Abstract
73.3123 ÁLVAREZ, David ; CARDOSO ROSAS, João, eds. —
Introduction, pp. 1-8, by the editors. Articles by Charles R. BEITZ, "The practice and its authority: an elaboration", pp. 9-28; Cristina LAFONT, "Are human rights associative rights? The debate between humanist and political conceptions of human rights revisited", pp. 29-49; Andrea SANGIOVANNI, "Human rights practices", pp. 50-65; Andreas FOLLESDAL, "Add international courts to The Idea of Human Rights and stir…on Beitz’ The Idea of Human Rights after 10 years", pp. 66-86; Alain ZYSSET, "Charles Beitz’ idea of human rights and the limits of law", pp. 87-106; Regina KREIDE, "Global (in)justice and the human right to housing. A practicebased approach", pp. 107-127; Luise K. MÜLLER, "Which practice? – Rescuing the practical conception of human rights", pp. 128-142; Andre SANTOS CAMPOS, "Long-term urgent interests and human rights practice: a challenge to the political conception", pp. 143-164.
73.3124 BEHRENT, Michael C. —
Between 1949 and 1961 (or, arguably, 1966), three interconnected dimensions of Foucault’s early thought emerged. First, the young Foucault offered a Hegelian perspective on Kant’s notion of the transcendental. The a priori conditions of thought, Foucault suggested, both shape and arise from historical experience. Second, Foucault drew on Heidegger’s study of Kant to argue that modern thought rests on the premise of human finitude and embraces a problematic epistemology rooted in philosophical anthropology. Foucault argued that anthropology enabled a vast extension of the scope of possible knowledge predicated on the falsely modest pretense that human understanding is inherently limited, even as it embraced a diminished conception of human existence. Third, Foucault developed a pointed critique of contemporary psychology and psychiatry, maintaining that they fallaciously seek to acquire positive knowledge of human beings, despite the fact the latter are inherently defined by what Foucault called “negativity.” This three-pronged interpretation of the young Foucault allows us to better situate Foucault’s work in intellectual history, to clarify his key arguments, and to grasp the articulation of his youthful and his mature thought. [R]
73.3125 BELLAMY, Richard —
A symposium. Introduction by the author. Articles by GLYN MORGAN, "Demoicracy and domination in a G2 world", pp. 577-584; Valentina GENTILE, "Republican intergovernmentalism as a realistic utopia", pp. 585-595; Carmen E. PAVEL, "The European Union and diminished state sovereignty", pp. 596-603; Dorothea GÄDEKE, "How political is Republicanism? Walking the fine line between moralism and realism", pp. 604-615; Dimitrios EFTHYMIOU, "EU Citizenship for a European Republic of the Free and Equals or of States", pp. 616-623. See also author’s reply, pp. 624-635.
73.3126 BORTIS, Heinrich —
This article implies that the time is ripe for a new paradigm in economic theory comprising classical (Ricardian) and Keynesian elements of analysis. The central Section Five presents the basic equations of classical-Keynesian political economy, the price and the quantity equation, based on three constitutive principles: the classical labour value and surplus principles and the Keynesian principle of effective demand. Subsequently, two employment mechanisms implied in the super-multiplier relation, the classical-Keynesian quantity equation, are mentioned, the internal and the external employment mechanism. Section Seven provides an analysis of the actual situation on the basis of the external employment mechanism, associated with cumulative processes of increasing disequilibria and inequalities. Given this, it ought to be replaced by the internal employment mechanism, allowing for Keynesian employment and distribution policies (Section Eight). However, the internal mechanism can only be implemented if a new world economic order is brought about, based upon a supranational currency, that is, Keynes’s bancor, to ensure balance of current account equilibria worldwide. [R, abr.]
73.3127 BROPHY, Christopher Justin —
Nietzsche’s 1864 student essay, “On the Relationship of the Speech of Alcibiades to the Rest of the Speeches in Plato’s Symposium” uses the image of a knot (Knoten) to capture the dynamic tension between the speculative orientation of Socrates and the practical orientation of Alcibiades, that is, between theory and life. This image of the “knot” as a dynamic tension between philosophical principles is a forerunner of the position Nietzsche will develop in his account of the “theoretical man” in The Birth of Tragedy (1872) and the 1874 “untimely meditation” on history and life. In this early essay, Nietzsche offers not merely an exposition of the Platonic dialogue, but a philosophical contribution of his own that clearly favors the orientation of Alcibiades. [R, abr.]
73.3128 BUNN, Philip D. —
In conversations surrounding technology and the future of politics, Adam Smith is a valuable resource for evaluating the subtle relationship between technology and freedom. Smith explores the tendency of specialization occasioned by the advancement of machines to cause “mental mutilation” where the worker’s human faculties are stunted through overspecialization or narrowing of scope of opportunities to judge. It is the very freedom of the worker that is at stake when the development and the exercise of judgment are restricted. Taken together, Smith’s discussion of the advancement of machines and free and independent judgment can aid contemporary thinkers in understanding the relationship between technology and freedom in commercial society, particularly if new technologies substitute for the judgment of the worker or prevent the development of their judgment. [R, abr.]
73.3129 CLEMENTS, Paul ; FORMOSA, Paul —
Rawls’s contractualist approach to justice is well known for its adoption of ideal theory. This approach starts by setting out the political goal or ideal and leaves it to non-ideal or partial compliance theory to map out how to get there. However, Rawls’s use of ideal theory has been criticized by Sen from the right and by Mouffe from the left. We critically address these concerns in the context of developing a Rawlsian approach to climate justice. While the importance of non-ideal theory for climate justice is increasingly being understood, its strategic and institutional importance for a Rawlsian approach needs further elaboration. We focus on the role of the Kantian conception of the reasonable and rational powers of persons in Rawls’s work and show how this helps us to develop a partial compliance theory. [R, abr.]
73.3130 CLEMONS, Jared —
Many were taken aback by the initial spike in support for Black Lives Matter among white Americans during the summer of 2020. But will these antiracist attitudes translate into antiracist behavior? Accordingly, I ask under what conditions do white Americans engage in antiracist behavior? To answer this question, I build upon the insights of Martin Luther King, Jr., and A. Philip Randolph to theorize contemporary white antiracism. I argue that, under neoliberal capitalism, the conditions they laid out as necessary for the cultivation of productive antiracist politics have been difficult to satisfy. In lieu of that, in many instances, has been the privatization of racial responsibility, which I coin to describe a form of antiracist politics that relies upon white individuals’ sympathetic (and often symbolic) gestures rather than the implementation of more state programs to address structural racial injustices. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.3357]
73.3131 COLE, Matthew B. —
Though 1984 is often praised for its prescience, critics in Orwell’s time and ours have also condemned its pessimism. Orwell’s despair, the argument goes, undermines the power of his warning, representing a retreat from politics, a betrayal of socialism, and a repudiation of utopianism. This article draws on the text of 1984 and Orwell’s contemporaneous writings to reassess his thinking on power, socialism, and utopia and to reconsider 1984’s appeal to the political imagination. Characterizing Orwell’s late political sensibility as one of desperate radicalism, the article demonstrates that Orwell remained both a socialist and a steward of the utopian imagination and that he feared totalitarianism because it threatened to expunge utopian ideals from historical consciousness. [R, abr.]
73.3132 CRISTIANO, Carlo —
John Maynard Keynes is frequently mentioned in Money and Empire, where he stands out for his book on the Indian gold exchange standard and his highly informative and perceptive account of the crisis of 1914. Based on de Cecco’s book, one may be induced to think that, before WWI, Keynes was an economist deeply involved in the public life of his country and the administration of the Empire. However, this contrasts with the young economist’s image that has crystallised in the literature on Keynes. In the attempt to solve this contradiction, it is possible to show that the conventional image of the young Keynes is far from satisfactory. Moreover, even though Money and Empire is not altogether reliable in presenting Keynes’s ideas, this old book by Marcello de Cecco may still have a significant contribution to give in the literature on Keynes. [R] [See Abstr. 73.3139]
73.3133 CUZÁN, Alfred G. —
In “In Laws of Politics and How to Establish Them” [ibid., 55(3); July 2022: 457-461; Abstr. 73.1809], Erik Weber contends that my arguments [ibid., 48(3); July 2015: 415-419; Abstr. 66.1415] for the existence of “five laws of politics” are “inconclusive.” Although the “empirical evidence is impressive,” he avers, the “underlying social mechanisms” responsible for the adduced relationships are missing. Without it, he adds, no empirical relationship rises to the special status of a “law” of politics. Helpfully, Weber did not stop there. Using the example of Duverger’s laws, he suggested ways to close the “argumentative gap.” In this article, I aim to do just that. [R]
73.3134 DALY, Glyn —
Building on Hegel’s speculative philosophy, this paper engages critically with Ernesto Laclau’s highly influential theory of ideology. While Laclau’s view of ideological distortion as a distortion of a lack is well taken, the paper affirms that in order to sustain itself this distortion becomes a paradoxical two, or in Hegelian terms an oppositional unity. Second, in contrast to Laclau’s view of the extra-discursive as a distant imaginary, it is argued that the existing capitalist power structure functions effectively as its own extra-discursive in a far more immediate sense in the organization of reality. Third, the real problem of ideology is not simply that (extra-discursive) closure is absent and has to be imposed but rather that the very proximity of closure generates unbearable tensions and antagonisms that need to be externalized and re-staged in more manageable ways. [R, abr.]
73.3135 DELEPLACE, Ghislain —
For de Cecco power relations are central in the working of the pre-WWI international gold standard. He gives an illustration of that in the chapter of Money and Empire [Rowman and Littlefield, 1975] devoted to the relationship between Britain and India, where the gold-exchange standard is presented as a way for Britain to get hold of India’s trade surplus with the rest of the world in order to balance her own international accounts. On the contrary, Keynes praised the Indian gold-exchange standard as a system which not only allowed stabilising India’s relations with the outside world but also pointed the way to a better-regulated monetary system for any country, in the line of Ricardo’s Ingot Plan nearly one century older. The same notion may thus be seen alternatively as a powerful tool of domination or as a good practical idea. The paper describes how Lindsay adapted Ricardo’s scheme to India and contrasts de Cecco’s and Keynes’s interpretations of the Indian gold-exchange standard, before suggesting that monetary ideas can prevail in their own right when they are theoretically well-founded and practically feasible, independently of the power relations they may reflect. [R] [See Abstr. 73.3139]
73.3136 ENGLAND, Christopher M. —
This article reconstructs Karl Polanyi’s account of fascism’s rise in his 1935 article, “The Essence of Fascism.” Following the elevation of Hitler to power in 1933, Polanyi embarked on a reassessment of Nietzsche, Othmar Spann, Spengler, Evola, and other figures of the interwar conservative revolution. He argues that the fascist quest for national unity emerges when 19th century liberalism fails to address the growing atomization and economic dislocation of modern society. On the one hand, fascism valorizes the mythopoetic, prehistorical vitalism that liberal rationalism and social democracy sought to purge from public life. On the other, fascism aspires to a higher form of elitist, technological mastery than egalitarian states can achieve. These tensions, he predicts, will result in the radicalization and collapse of fascist regimes in a European war. This article illuminates Polanyi’s deep understanding of political modernity and the contemporary implications of his philosophical critique of the far right. [R]
73.3137 EVRIGENIS, Ioannis D. —
Long before Prospect Theory and Loss Aversion Theory, Thomas Hobbes’s account of self-interest and risk assessment formed the basis of a powerful argument for the benefits of negative appeals. Dismissing the pursuit of highest and final goods as inherently incapable of yielding collective action, Hobbes proposed a method focusing instead on the highest evil, something that individuals with different goals could agree on as a barrier to their respective pursuits. In his own theory, that evil was violent death in the dystopian setting of his notorious state of nature. The staying power of Hobbes’s memorable image itself validates Hobbes’s rationale and offers important reminders regarding the limits of utopian appeals to collective action. [R]
73.3138 FROST, Bryan-Paul —
This new and penetrating book offers perhaps the first sustained discussion of themes not usually associated with Leo Strauss, namely democracy, technology, and liberal education. Through the use of published and unpublished sources, Timothy W. Burns reveals that Strauss was deeply immersed in and concerned with all three themes and their interconnectedness. This is especially true when it comes to modern technology and the modern, Enlightenment project. [R] [First article of a symposium. See also articles by Ian MacFARLANE, "Liberal education as the recovery of classical moral and political reasoning", pp. 7-10; Linda R. RABIEH, "Burns on Strauss’s liberating liberal education", pp. 11-14; James R. STONER Jr., "Interpretation and change", pp. 15-16; and Timothy W. BURNS’s response to Frost, MacFarlane, Rabieh, and Stoner, pp. 17-28]
73.3139 GIGLIOBIANCO, Alfredo —
M. De Cecco touched upon several themes: the actual working of the Gold standard; the history of British monetary policy and financial system; the power structure that underlay the organization of the world economy before WWI. De Cecco explored these themes with his habitual clever combination of economic theory, history and awareness of the political and institutional dimension of economic problems. The paper, by the editor of the new Italian edition, assesses the impact of the book on the literature. [R] [First article of a symposium, introduced by Paolo PAESANI. See also Abstr. 73.3132, 3135, 3154, 3158, 4245]
73.3140 HARGREAVES HEAP, Shaun P. —
I re-visit the two arguments in my original paper, published in this journal in 1989. Pleasingly (but perhaps suspiciously) I have no reason to challenge them, but the insights that have come from behavioural economics over the intervening 35 years provide important new sources of support for both. The insights with respect to endogenous preferences add weight to the first argument for why collective/social choice is important (i.e., why welfare economics matters). In the second argument over the specific egalitarian flavour of post-Keynesian welfare proposals, I now fine tune this suggestion with the aid of behavioural insights so as to focus on the egalitarian character of the rules (and not the outcomes in society). [R]
73.3141 HAUGAARD, Mark —
From the perspective of sociological theory, Foucault’s concepts of power, power-knowledge, and discipline are one-sided. While Foucault contends that there is no center of power, his account of power remains top-down or structural, missing the interactive and enabling aspects of power. A more balanced view would suggest that all exercises of power include meaningful agency (the ability to do something); social structures (not simply as constraints but as interactive creations); social knowledge (including both reifying truth claims and enabling truth or knowledge); and social-ontological being-in-the-social-world (both as enabling and dominating). [R]
73.3142 HULL, Gordon —
Foucault distanced himself from Marxism even though he worked in an environment — left French theory of the 1960s and 1970s — where Marxism was the dominant frame of reference. By viewing Foucault in the context of French Marxist theoretical debates of his day, we can connect his criticisms of Marxism to his discussions of the status of intellectuals. Foucault viewed standard Marxist approaches to the role of intellectuals as a problem of power and knowledge applicable to the Communist party. Marxist party intellectuals, in his view, had developed rigid and universal theories and had used them to prescribe action, which prevented work on the sorts of problems that he uncovered — even though these problems were central to the development of capitalism. [R]
73.3143 ILOTT, Luke —
This article interprets Michel Foucault as a thinker of political coalition. While Foucault is often associated with a localist “micro-politics,” he also sought to help dispersed struggles “generalize” themselves into bigger, cohesive movements. Foucault gave his fullest account of the politics of generalization in manuscripts and drafts associated with two courses at the Collège de France, entitled Security, Territory, Population (1978) and The Birth of Biopolitics (1979), which are well known to political theorists for their discussions of “governmentality.” Intellectual historians have recently generated controversy by proposing that Foucault used his governmentality lectures to flirt with neoliberal positions. By reconstructing Foucault’s coalitional project in the late 1970s, this article offers an alternative contextualist account of his purposes, while encouraging political theorists to reappraise the lectures as the basis for a Foucauldian theory of largescale alliance politics. [R]
73.3144 KRALL McCRARY, Lorraine —
The accounts of Stanisława Leszczyńska and Gisella Perl, a midwife and gynecologist at Auschwitz respectively, reveal their acts of resistance to the Nazi regime. Using Hannah Arendt’s conception of natality — which finds in birth the origins of political action — to interpret Leszczyńska’s and Perl’s accounts, I find natality present at birth in a plurality of ways that demand recognition and respect. Where political institutions do not respect natality, the interpersonal act of bearing witness to natality can offer a profound political critique. Leszczyńska’s and Perl’s accounts show the intense pressure of external forces on the responsibility to affirm the natality of others, but I argue that bearing witness to natality is meaningful, regardless of whether or not it upends an oppressive political regime. Hope in dark times is best embodied in acts that bear witness to the natality of others, acts that are themselves a form of political natality, and not in the abstract and passive hope for a better world. [R]
73.3145 LEE, Fred —
This article explores the ethical and strategic thought of Bong Joon-ho’s Okja, a film about a Korean adolescent and a genetically modified pig who save each other’s lives. In part one, I convene Bong Joon-ho and Frank Wilderson to explore how human supremacy and White supremacy work together. In part two, I resituate the transatlantic question of racial/species oppression in Okja within a transpacific analytic of global capitalism and US empire. I investigate how both humans and super-pigs, across both racial and species lines, can forward liberation projects within asymmetrical situations of conflict. My thesis is that Bong Joon-ho proposes that, in such situations, subversions among intimates are more valuable and useful than alliances among strangers. [R. abr.]
73.3146 LOPES, Helena —
Building on Alfred Marshall’s claim that political economy should be a science of activities rather than a science of wants, the paper proposes to ground political economy on the centrality of work. Work is central in three different senses: (1) factual — work plays a central role in human lives and societies; (2) epistemic — giving work center stage has constitutive theoretical effects; (3) political — work is a primary tool of and for the transformation of society. Grounding political economy on work entails prioritizing economic agents as workers/producers over economic agents as consumers and acknowledging that changes in the world of work are major drivers of history. [R, abr.]
73.3147 MAJOR, Rafael —
Two years after the publication of Locke’s An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, he sought advice from his Irish friend, William Molyneux, concerning improvements for the second edition. This discussion resulted in the most substantial alterations of the Essay. Among these changes, Molyneux proposed a “Jocose Problem” — a 17th Century “brain-teaser” — concerning the ability of a formerly blind person to recognize the simple difference between the appearance of a cube and a sphere. Molyneux’s jocose riddle eventually awakened “the greatest philosophic interest” and became the “common center” of attention for 18th-c. thinkers like Berkeley, Voltaire, and Diderot. The following is meant to reintroduce Molyneux’s Problem by suggesting its origin in the thought of Thomas Hobbes and its bearing on the role of religion in public life. [R, abr.]
73.3148 MALESEVIC, Siniša —
Michel Foucault’s philosophy has recently come under sharp criticism across the political spectrum. While right-wing and centrist commentators identify Foucault as the intellectual progenitor of “woke” dogmatism and an irrationalist hostility to science, left-wing critics associate his work with neoliberalism and animosity towards the welfare state. Neither critique is grounded in an accurate understanding of the epistemological motivation of Foucault’s project. [R]
73.3149 McKAY, Spencer —
Popular-vote processes — such as plebiscites, referendums, and initiatives — are frequently understood as Rousseauian instruments of popular sovereignty. Yet, Rousseau did not theorize these devices himself. As a result, he has been claimed by proponents of competing theories of popular-vote processes. Theorists of sleeping sovereignty have claimed Rousseau’s distinction between sovereignty and government in support of rare, constitutional referendums. Theorists of direct democracy invoke Rousseau’s criticism of representation to demand frequent referendums. Plebiscitarianism casts Rousseau’s general will as demanding the unification of the nation in one popularly legitimated leader through top-down plebiscites. I contend that Condorcet’s account provides the most compelling link between Rousseau’s account of popular sovereignty and the institutional design of popular-vote processes. [R, abr.]
73.3150 METZGER, Shawna K. —
L. Keele [ibid. 18(2), Spring 2010: 189-205; Abstr. 60.5458)] emphasizes that the incumbent test for detecting proportional hazard (PH) violations in Cox duration models can be adversely affected by misspecified covariate functional form(s). In this note, I reevaluate Keele’s evidence by running a full set of Monte Carlo simulations using the original article’s illustrative data-generating processes (DGPs). I make use of the updated PH test calculation available in R’s survival package starting with v3.0-10. Importantly, I find the updated PH test calculation performs better for Keele’s DGPs, suggesting its scope conditions are distinct and worth further investigating. I also uncover some evidence for the traditional calculation suggesting it, too, may have additional scope conditions that could impact practitioners’ interpretation of Keele (2010). [R, abr]
73.3151 NALLI, Federica ; SANTORI, Paolo —
In his 2018 book, The Community of Advantage, economist Robert Sugden sets out his Principle of Mutual Benefit. This paper investigates the role that Sugden’s principle occupies in Rawls’ Political Liberalism. Would it be chosen by contracting parties in the Original Position and with what implications? We firstly show the potential complementarities of Rawls’ and Sugden’s approaches, integrating them in a broad philosophical framework. Second, we describe three scenarios in which Sugden’s principle could be integrated into Rawls’s system– (1) as a second order principle of the Difference Principle, (2) as a replacement of the whole Second Principle, or (3) as a substitute for the Difference Principle. We test each hypothesis through Rawls’s artificial device of the Original Position. We suggest that the Principle of Mutual Benefit can be understood as a substitute for the Difference Principle, reaffirming the importance of social justice in guaranteeing the stability of a market society. [R]
73.3152 NOVOTNY, Patrick —
This article discusses the remarks by James Madison to Virginia’s ratifying convention in June 1788 as they relate to the Electoral College. Madison’s remarks in Richmond shed light on his rarely highlighted expectations of the workings of the Electoral College and provide insight into the Constitutional Convention’s debate on the legislative selection of the President. [R]
73.3153 OSBORNE, Thomas M., Jr. —
Readers have found at least two distinct and perhaps contradictory accounts of civil authority in the works of Francisco de Vitoria, and some hold that Vitoria himself holds contradictory positions. This article argues that Vitoria holds one consistent position, namely, that civil power is based on a necessity that is rooted in human nature, and in particular on the final cause of human life, and not on a necessity that is a result of any historical decision or process on its own. Rulers receive from the community their authority, which is a power to act on behalf of that community. Scholars have failed to consider how Vitoria’s understanding of civil power is Aristotelian and Thomistic to the extent that it is based on the thesis that the political community is natural. [R, abr.]
73.3154 PAESANI, Paolo —
Attention to power structures pervades Money and Empire, with its focus on the hierarchy of financial centres and peripheries. Starting with Money and Empire and moving on from there, this paper explores how de Cecco addressed key questions on monetary sovereignty, power structures in international monetary relations and the changing shape of currency domains and relations. A thorough understanding of these issues requires an approach to the history of money and finance in the best tradition of International Political Economy, which combines attention to cross-country heterogeneity, conflicts of interest, financial structures and networks, and path-dependency. [R] [See Abstr. 73.3139]
73.3155 PETERSEN, Felix —
While Montesquieu (1689-1755) is often regarded as the thinker who discovered the importance of fundamental principles such as the rule of law and the separation of powers, systematic research of his theory of the state is surprisingly limited. In this article, I argue that his masterpiece, The Spirit of the Laws (1748), points to a theory of the non-arbitrary state. Montesquieu’s comparative study of various governments demonstrates that modern liberty depends on the rule of law. Since many states have laws but few of them guarantee liberty, he stressed that the rule of law requires the separation of the judicial from the legislative and executive powers. The constitution of an independent judicial branch separates the sphere of justice from the political sphere, which creates the basic structure of the non-arbitrary state. Depending on the distribution of power in either of the two spheres, non-arbitrary states can guarantee their citizens more or less liberty. [R, abr.]
73.3156 REN Shuhuai —
In Of the Social Contract, Rousseau argued that, for successful political founding, the social spirit that is the product of the institutions must precede over the institutions. Scholars have interpreted Rousseau’s constituent moment as an unsolvable paradox that haunts modern constitutional theory. This article challenges this view by taking seriously Rousseau’s claim that only a young nation can receive laws. By reconstructing youthfulness as a necessary pre-institutional condition for legislation, I argue that successful constituent moments can be identified within Rousseau’s works, attention to which shows that his position is not paradoxical. Youthfulness nonetheless hinges on a tension between the innocence of a community that shares a robust social bond, and the maturity evident in its dangerous desire for prosperity. Youthfulness is therefore a moment of crisis and opportunity that calls for legislation to resolve this tension. [R, abr.]
73.3157 ROCHON, Louis-Philippe —
This article explores both the institutional and theoretical roots of post-Keynesian economics, treated separately. I argue that while there seems to be two accounts of the institutional roots, each emphasize a different narrative and can be reconciled. As for the theoretical roots, I argue that ‘everything started with the Accumulation of Capital — Joan Robinson’s so-called Magnum Opus. The book contains all the elements of what characterizes post-Keynesian economics today. [R]
73.3158 ROSSELLI, Annalisa —
The gist of Money and Empire by Marcello de Cecco [Rowman and Littlefield, 1975] consists in showing how discretional policy decisions, rather than automatic adjustment operating through the price-specie-flow mechanism, guaranteed the orderly functioning of the Gold Standard. The decades before WWI, often regarded as the heyday of the Gold Standard, were in fact the years of its decline. The paper argues that, in addition to its important contribution to the reconstruction of the actual functioning of the Gold Standard, Money and Empire prompts two reflections. The first is on the general argument of the book that all monetary systems must be studied by looking at the power relations underlying them, money being a social construct. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.3139]
73.3159 SAGER, Alex —
Thirty-five years ago, Joseph Carens published “Aliens and Citizens: The Case for Open Borders” in the Review of Politics [49(2), 1987; Abstr. 38.29]. It is only a slight overstatement to say that this article created the subfield of political theory of migration. Today, the field is flourishing. Migration continues to be one of today’s most politically fraught and morally urgent issues. An estimated hundred million people have fled violence and persecution. Hundreds of millions more cross international borders every year. States have responded with highly restrictive policies, in which people need to resort to perilous routes, often in the hands of smugglers, to claim asylum. [R]
73.3160 SILVERMAN, Mark S. —
Neoclassical economics is sometimes said to overlook the institutional character of markets, treating them as ‘natural.’ I address whether this criticism applies to Léon Walras. Walras’s position is complex. Walras insists that market institutions are ‘artificial’ and that a purely naturalistic view of them reduces persons to mere things. However, he simultaneously characterizes market laws as natural. Specifically, he argues that exchange value is natural because it is determined by the natural property of scarcity. This argument is wanting: scarcity as defined by Walras is not exclusively natural, and, by Walras’s own logic, only accounts for exchange value given the non-natural institution of the market. I suggest that Walras’s attempts to give exchange value a natural foundation can be understood as a form of commodity fetishism. I further suggest two complementary explanations for this fetishism. [R, abr.]
73.3161 WARNER, Michael —
Thomas Hobbes started an enduring debate over sovereignty’s right to shape citizens’ minds between his principal heirs, Locke and Rousseau. Locke insisted that sovereigns can grant liberty of conscience yet still enjoy internal and external peace through wisely drawn laws. Rousseau endorsed such toleration in theory but insisted on shaping virtuous citizens who love republican forms and duties. Rousseau’s teaching on the need for “guides’ to recognize and impose the general will inspired ideological regimes ruled by parties claiming republican legitimacy. For the last century, that metaphorical debate between followers of Locke and Rousseau has helped shape intelligence. [R]
73.3162 ZIELINSKI, Aaron —
In manuscripts and unpublished articles written in the 1950s, Foucault developed a notion of myth that was intimately linked to what he called “imaginary forces,” a notion that he framed as a new critical approach. Its most important functions lie in exposing how mythological narratives naturalize social processes, and in developing a skeptical stance towards the allegedly liberating function of truth. This notion of myth is central in History of Madness, but it features most prominently in a passage that was omitted from the first English translation. Here, Foucault criticizes the narrative that Enlightenment psychiatry told about its own origins, which naturalized social processes. The young Foucault’s notion of myth is strikingly similar to the Marxist notion of second nature. [R]
73.3163
Introduction by Renée T. WHITE. Articles by Reynaldo ANDERSON; Rebecca WANZO; Kris F. SEALEY; Jane Anna GORDON.
73.3164
Introduction by Shterna FRIEDMAN, "Three pictures of Hegel’s holism: mystical, instrumentalist, intrinsicist", pp. 265-276. Articles by Frederick BEISER, "A mayfly for Prof. Hegel: Herbart’s forgotten review of Hegel’s Rechtsphilosophie’, pp. 277-288; Darren NAH, "Hegel, Weber, and bureaucracy", pp. 289-309; Frederick NEUHOUSER, "Hegel on ‘the living good’", pp. 310-331; Angelica NUZZO, "Hegel’s Philosophy of Right and the idea of the world: dialectic’s ‘political cosmology’", pp. 332-358; Alan PATTEN, "Hegel’s alternative to nationalism", pp. 359-377; Terry PINKARD, "Hegel’s own time grasped in our thoughts after two hundred years", pp. 378-391; Paul ROSENBERG, "Hegel’s political philosophy", pp. 392-430; Jacob ROUNDTREE, "Marx’s democratization of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right", pp. 431-461.