries fund themselves, the focus is solely upon the commanders. In understanding the paramilitary mobilization it is also important to understand how the rank-in-file support themselves. [R] [See Abstr. 72.4481]
72.4519 MARENCO, Matteo —
This article reviews three books that offer thought-provoking insights on a central political science question, namely the relationship between capitalism and democracy in the twenty-first century. First, ‘Democracy and Prosperity’ by Iversen and Soskice posits a symbiotic relationship between capitalism and democracy. Advanced capital thrives on nationally rooted institutions, hence it needs democratic politics. A majority of voters ask for pro-advanced-capital reforms, hence democratic politics needs advanced capital. Second, ‘Capitalism, Alone’ by Milanovic depicts a troubled coexistence between capitalism and democracy. The former’s tendency to concentrate economic and political power in the hands of the few is the main reason why democratic politics is under pressure. Third, ‘The Age of Surveillance Capitalism’ by Zuboff suggests a negative relationship between digital capitalism and democracy. Surveillance capitalism increasingly acts as a control means of individuals’ behaviour, which undermines democracy at its roots. The last section brings the three contributions together. It maintains that a mutually beneficial coexistence between capitalism and democracy currently faces both internal (from within) and external (from without) challenges. [R, abr.]
72.4520 MARINOV, Nikolay ; POPOVA, Maria —
We argue that Eastern European democracies’ original sin of state capture has been exacerbated by the rise of conspiracy theories, whose stock has only increased with the addition of COVID misinformation. Eastern European voters struggle to differentiate between the true political conspiracy that enables private interests to control the state and conspiracies without empirical basis, such as COVID denialism, world government, or political correctness as a tyrannical plot. As a result, conspiracy theories enable the state capture camp to divide the reformist opposition and maintain their grip, while simultaneously claiming that they are governing competently and in line with European values. We use an original survey from Bulgaria and a GLOBSEC 2020 cross-national survey to explore this hypothesis. Finally, we draw some theoretical implications from the empirical evidence for assessing the nature of democratic backsliding in Eastern Europe. [R, abr.]
72.4521 MARINOVA, Dani M. —
Are labour market outsiders also political outsiders? The labour market dualization literature offers inconsistent evidence as to the effects of nonstandard employment on political demobilization. This article shows that thus far unaccounted for exposure to poverty among workers in nonstandard employment varies considerably across labour markets, and that this variation carries implications for political inclusion. Analyses of five waves of the European Social Survey indicate that exposure to working poverty absorbs much of the predictive power of nonstandard employment, suggesting that working poverty, rather than labour market per se, leads to political demobilization. The findings help explain the hitherto inconsistent results in studies of labour market dualization and lend support to the argument that future research should account for cross-national variation in working poverty. [R]
72.4522 MARTIN, Aaron ; MIKOŁAJCZAK, Gosia ; ORR, Raymond —
One of the key factors distinguishing democracies from non-democracies is the process by which political decisions are made. Central to democratic thought is the idea that policy made in a procedurally fair manner is more legitimate than policy that violates central tenets of procedural fairness. A large number of studies from social psychology show that procedural fairness matters in citizens’ evaluations of the success and legitimacy of various outcomes. Despite this observation, most political science literature focuses on the outcomes rather than the process of policy-making. Using survey experiments we find that procedural arrangements are an important factor in citizens’ judgement of policy outcomes. Specifically, we find that fair procedural arrangements increase outcome legitimacy to the extent that citizens perceive them to be fairer. [R, abr.]
72.4523 MAXWELL, Alexander —
This article theorizes “pan-nationalism” as an analytical category in the context of nationalism theory by contrasting “pan-nationalism” with “nationalism.” What does the prefix “pan-” imply? One can identify a “multiple-statehood” criterion: pan-nationalism extends across state frontiers. Observers also use the prefix pejoratively to connote extremism or revanchism. The pejorative tendency means that the difference between “nationalism” and “pan-nationalism” may depend on the observer’s political sympathies. A brief survey of pan-Slavism illustrates a large gap between the aspirations of self-proclaimed Pan-Slavs, and the goals attributed to them. Many self-proclaimed pan-nationalists elsewhere in the world have also renounced highpolitical goals, thus scholars should stay close to the primary sources and exercise caution when making assumptions about pan-nationalist aspirations. [R] [First article of a thematic issue of the same title. See also Abstr. 72.5122, 5511, 5559, 5571, 5615]
72.4524 McCONNELL, Lee —
A diverse range of actors, from practitioners and academics to civil society groups and activists, appear to see hope in international law for the advancement of their causes. This paper examines whether this optimism is well-founded. It explores whether international law can serve as an agent of social change, and whether it can accommodate radical changes in social order. It begins by exposing a formalist stance that is immanent to much ‘legal activist’ discourse. It then explores links between this mode of jurisprudential thought and idealist epistemology. Drawing from the philosophy of Theodor Adorno, and in particular his notion of ‘identity-thinking’, it uncovers structural connections between formalism, idealism, law, and economy that call into question international law’s socially-transformative potential. [R, abr.]
72.4525 MENDONÇA, Ricardo Fabrino ; ERCAN, Selen A. ; ASENBAUM, Hans —
Since its inception, a core aspiration of deliberative democracy has been to enable more and better inclusion within democratic politics. In this article, we argue that deliberative democracy can achieve this aspiration only if it goes beyond verbal forms of communication and acknowledges the crucial role of non-verbal communication in expressing and exchanging arguments. The article develops a multidimensional approach to deliberative democracy by emphasizing the visual, sonic and physical dimensions of communication in public deliberation. We argue that non-verbal modes of communication can contribute to public deliberation when they (1) are used as part of reason-giving processes, (2) enable the inclusion of marginalized actors in public debates and (3) induce reflection and encourage new ways of thinking about the public controversies at hand. [R]
72.4526 METZGER, Shawna K. ; JONES, Benjamin T. —
Logit and probit (L/P) models are a mainstay of binary time-series cross-sectional (BTSCS) analyses. Researchers include cubic splines or time polynomials to acknowledge the temporal element inherent in these data. However, L/P models cannot easily accommodate three other aspects of the data’s temporality: whether covariate effects are conditional on time, whether the process of interest is causally complex, and whether our functional form assumption regarding time’s effect is correct. Failing to account for any of these issues amounts to misspecification bias, threatening our inferences’ validity. We argue scholars should consider using Cox duration models when analyzing BTSCS data, as they create fewer opportunities for such misspecification bias, while also having the ability to assess the same hypotheses as L/P. [R, abr.]
72.4527 MICHENER, Jamila ; SoRELLE, Mallory ; THURSTON, Chloe —
We reassess conceptions of the welfare state with an eye towards the limits of current scholarly approaches. In particular, we propose centering the study of the welfare state around those who occupy the margins of American society. We argue that concentrating on populations at the proverbial “bottom” of standard economic and political hierarchies productively reorients research on social policy and politics by bringing crucial but often overlooked facets of the welfare state into sharper view. Specifically, the bottom-up approach we offer here entreats political scientists to re-consider where they look in their efforts to delineate the welfare state, how to examine what they find, and what kinds of questions to ask in the process. [R, abr.]
72.4528 MILNER, Helen V. —
Global capitalism seems to be placing democracy, especially liberal democracy, under considerable stress. Support for populism has surged, especially for extreme right parties with populist and authoritarian programs. Inequality, insecurity, and interdependence — all associated with globalization — have grown globally and appear to be key sources of stress. New technologies spread readily by globalization are also a force for destabilization. Do these international forces pose existential challenges to democracy? Liberal democracy rests on a foundation of political equality among citizens; it requires free and fair elections, competition among programmatic parties, political legitimacy from public support, and institutional constraints on executive power and majority rule. [R, abr.]
72.4529 MONSIVÁIS-CARRILLO, Alejandro —
Voters usually differ in their assessment of the regime’s legitimacy, depending on their status as winners or losers. However, how wide or narrow the winner-loser gap is also depends on the quality of democratic institutions. Using survey data from 18 Latin American countries, this research provides evidence that winners and losers respond differently to the quality of democracy. While most research is concerned with the losers’ consent, this study shows that the winners express more favorable assessments of the supply of freedoms, even in regimes where democracy is weak or undermined by the deliberate efforts of the political authorities. Instead, in their perception of freedoms, losers are more willing to acknowledge if the quality of democracy improves or declines. [R, abr.]
72.4530 MOROZOV, Viacheslav —
The neo-Marxist literature on uneven and combined development has made significant progress towards a comprehensive theory of the international. Its point of departure is societal multiplicity as a fundamental condition of the international. This article identifies an important lacuna in the ontology of multiplicity: there is no discussion of what constitutes a ‘society’, or the basic entity capable of entering a relationship with other entities. Existing solutions, including those relying on relational sociology, gravitate towards ontological individualism. Building on poststructuralist neo-Gramscian theories, I propose to ground the conceptualisation of ‘society’ in the notion of hegemony. This implies a discursive ontology, which attributes the inside/outside dynamic to hegemonic formations rather than states or societies. [R, abr.]
72.4531 NATALI, David ; GUARDIANCICH, Igor —
The article introduces the main aspects of technological innovation and its potential impact on public policy. It forcefully argues for the development of a new research agenda on the interaction between the two. The article commences by clarifying the conceptual challenge pertaining to the fourth industrial revolution, as the term Digital Era is preferrable, due the unproven existence of a paradigmatic industrial breakthrough. Next, a novel research strategy is outlined that focusses on the macro-, meso-, and micro-levels of analysis, serving as a prism through which to look at the impacts of technological change on politics and policy. [R, abr.]
72.4532 NELSON, Michael J. ; HAZELTON, Morgan L. W. ; HINKLE, Rachael K. —
Prominent explanations for appellate review prioritize the ideological alignment of the lower and reviewing courts. We suggest that interpersonal relationships play an important role. The effect of an appellate judge’s ideology on her decision to reverse depends on the level of interpersonal contact between the trial and appellate judge due to information provided by social and professional interactions. Relying on a data set of all published Fourth Amendment search-and-seizure decisions from 1953 to 2010, we find that interpersonal relationships can dampen the effect of ideology in appellate review. When an appellate and trial court judge have frequent contact, the effect of ideology on the appellate judge’s decision to reverse is essentially imperceptible. These findings have implications for the structure of the federal judiciary and our understanding of the limits of ideological judicial decision-making. [R, abr.]
72.4533 NÚÑEZ, Lucas —
Unobserved heterogeneity is ubiquitous in empirical research. In this article, I propose a method for estimating binary outcome models with panel data in the presence of unobserved heterogeneity, called the Penalized Flexible Correlated Random Effects (PF-CRE) estimator. I show that this estimator produces consistent and efficient estimates of the model parameters. PF-CRE also provides consistent estimates of partial effects, which cannot be calculated with existing consistent estimators. Using Monte Carlo simulations, I show that PF-CRE performs well in finite samples. I also illustrate the performance of PF-CRE in two real-data applications: a small T study on party contacts and tactical voting during the 2015 UK general election and a large T panel dealing with the effect of economic sanctions on government stability. [R, abr.]
72.4534 O’ROURKE, Maeve —
This manuscript analyzes the Irish state’s treatment of victim-survivors of 20th-c. systematic institutional and gender-based abuses by reference to Martha Fineman’s theory of vulnerability, including her warning of the dangers of a non-universalist approach. It argues that the Irish state has constructed victim-survivors as a "vulnerable" group by denying them access to ordinary democratic accountability mechanisms and using this impunity to portray victim-survivors as requiring "specialized" measures, which it then operates "benevolently" without reference to human rights law. The essay argues that Fineman’s work offers an unsettling lens through which to view reparation efforts for gross and systematic human rights violations, particularly involving systems of state care. [R]
72.4535 OBENDIEK, Anke Sophia —
This paper investigates data governance as a site of fundamental normative and political ordering processes that unfold in light of ever-increasing inter- and transnational linkages. Drawing on the concept of jurisdictional conflicts, it traces the evolution of data governance in three cases of transatlantic conflicts as diverging definitional claims over data. These conflicts reveal varying conceptualizations of data linked to four distinct visions of the social world: data as an individual rights issue links human rights with the promotion of sovereignty to a vision of data governance as local liberalism; data as a neutral instrument; data as an economic resource is linked to a vision of the digital economy that endorses progress and innovation with limited regulation; data as a collective resource links the values of universal rights and global rules to a vision of global protection. [R, abr.]
72.4536 OLSEN, Erik J. —
This article redescribes early modern European defenses of private property in terms of a theoretical project of seeking to establish the true or essential nature of property. Most of the scholarly literature has focused on the historical and normative issues relating to the various accounts of original acquisition around which these defenses were organized. However, in my redescription, these so-called “original acquisition stories” appear as methodological devices for an analytic reduction and resolution of property into its fundamental elements and axioms. Through these stories, property is “created” in the form of the classical liberal paradigm of presumptively exclusive, private ownership of material things. The problem is that this project of “creation” is also a project which arbitrarily excludes or marginalizes other forms and systems of property, and especially usufructuary forms of common property. [R, abr.]
72.4537 OLSSON, Christian —
The notion of the criminalization of the state is paradoxical. On the one hand, the idea that ‘absolute power corrupts absolutely’ might shed light on the potentially criminal behaviour of state-officials. On the other, the assumption that legal rules are general and anonymous, that they apply identically to everybody (and that allows defining these elites as criminals), is in its contemporary form linked to the bureaucratic rule of the state itself. In this commentary on the contributions to this special issue, I address this and other paradoxes of the state with regard to the relation between politics and criminality. [R] [See Abstr. 72.4481]
72.4538 OSMUNDSEN, Mathias —
This article presents a large-scale, empirical evaluation of the psychophysiological correlates of political ideology and, in particular, the claim that conservatives react with higher levels of electrodermal activity to threatening stimuli than liberals. We (1) conduct two large replications of this claim, using locally representative samples of Danes and Americans; (2) reanalyze all published studies and evaluate their reliability and validity; and (3) test several features to enhance the validity of psychophysiological measures and offer a number of recommendations. Overall, we find little empirical support for the claim. This is caused by significant reliability and validity problems related to measuring threat sensitivity using electrodermal activity. When assessed reliably, electrodermal activity in the replications and published studies captures individual differences in the physiological changes associated with attention shifts, which are unrelated to ideology. [R, abr.]
72.4539 PARTLETT, William ; SAMARARATNE, Dinesha —
In many countries beyond the traditional comparative constitutional law canon, the advocates of constitutionalism are increasingly appealing to a supra-national constitutional discourse frequently grounded in best practices for constitutionalism. This trend has helped to foster a nationalistic backlash in which constitutional advocates argue that constitutions should not reflect international constitutional norms but instead must reflect historically-grounded tradition or identity. How should advocates of constitutionalism understand and respond to this backlash? We argue that linking a critical interpretation of national history and the text of the national constitution to constitutionalism can help to counter this nationalist backlash, particularly in constitutional adjudication. Looking at Russia and Sri Lanka, we illustrate how this process of “redeeming the national” can provide new arguments for those interested in advancing the project of constitutionalism. [R, abr.]
72.4540 PAULY, Reid B. C. —
Nuclear technology is often “dual-use,” having both peaceful and military applications. This is widely regarded as a lamentable fact, as states can pursue nuclear weapons under the guise of peaceful intentions. However, this article proposes an upside to the nuclear dual-use dilemma: the deniable nature of dual-use technology makes it more amenable to coercive counterproliferation. Caught proliferators are more likely to come into compliance if they can elude audience costs by denying that they were ever out of compliance. Thus, the dual-use dilemma is both the bane of the nonproliferation regime and a boon to its coercive enforcement. Counterintuitively, however, the effectiveness of nonproliferation regime institutions created to promote transparency — the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) — may be enhanced by not directly challenging the denial of past nuclear activities. [R, abr.]
72.4541 PEARCE, Jenny —
This commentary explores whether the essays in this volume and other evidence, require us to rethink our social science tools in order to grasp the significance of criminal penetration of politics and crimes of the State for our understanding of politics and power. Using the classic Weberian lens, it problematises the extent to which Weber’s key concepts of ‘violence monopolisation’, ‘legality’, ‘legitimacy’ and ‘territory’ enable us to comprehend political and state trajectories in those countries where crime and violence are ever more diffused (and organised) outside the State, in war, non-war and post war contexts. [R] [See Abstr. 72.4481]
72.4542 PEEZ, Anton ; ZIMMERMANN, Lisbeth —
Elephants and whales took center stage in the environmental movements of the 1980s. As flagship species, they were the poster children of global initiatives: international ivory trading and commercial whaling were banned in the 1980s in the context of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) and the International Whaling Commission (IWC), respectively. While the conservation of both species is contested, we observe a change of existing norms in one case but not in the other: A moratorium on commercial whaling remains in place. Meanwhile, a limited shift to sustainable use regarding ivory was passed in 1997/2000. We ask why norm change occurred in one case but not the other, given their similarities. We argue that the difference can be explained by the perceived legitimacy of the claims of norm challengers using arguments of “affectedness” and the breadth of issues covered by CITES. [R, abr.]
72.4543 PINCKNEY, Jonathan ; BUTCHER, Charles ; MAVES BRAITHWAITE, Jessica —
When are episodes of resistance likely to lead to democratization? We argue that the participation of durable organizations rooted in quotidian relationships that are not themselves designed to compete for political power (what we call “quotidian civil society organizations,” QCSOs) drives successful democratic transitions. QCSOs are more likely to have stable preferences for democracy and durable mobilization structures that create greater accountability for new elites during political transitions and thus make shifts to democracy more likely compared to movements dominated by other organization types, such as political parties. Quantitative tests using novel data on the composition of resistance movements in Africa from 1990 to 2015 support these arguments. [R, abr.]
72.4544 POLO, Sara M. T. ; WUCHERPFENNIG, Julian —
This article theoretically unpacks how and under what conditions transnational refugee movements plausibly lead to different types of terrorist outcomes. Combining original data with a multipronged approach involving a treatment-placebo design as well as instrumental variable estimation, we provide systematic and robust evidence that sheds new light on the security implications of transnational forced migration. Our findings challenge the claim that hosting refugees heightens the risk of “importing” terrorist attacks against nationals of host countries, especially in developed countries. However, in these countries, refugees themselves are particularly prone to becoming the targets of terrorist attacks by natives, who are driven by fear. Dominant policy responses to the refugee crisis that raise fears and suspicions are therefore not only unsuitable, but potentially counterproductive. [R, abr.]
72.4545 PORTO DE OLIVEIRA, Osmany —
Globalisation has helped to intensify the international flow of people, information and policies. Following this process there has been increasing global concern regarding problems in areas such as immigration, health, poverty, among others. Various agents are transnationally engaged in common responses to these issues. The classic definition of public policies is related to actions undertaken by governments to solve the problems within their jurisdictions. However, often problems do not respect national boundaries. Sometimes, policies need to involve other nations. This article discusses the main issues, concepts and challenges in the study of global public policies. First, the article presents a review of the existing literature. Second, it introduces the key agents and agendas of global public policy. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.4421]
72.4546 PRITONI, Andrea ; VICENTINI, Giulia —
In a book published in 1998, Baumgartner and Leech argued that interest group research was characterized by “elegant irrelevance.” Ten years later, Beyers and colleagues linked this to a number of conceptual, methodological and disciplinary barriers which render(ed) the accumulation of knowledge in this bulk of literature difficult. Are those same challenges still slowing down the study of interest groups and lobbying? The main aim of this article is to review all interest group scientific articles published in the top 50 political science journals between 1999 and 2018 in order to answer this question. Our results show a growing community focusing on many themes, preferring quantitative approaches, and analyzing more and more case studies. [R, abr.]
72.4547 RODRIGUEZ, Pedro L. ; SPIRLING, Arthur —
Word embeddings are becoming popular for political science research, yet we know little about their properties and performance. To help scholars seeking to use these techniques, we explore the effects of key parameter choices — including context window length, embedding vector dimensions, and pretrained versus locally fit variants — on the efficiency and quality of inferences possible with these models. Reassuringly we show that results are generally robust to such choices for political corpora of various sizes and in various languages. Beyond reporting extensive technical findings, we provide a novel crowdsourced “Turing test”-style method for examining the relative performance of any two models that produce substantive, text-based outputs. Our results are encouraging: popular, easily available pretrained embeddings perform at a level close to — or surpassing — both human coders and more complicated locally fit models. [R, abr.]
72.4548 SANTI AMANTINI, Laura —
This essay argues that the illiberal anti-immigrant sentiments which lie behind the success of populist right-wing parties deserve the attention of political theorists working on the ethics of migration, even though such sentiments exceed the boundaries of admissible disagreement on justice in migration. Firstly, populist anti-immigrant sentiments hinder the implementation of liberal democratic immigration policies and thus they represent a feasibility constraint for any liberal ethics of migration, not only the most cosmopolitan ones. Secondly, there are legitimacy reasons why such views should be neither merely dismissed nor simply contained, since they are voiced by populist political parties which are admitted in the electoral competition and even participate in governments. The main upshot of this discussion is a methodological one: the article argues that, since political theory should deal with the feasibility and legitimacy issues raised by populist anti-immigrant sentiments, a realistic approach is needed. [R, abr.]
72.4549 SANTOS CAMPOS, Andre —
Epistemic impairment has been the decisive yardstick when excluding infants from political agency. One of the suggestions to bypass the epistemic requirement of political agency and to encourage the inclusion of infants in representative democracies is to resort to proxies or surrogates who share or advocate interests which may be coincidental with their interests. However, this solution is far from desirable, given that it privileges the political agency of parents, guardians and trustees over other adult citizens. This article offers an alternative to this conceptual frame of reference by making a case for the political agency of infants. Firstly, it maintains that political agency can be understood in terms of the several facets involved in political representation. Secondly, it claims that the all-affected principle can be reformulated as an ‘infant-affected-interests principle’ in light of which infants are members of the class of the represented. Thirdly, it explores the ways through which this political agency can occur without having to resort to alternative conceptions of representation. [R, abr.]
72.4550 SARAMAGO, André —
Critical international theory is confronted with a fundamental ‘problem of orientation’, whose answer defines its capacity to critically analyse world politics. This problem derives from how the capacity for critique is inherently connected with the need to, at least partially, escape time- and space-bound points of view and attain a more cosmopolitan perspective that permits an assessment of the regressive/progressive tendencies of the human past, present and possible futures. The search for this cosmopolitan standpoint of orientation has frequently led to a reliance on grand narratives of human development from the perspective of which critical orientation can be disclosed. However, grand narratives themselves have frequently relied on metaphysical categories and stadial conceptions of history that reproduce forms of Eurocentrism that ultimately undermine their adequacy as means of orientation. A fundamental suspicion of grand narratives and need for ‘reflexivity’ that discloses forms of exclusion embedded in theoretical perspectives have thus become common topics in the field. However, this growing concern with reflexivity is also associated with a tendency for greater philosophical abstraction and a growing gap between theory and practice. [R, abr.]
72.4551 SAUERMANN, Jan —
Social choice theory demonstrates that majority rule is generically indeterminate. However, from an empirical perspective, large and arbitrary policy shifts are rare events in politics. The uncovered set (UCS) is the dominant preference-based explanation for the apparent empirical predictability of majority rule in multiple dimensions. Its underlying logic assumes that voters act strategically, considering the ultimate consequences of their actions. I argue that all empirical applications of the UCS rest on an incomplete behavioral model assuming purely egoistically motivated individuals. Beyond material self-interest, prosocial motivations offer an additional factor to explain the outcomes of majority rule. I test my claim in a series of committee decision-making experiments in which I systematically vary the fairness properties of the policy space while keeping the location of the UCS constant. [R, abr.]
72.4552 SAVUN, Burcu —
This article examines refugee-related violence by exploring the effect of extensive refugee rights on the risk of civil conflict and violent attacks against refugees by local population. The provision of fundamental rights, such as the freedom of movement, can reduce refugee groups’ grievances, the risk of radicalization, and the ability of militant organizations to recruit refugees, thereby decreasing the risk of civil conflict. Regarding the behavior of local population toward refugees, two opposing effects of refugee rights may be at play. Extensive refugee policies may trigger civilian backlash by aggravating the perception of threat posed by refugees and increase the risk of civilian attacks against refugees. On the other hand, allowing refugees to integrate into society may provide economic benefits for locals and facilitate socialization between groups, reducing the motivation of citizens to target refugees. [R, abr.]
72.4553 SCHUBERT, Karsten ; SCHWIERTZ, Helge —
Identity politics fixes subjects to their social position and resorts to a politics of particularity that leads to divisions in national citizenship and democratic discourse (the communitarian and liberal position) and to divisions within social movements (the critical position). Contrary to this one-sided critique, we propose a different interpretation with the concept of “constructivist identity politics.” We show that political identities are not essentialistically given, but emerge from processes of social and political construction; that they are actively produced, learned, and practiced by political (sub)cultures and movements. In these processes of construction, political articulation and agency are produced, enabling subjects to critique relations of domination and discrimination. Building on this, we systematically develop the notion of constructivist identity politics by differentiating three aspects of it: subjectification, articulation, and representation. [R, abr.]
72.4554 SCHUTTER , Helder de —
Language policy debates regularly refer to the principles of personality and territoriality. Yet the precise meaning of these principles remains unclear. In this contribution, I conceptualize these principles as poles of a continuum between official bilingualism (instantiating the personality principle) and official unilingualism (exemplifying the territoriality principle), with a mixed regime in between (which grants a certain territorial primacy to a language, but allows exceptions based on linguistic affiliation). The question of the determination of particular points on the continuum cannot be separated from the metaterritorial question of the boundaries of the units within which those principles apply. Application of this ‘continuum model’ to Belgium draws attention to three language-political regimes. The first invokes a strict personality principle (Brussels). The second follows the strict territoriality principle (almost all municipalities in Flanders and Wallonia). The third is a mixed regime (a total of 27 ‘municipalities with facilities’ where one language enjoys primacy but speakers of another language enjoy certain linguistic ‘facilities’). [R, abr.]
72.4555 SCHWEIGER, Elisabeth —
Silences around drone warfare and similar covert state practices have often been encountered as a hurdle that hinders us from understanding and interrogating government acts. Scholars as well as human rights actors have opposed silences in a struggle for greater transparency and have called on governments to speak. Through the case study of drone warfare, this paper analyses the productive role of silences and the political struggle to oppose it. Analysing 125 non-governmental organisation (NGO) reports, UN documents and policy papers, this article investigates how silences are encountered, interpreted and opposed by Western human rights actors. This shows that silence is not encountered as a discrete unit but as interdependent layers of denial, partial withholding of information, redactions, delays, lack of oversight and so on. Situated within unequal power relations, I show how the battle against the unsaid is itself based on what has (not) been heard in Western constructions of drone warfare and risks further enabling violent practices. [R, abr.]
72.4556 SHAFFER, Robert —
How should social scientists measure institutional complexity? Formal (textually defined) institutional design — and particularly the complexity of formal institutions — is an important object of study across political science, law, and public administration. However, because of measurement constraints, existing work on formal institutional design focuses either on single policy areas or “important” legislation, creating clear selection problems. In this article, I propose and validate a novel natural language processing approach designed to extract networks of institutional relationships from legal texts scalably. These “implementing networks” offer a straightforward way to represent the institutional content of law and naturally suggest measures for quantities like institutional complexity. I then apply this method to measure institutional complexity in all American laws enacted from 1993 to 2014. [R, abr.]
72.4557 SHERWIN, Daniel —
As political theorists address the parochial foundations of their field, engagement with the Indigenous traditions of Turtle Island (North America) is overdue. This article argues that theorists should approach such engagement with caution. Indigenous nations’ politics of knowledge production may differ from those of de-parochializing political theorists. Some Indigenous communities, in response to violent histories of knowledge extraction, have developed practices of refusal. The contemporary movement of resurgence engages Indigenous traditions of political thought toward the end of promoting Indigenous intellectual and political sovereignty and self-determination. These practices demonstrate a commitment to epistemic justice that is imperfectly aligned with, and potentially opposed to, inclusionoriented projects like comparative political theory. If political theorists are to de-parochialize political theory by incorporating Indigenous traditions, they must do so in ways that are respectful of Indigenous peoples’ own struggles for epistemic justice. [R, abr.]
72.4558 SIDDIKI, Saba ; CURLEY, Cali —
The study of policy design has been of long-standing interest to policy scholars. Recent surveys of policy design scholarship acknowledge two main pathways along which it has developed; one in which the process of policy designing is emphasised and one in which the output of this policy designing process — for example, policy content — is emphasised. As part of a survey of extant research, this article discusses how scholars guided by different orientations to studying policy design are addressing and measuring common policy design concepts and themes, and offers future research opportunities. The article also provides a platform for considering how insights stemming from different orientations of policy design research can be integrated and mapped within the broader public policy process. Finally, the article raises the question of whether a framework that links different conceptualisations of policy design within the policy process might help to advance the field. [R] [See Abstr. 72.4421]
72.4559 SIMANGAN, Dahlia —
This paper introduces and develops the concept of “reflexive peacebuilding”. Peacebuilding has been conceptualized using different theoretical frameworks and operationalized across various levels of governance. This paper re-conceptualizes peacebuilding in the context of the growing discourse on the Anthropocene. Drawing on the work of John S. Dryzek and Jonathan Pickering (The Politics of the Anthropocene, Oxford U. P., 2019) on reflexivity in the Anthropocene, this paper locates the “pathological path dependency” of international peacebuilding and the need for reflexive peacebuilding institutions across the agency, time, and space of peace formation. It specifically examines the UN peacebuilding architecture to identify the path dependency and potential for reflexivity of its institutions and practices. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.5463]
72.4560 STRACHWITZ, Rupert Graf —
The civic space is not a new discovery in the political sciences, but over the last decades it has not had the attention to deserves, particularly in Germany. Today it is threatened on the one hand by attempts to hijack it for undemocratic ends, while on the other hand its relevance as a precondition for the development of democracy is little understood or contested. At the same time, it is under pressure rom authoritarian and other governments. Against this backdrop, it seems necessary to raise and discuss some theoretical and indeed normative issues to do with this segment of society. [R]
72.4561 SUN Jinyu —
Why should (or should not) we have a system of different states that each claim both internal and external sovereignty? How can the state gain its legitimate authority to rule? What is the problem with the ideal of the ‘global citizen’? How should states respond to different groups’ secession claims? To what extent should states have the right to control their borders? If one finds such questions intriguing, one should read Anna Stilz’s book Territorial Sovereignty: A Philosophical Exploration. Stilz argues that a system of territorial states serves to protect important values — occupancy, basic justice and collective self-determination — which are key to living an autonomous life. I focus on the theory’s implication for the debates on border control. I contend that Stilz’s arguments still have difficulties grounding the state’s right to exclude would-be immigrants. [R, abr.]
72.4562 SZANYI, Miklós ; ZADORIAN, Amanda, eds. —
Introduction by the editors and Ali FARAZMAND, pp. 1195-1200. Articles by Miklós SZANYI and Gyula SZABÓ, "Defining the long-term development trends of countries in East-Central Europe in the context of political cycles", pp. 1201-1215; Luiz Ricardo CAVALCANTE, "Narratives and public policies: the case of the Brazilian development bank", pp. 1231-1240; Amanda ZADORIAN, "Practicing (state) capitalism at Petrobras and Rosneft", pp. 1241-1252; Judit RICZ, "The anatomy of the newly emerging illiberal model of state capitalism: a developmental dead end?", pp. 1253-1263; Ditte THØGERSEN, Susanne BOCH WALDORFF and Tinne STEFFENSEN, "Public Value through Innovation: Danish public managers’ views on barriers and boosters", pp. 1264-1273; Birgit MOSER and Sanja KORAC, "Introducing gender perspectives in the budgetary process at the central government level", pp. 1274-1285; Yumei YANG and Dewan Md Tajul ISLAM, "Work-life balance and organizational commitment: a study of field level administration in Bangladesh", pp. 1286-1296; Antony ANDREWS, "The efficiency of New Zealand district health boards in administrating public funds: an application of bootstrap DEA and beta regression", pp. 1297-1308.
72.4563 TAYLOR, Abigail ; LEFEBVRE, Alexandre —
Why do private citizens in liberal democracies offer hospitality to undocumented migrants? Through qualitative interviews with French citizens, we propose three reasons. The first is widely recognized in the scholarly literature: hospitality is offered out of a care and concern for vulnerable and precarious migrants. However, we uncover two additional reasons that are not acknowledged in studies on hospitality. One is the desire by citizens to uphold the basic principles and ideals of their own society (what we call “care for the world”). Another is the desire on the part of citizens themselves to become a different and better kind of person by practicing hospitality (what we call “care of the self”). We provide a multifaceted account of what motivates citizens to offer hospitality even in situations where it is outlawed by their own governments. [R, abr.]
72.4564 TEO, Sarah —
Differentiation is a foundational premise in the study of middle powers, as evident in the way that the relevant literature distinguishes these states from the great powers and smaller states. Despite the underlying assumption of differentiation, the middle power literature has rarely engaged theoretically with the concept. This paper seeks to make more explicit this basis of differentiation in the study of middle powers, by advancing a new framework for middle power behavior that draws on differentiation theory. The framework makes the case that it is the differentiated structure in international politics — a departure from the dominant neorealist understanding of structure — that enables the behavior of middle powers. The effects of this differentiated structure are activated by the relative, relational, and social power politics that middle powers engage in, in a particular time and place.[R, abr.]
72.4565 TORMEY, Simon —
It’s clear that the ‘crisis of democracy’ is a concept that is now well embedded in the self-understanding of political scientists writing about contemporary politics. What is less clear is what is meant by democratic crisis and why there appears to be little agreement on what the contours of the crisis are. By extension, we find it difficult to distinguish between the forms of crisis that appear to be a threat to the system of legitimation and stresses that might challenge particular aspects of functioning, without imperiling the whole. In this paper, I offer an overview of how the issue is framed in contemporary scholarship, and show how the various responses can be mapped in terms of two variables: duration and intensity. This in turn can help us think about how to differentiate between the accounts that imply system crisis and those that frame contemporary developments as forms of stress that may in fact show the resilience of democracy in the face of threat. [R] [See Abstr. 72.4469]
72.4566 TORPMAN, Olle —
Much has been written about climate change from an ethical view in general, but less has been written about it from a libertarian point of view in particular. In this paper, I apply the libertarian moral theory to the problem of climate change. I focus on libertarianism’s implications for our individual emissions. I argue that (1) even if our individual emissions cause no harm to others, these emissions cross other people’s boundaries, (2) although the boundary-crossings that are due to our ‘subsistence emissions’ are implicitly consented to by others, there is no such consent to our ‘non-subsistence emissions’, and (3) there is no independent justification for these emissions. Although offsetting would provide such a justification, most emitters do not offset their non-subsistence emissions. [R, abr.]
72.4567 TREIN, Philipp ; VAGIONAKI, Thenia —
This article proposes a theory that links issue salience and actor polarisation to the uses of learning heuristics in the policy process. In harking back to research on public policy, behavioural economics, and crisis management, we argue that policy makers use two learning heuristics when they update their policy ideas: policy-oriented learning and power-oriented learning. The article develops theoretical expectations that link issue salience and polarisation of actor constellations to policy-oriented and power-oriented learning. To illustrate the theoretical expectations, the article discusses EU anticrisis policies dealing with the 2007-2009 global financial and economic crisis and its aftermath, as well as the responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in Germany and the US as pathway cases. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.4495]
72.4568 UHALL, Michael —
Often, political theories of the subject detach the subject from nature or else reduce the subject to a mere aggregate of natural features. Consequently, many attempts to articulate theories of the subject purport to preserve political theoretical concepts such as freedom, normativity, or responsibility by means of disjoining the subject from its environment. This article proposes a new theory of the ecologically conditioned subject. Developing the concept of companion ecologies, the article employs three examples — architecture, the human microbiome, and indigenous Amazonian ontologies — to show how theorizing the subject at all necessitates theorizing her ecological conditions, as well. Companion ecologies do not refer merely to our environmental conditions, then. The term also functions as a referent. Ultimately, companion ecologies reveal that the individuation and formation of the subject is a process that takes place, paradoxically, only because of the ecological plurality underlying it. [R, abr.]
72.4569 UZONYI, Gary —
Why do some governments engage in genocide or politicide against their civilian population during civil war? Scholarship on this important question views such brutality as a strategic tool the government can use to maintain power through military victory. Returning to the logic of conflict bargaining, I re-conceptualize genocide and politicide as a means to extract information about one’s opponent. I argue that a government is more likely to employ these atrocities during conflict when it is more uncertain about its probability of victory to reveal better information more quickly from the battlefield. I test this argument on all civil wars since 1945 and find support for this claim. These dynamics are more pronounced when the rebels rely on the civilian population to mobilize fighters. [R, abr.]
72.4570 VISOKA, Gëzim —
This article offers a critical outlook on existing debates on state recognition and proposes future research directions. It argues that existing knowledge on state recognition and the dominant discourses, norms and practices needs to be problematized and freed from power-driven, conservative, positivist and legal interpretations and reoriented in new directions in order to generate more critical, contextual and emancipatory knowledge. The article proposes two major areas for future research on state recognition, which should: (1) expose the politics of knowledge, and positionality, and seek epistemic justice and decolonization of state recognition studies; and (2) study more thoroughly recognitionality techniques encompassing diplomatic discourses, performances and entangled agencies. [R, abr.]
72.4571 WARING, Justin, et al. —
Research innovations and breakthroughs are increasingly realised through collaborative networks amongst state and non-state actors. This article investigates the utilisation of such networks in the field of applied health services research, where policy narratives repeatedly emphasise the importance of collaboration between university researchers, clinical and health service leaders, patient representatives and industry. The translation of policy into practice suggests that these networks are not always designed and managed in line with policy aspirations. Taking a decentred approach, the study reported in this article examines how local policy actors translate national policies for collaborative health research networks in the context of their own histories of applied research, including local narratives and priorities for health research. The study shows that local actors face key dilemmas and opportunities for situated agency, as they experience three competing policy narratives, first, for carrying out world-class research; second, for ensuring research meets local needs and third, for developing new understanding about the implementation of research into practice. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.4423]
72.4572 WEBER, Wendolyn —
This article illustrates the role that General Studies courses in the Humanities can play in educating students about the complex dynamics by which cultural production may reflect, support, or change social structures, issues, and norms, through the specific examples of two English courses offered for General Studies credit at MSU Denver: “Monsters and Monstrosity” and “Vampire Films.” Grounded in a cultural-criticism approach to textual analysis, the courses read monsters as symbolic keys to the cultures that produce them. The terrifying and repulsive qualities of monsters invariably operate on the boundary between self and other. As an abject Other, the monster serves to reinforce our sense of what is different/non-normative/threatening, and the stamp of monstrosity legitimizes cultural bias, often perpetuating social marginalization and inequality. [R]
72.4573 WHELAN, Robert Patrick —
Prominent Kantian scholars, such as Korsgaard and Waldron, claim that the very existence of juridical-political institutions is sufficient to render laws authoritative. Critics argue that this view is unpersuasive as it requires subjects to obey grossly unjust laws. Here, I identify two problems facing scholars who reject the absolutist view of political authority proffered by Korsgaard and Waldron. First, when there is reasonable disagreement regarding a law’s legitimacy the Principle of Right generates contradictory obligations as it commands both disobedience and compliance. In clarifying this problem, I argue that individuals must disobey illegitimate laws where this requirement is co-extensive with the duty to leave the state of nature. However, disobedience amounts to domination when individuals are subjected to private judgments regarding the conditions of freedom. The Principle of Right cannot overcome this impasse as it does not offer reasons in favor of compliance that are distinct from those reasons legitimating the law. To address this issue, I supplement Kant’s account with Joseph Raz’s ‘service conception’ of authority to show that compliance can be rendered compatible with the Principle of Right. [R, abr.]
72.4574 WOLF, Christof, et al. —
This article discusses the current challenges of conducting a General Social Survey (GSS) in face-to-face mode and evaluates the alternative of fielding these surveys in self-administered mixed-mode (web, mail) instead. Based on data from Germany, it first illustrates the stark decline of participation in face-to-face surveys since 2002 and reports a strong increase in the cost of conducting these surveys over the same period. It then discusses the possibility of implementing GSS-type surveys in a self-administered design and reports results from a mode experiment implemented in the German part of the European Values Study (EVS) 2017/18. The results of the experiment indicate that self-administered mixed-mode surveys are a viable alternative for cross-sectional general population surveys in Germany; they shorten the fieldwork period and lead to higher response rates, while being more cost-efficient than face-to-face surveys. [R, abr.]
72.4575 WOLFE, Christopher James —
The idea that all human beings are endowed with unalienable rights is a core element of America’s public philosophy going back to the Declaration of Independence. But it is increasingly clear that many Americans have abandoned the idea that some rights are unalienable — especially, I would argue, libertarians. Given the prevalence of libertarianism in our culture, an important question is whether all libertarians logically ought to reject unalienable rights given their philosophical anthropology. First, I introduce and give a definition for “unalienable rights” by reviewing the recent proceedings of the State Department’s Commission on Unalienable Rights. Second, I show why the concept of unalienable rights is generally incompatible with the libertarian philosophical anthropology. Third, I survey the writings of specific libertarian philosophers, economists, and law professors to consider whether they believe in unalienable rights. [R, abr.]
72.4576 WOOD, Matthew —
Anti-politics has emerged as an important concept for analysing the effects of distrust on liberal democratic politics. However, it is unclear why democrats should trust individuals who distrust politics to help them in renewing democracy. This article addresses this puzzle by defining four types of anti-politics: technocratic, elitist, populist and participatory. It then compares the political thought of four democratic thinkers associated with each type, to discern the extent to which they are ‘productive’ or ‘unproductive’ for representative democracy. The article argues that participatory and technocratic types of anti-politics, illustrated by the thought of Carole Pateman and, to a lesser extent, Friedrich Hayek, are productive for representative democracy because they prompt reflexivity in how representative institutions work. By contrast, populist and elitist types of anti-politics, illustrated by the thought of Ernesto Laclau and Joseph Schumpeter, are less productive. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.4469]
72.4577 YEGOROV, Vladimir ; SHTOL, Vladimir —
In geopolitical terms, transport corridors are a means of institutionalizing geopolitical vectors. [R]
72.4578 YU Tinghua —
Should accountability be introduced to organizations that are learning about the right policies to achieve their goals? I develop an agency model focusing on the interactions between accountability and an agent’s intrinsic motivation. More effort by the agent leads to more informative policy outcomes and thereby better policy learning. Holding the agent accountable for the policy outcomes motivates the agent and thus improves policy learning. However, by removing the agent from office upon policy failure and thereby taking away his benefit from learning through failure, accountability also discourages the agent. This negative effect is more substantial when the intrinsic motivation is higher. The principal, therefore, refrains from using accountability on the agent who is more intrinsically motivated. [R]
72.4579 ZAFIROVSKI, Milan —
The article re-examines residues of theocracy in contemporary western and related democracies such as OECD countries. It outlines a model of theocracy composed of four elements: (1) extreme religiosity and religious fanaticism and closure; (2) suppression of knowledge and scientific progress and perpetuation of anti-science, irrationalism; (3) a state-favored Church as the agent of political power, coercion, repression, war; (4) accumulation and redistribution of economic resources to support religion. The model is represented in the format of the functionalist AGIL scheme. Considering evidence, the model of theocracy is found to fit reasonably well for certain, primarily highly religious and conservative, countries. Conversely, it does not fit many other countries, especially less religious and more liberal societies. [R, abr.]
72.4580 ZALEWSKI, Marysia —
A key curiosity animating this article concerns how sexual violence is theorised. The work of feminist scholars has been crucial in unearthing ways in which women’s traditionally demeaned bodies regularly materialised as ‘easy targets’ for such violence. The gift of the concept of gender has played a significant role in facilitating the production of this corpus of knowledge. Less noticed in the literature, in policy and legislation has been sexual violence against men — an egregious omission. Yet it seems that redeploying the concept of gender to make sense of sexual violence against men and elevate this violence into the realms of theoretical and legislative attention is not straightforward. Identifying feminist work as in part responsible for the rendering of sexual violence against men as too ‘unseen’ in theory provoked my attention, though it’s not that I place feminist theory as ‘innocent’ or infallible — far from it.[R, abr.]
72.4581 ZHELYAZKOVA, Asya ; THOMANN, Eva —
By tackling shared problems through concerted policies, the EU is thought to have a superior output legitimacy. However, EU policies change as they are being ‘customised’ during the implementation process. How do such patterns of ‘differentiated implementation’ affect EU governance in practice? While some studies highlight the danger of ‘watering down’ the objectives of EU law, others emphasise the role of decentralised problem-solving. We analyse how customisation affects states’ practical compliance with EU anti-discrimination, environmental, and justice and home affairs directives in 27 member states (excluding Croatia) between 2007 and 2013. The findings show that customised density(higher number of rules than prescribed by the EU directives) reduces practical compliance. Conversely, customised restrictiveness (stricter requirements than the EU directives) improves practical compliance. [R, abr.]
72.4582 ZHIRKOV, Kirill —
Conjoint experiments are quickly gaining popularity as a vehicle for studying multidimensional political preferences. A common way to explore heterogeneity of preferences estimated with conjoint experiments is by estimating average marginal component effects across subgroups. However, this method does not give the researcher the full access to the variation of preferences in the studied populations, as that would require estimating effects on the individual level. Currently, there is no accepted technique to obtain estimates of individual-level preferences from conjoint experiments. The present paper addresses this gap by proposing a procedure to estimate individual preferences as respondent-specific marginal component effects. The proposed strategy does not require any additional assumptions compared to the standard conjoint analysis, although some changes to the task design are recommended. Methods to account for uncertainty in resulting estimates are also discussed. [R, abr.]
72.4583 ZIEGLER, Jeffrey —
Participants that complete online surveys and experiments may be inattentive, which can hinder researchers’ abilityto draw substantive or causal inferences. As such, many practitioners include multiple factualor instructional closed-ended manipulation checks to identify low-attention respondents. However, closed-ended manipulation checks are either correct or incorrect, which allows participants to more easily guess and it reduces the potential variation in attention between respondents. In response to these shortcomings, I develop an automatic and standardized methodology to measure attention that relies on the text that respondents provide in an open-ended manipulation check. There are multiple benefits to this approach. First, it provides a continuous measure of attention, which allows for greater variation between respondents. Second, it reduces the reliance on subjective, paid humans to analyze open-ended responses. [R, abr.]
72.4584 In
Introduction, pp. 405-412,by Andreas NÖLKE. Articles by Tabitha M. BENNEY, "Varieties of capitalism and renewable energy in emerging and developing economies", pp. 413-438; Martin HÖPNER and Martin SEELIGER, "Neither existing nor emerging: euro stabilization by means of European wage coordination", pp. 439-455; Christian MAY and Michael SCHEDELIK, "Comparative capitalism and innovation policy: complementarities and comparative institutional advantage", pp. 456-471; Christoph SCHEUPLEIN, "Private equity as a commodification of companies: the case of the German automotive supply industry", pp. 472-487; Lukas HAFFERT, "Tax policy as industrial policy in comparative capitalisms", pp. 488-504.
72.4585
Articles by Otto LUCHTERHANDT; Carl-Wendelin NEUBERT; Max TRECKER and F. ASSCHENFELDT; Jeronim PEROVIĆ; Sascha LOHMANN; Clara PORTELA; Roland GÖTZ; Kamil KLYSIŃSKI; Ivan TIMOFEEV; Heiko PLEINES: T. MACHMUTOV; Iikka KORHONEN; Maria SHAGINA; Anton NAVOJ; Boris GINZBURG; Natalija ZORKAJA.
72.4586
Introduction by Catherine AUDARD. Articles by LI Hongtu, "Traduction et reception du concept de bien-être en Chine: étude autour de l’oeuvre de John Stuart Mill", pp. 17-32; Gérard CORNILLEAU and Pierre MADEC, "Economic growth and material well-being: an attempt at reconciliation", pp. 33-52; Simon LANGLOIS, "Consommation marchande, bien-être et différentiation sociale", pp. 53-72; Michel FORSÉ and Maxime PARODI, "Sentiments de bien-être et de justice sociale", pp. 73-106; Philippe VAN PARIJS, "Le revenue de base ne fait pas le bonheur — Mais peu importe!", pp. 107-120; Éloi LAURENT, "Human well-being and the biosphere: connecting the dots by connecting the circles", pp. 121-132.