Abstract
74.4650 ACKERMANN, Magdalena ; ILLESCAS PALMA, Gisela ; REYES, Laura Vanessa —
Indigenous peoples across the world share an intimate knowledge of ecosystems acquired from hundreds of generations of observation. Today, commercial land exploitation, resource extraction and the effects of global warming are destroying these water and land ecosystems exacerbating the climate crisis. The threat to life support systems posed by the ecological crisis we witness is combined with the cultural and ethnic crisis and the erosion of social structures that make cultural diversity and plurality possible as a democratic reality in a decentralized framework. The cosmovision that Indigenous Peoples have always embodied and transmitted across generations opens our understanding to a holistic approach that is essential today to interpret and implement One Health according to the contemporary challenges and needs. [R]
74.4651 ALBERG, Jeremiah —
I examine chapters I and II of the Dialectic of Pure Practical Reason from the _Critique of Practical Reason_, to show that Kant resolved the antimony of practical reason by first giving an accurate representation of the cause of a properly moral act and then recognizing that this accurate representation raised further problems, problems that were anticipated by Rousseau, especially in his _Reveries of a Solitary Walker_. Rousseau’s reveries allowed Kant to explore, and to some extent overcome, the darker implications of their common understanding of virtue. In the second _Critique_ this takes the form of explaining how one can understand and existentially achieve one’s own satisfaction based on contentment with oneself rather than enjoyment. [R]
74.4652 ANDERSON, Elisabeth —
Weber’s critique of modernity centred on how it shaped the habitus — life-conduct and motivations — of the modern individual. I explicate six habitus-types that appear in Weber’s work: the early-modern Puritan _Berufsmensch_, the modern specialist, the modern industrial worker, the politician, the civil servant and the citizen voter. In doing so, I identify the main characteristics of each type and the causal mechanisms through which Western modernity’s core features — capitalism and bureaucracy — brought them into being. Further, I discuss two habitus-related problems that concerned Weber: the general failure of the modern habitus to achieve ‘personality’; and the mismatch between habitus and occupational role in the Wilhelmine political sphere. I then explain the practical reforms through which Weber hoped to address these problems. Finally, I show how this analysis helps resolve two apparent contradictions which have long perplexed Weber scholars. [R]
74.4653 BAKALOV, Ivan —
The study of power in IR has produced insightful typologies, but the persisting paradigmatic divisions induce problems that stifle further progress. The fungibility problem concerns the missing links between the categories in the typologies as well as between typologies. The fragmentation problem arises from the difficulties of analysing diffuse agency. This article proposes a closer dialogue with Gramsci’s work and embeds the resulting inputs into a process-centred conceptualisation of power that can accommodate the dialectic analysis of social transformations from the _Prison Notebooks_. The intellectual exchange engenders an understanding in which different modalities of power can be linked together as mechanisms interfering with each other in an iterative open process. The conundrum of fragmented agency is revisited through the perspective of an integral power process that entangles actor interests and identities. These interventions create opportunities for meaningful interaction between studies into the different faces of power. [R]
74.4654 BARBALET, Jack —
Weber rejected the notion of race founded on innate characteristics, and instead developed one based on cultural and political factors. The importance of Weber’s distinctive characterization of race cannot be appreciated when consideration is given only to his treatment of minorities. Examination, however, of Weber’s account of the German people as a _Herrenvolk_, master race, consolidated by shared cultural values and realized through the expansive practices of a _Machtstaat_ or power-state, indicates a complex ethnonational conceptualization of race. Weber’s approach to race as an ethnonational manifestation is important for understanding his sociology as well as his commitment to German imperialism. [R]
74.4655 BECKSTEIN, Martin —
Contemporary political theory often discards Montesquieu’s political theory of climate. It is generally viewed as misguided and potentially offensive due to its perceived associations with Eurocentric and racist stereotypes, as well as its seeming justification of colonial injustice. However, this paper argues that Montesquieu’s political theory of climate warrants a reevaluation for at least three reasons. First, the theory is more complex than is often believed. Second, it makes more sense than is commonly held. Third, it prompts intriguing inquiries about the challenges of integrating scientific findings from diverse fields and about implications of the human factor in relation to climate change. [R]
74.5378 BERTOLDI, Nancy —
Property has a ubiquitous presence in international practice, but its implications for theorizing world order are not adequately explored. I remedy this by showing how property constitutes the core concepts of anarchy and sovereignty in international relations (IR) as overlapping spaces of rightbased governance. I develop my account of a property-based world order in relation to the work of John Locke. Locke is generally overlooked as a core IR thinker, with the unfortunate consequence that anarchy and sovereignty are conceptualized as polar opposites under the enduring shadow of Hobbes. Even prominent critics of Hobbesian anarchy rely on Hobbesian notions of sovereignty, resulting in minimalist conceptions of international society and international ethics. To counter these Hobbesian legacies, I turn to Locke’s limited, plural, and fluid accounts of anarchy and sovereignty and show how they are grounded in a normative notion of property that mutually constitutes them. This provides an alternative to the Hobbesian absolutist conceptions of anarchy and sovereignty that many IR theorists still operate with. The result is a distinctly normative vision for IR that condemns the twin evils of conquest and tyranny. [R]
74.4656 BIRCH, Sarah —
Semi-parliamentarism is a compelling design with attractive features, including those discussed by Ganghof, and also its likely tendency to break preference cycles and moderate politics. However, I argue that semi-parliamentarism may be a difficult system to sustain. My contribution concludes with consideration of how such systems might be preserved. [R] [See Abstr. 74. 4698]
74.4657 BITSCHNAU, Marco ; MUSSOTTER, Marlene —
For more than two decades, the work of Blank and Schmidt has greatly influenced empirical research on national attachment. Distinguishing between nationalism, patriotism, and national identity, it rests on a set of item batteries that have since been taken up by numerous researchers. In this contribution, we argue that the categorization of most of these items is inconsistent with the perception of a nonexpert sample and, in some cases, even in direct opposition to it. To substantiate this claim, we present the results of an online survey of German university students (N = 424) who were tasked with assigning all items from Blank and Schmidt’s 1997 article to one of the three categories. As hypothesized, the majority of respondents assigned only a few items correctly — so few that their overall agreement with Blank and Schmidt was even lower than what would normally be expected from a random distribution. We also asked about item understandability and found that while some items were considered relatively difficult to understand, there was no obvious correlation between these and the miscategorized ones. [R, abr.]
74.4658 BRAAKSMA, Ymko —
Classical pragmatism has often been branded as being primarily a new theory of truth. Using F.C.S. Schiller’s response to an article written by F.H. Bradley, I show that, in fact, a certain theory of thought is the essential point of pragmatism according to Schiller as well as John Dewey and William James. I go on to argue that without taking this theory of thought into account we cannot properly understand the British reception of classical pragmatism in the early 1900s. I illustrate the significance of this contention by criticizing the responses to pragmatism given by Bertrand Russell and G.E. Moore. [R]
74.4659 BREJDO, Evgenij —
Joseph Brodsky’s much-maligned verses “On the Independence of Ukraine” (1991) are read by his critics as a lyrical poem. In it, there is a lyrical ego speaking, and this is supposed to represent the author’s voice. Brodsky, they argue, is personally insulting Ukraine. This view is untenable. Rather, Brodsky is arranging several voices into a small dramatic work in verse. In the poem, he is putting on display precisely and straightforwardly the views of the Russian public at the time. [R]
74.4660 BRENNAN, Timothy —
This article suggests that the anti-bourgeois, illiberal character of Rousseau’s political philosophy has been exaggerated. In order to illustrate this point, I juxtapose Rousseau’s thought with that of Benjamin Franklin, the acknowledged embodiment of bourgeois liberalism in the eighteenth century. Although Franklin and Rousseau are often cast as opposites today, in their own time they were commonly linked — with, I think, considerable justification. Without insisting that Rousseau had a direct influence on Franklin, I argue that Franklin’s moral-political thought was largely consonant with that of his supposed antithesis. [R]
74.4661 BYAS, Jason Lee —
Murray Rothbard explained that “if you wish to know how libertarians regard the State and any of its acts, simply think of the State as a criminal band, and all of the libertarian attitudes will logically fall into place.” _For a New Liberty_ exhorted readers to see the State not as just another piece of social technology but as a parasitical enemy that guides its actions by however it can best exploit us. This essay argues that the picture we have of the State will decide which normative and descriptive facts strike us as salient. Once you see Rothbard’s picture, you can’t unsee it. [R] [See also Abstr. 74.4704]
74.4662 CANDELA, Rosolino A. —
Yoram Barzel (1931-2022) was an architect of the economics of property rights. His work explained a wide range of phenomena — including medieval lending, the organization of firms, and the origins of parliaments, democracy, and the rule of law — predicated on the simple, powerful theoretical framework that defines the University of Washington approach: in a world of positive transaction costs, individuals will devise institutional arrangements, both formal and informal, to realize gains from trade by minimizing rent dissipation. [R]
74.4663 CHOWDHURY, Suban Kumar —
Pragmatism, responding to the call for ‘decentring International Relations’, fosters analytical eclecticism for resolving inter-paradigmatic disputes. John Dewey’s pragmatism aligns seamlessly with constructivism, offering nuanced insights. However, in bilateral relations, pragmatism is often confined within realist frameworks, lacking analytical rigor for understanding governmentality. In this article, the author challenges this by emphasizing relational power dynamics and non-neutral knowledge, introducing ‘balancing pragmatism’ rooted in ‘bricolage’ for nuanced governance. Leveraging Foucauldian insights, the author reconceptualizes governance pragmatism within the power-knowledge interplay, illustrated by the India– Bangladesh Land Boundary Agreement (LBA). The LBA’s success challenges realist power paradigms, recognizing the pivotal role of Foucauldian dynamics in enhancing pragmatic balancing. This enriches the constructivist paradigm with discerning governance. Interpreting pragmatism through a Foucauldian lens in the LBA underscores implications for bilateral governance, highlighting analytical eclecticism and adaptability within a Foucauldian framework to address geopolitical challenges. It advocates for a more inclusive analytical approach in international relations. Understanding ‘balancing pragmatism’ is crucial for practitioners, challenging the state-centric paradigm and emphasizing nuanced governance through the transformative intersection of power and knowledge. [R, abr]
74.4664 CURRAN, Dean —
Polanyi’s (1957 [1944]) _The Great Transformation_ stands as a towering analysis of the industrial revolution and a powerful social warning against social and natural damage driven by the pursuit of maximal economic value. Polanyi envisioned that the ‘discovery of society’, due to its radical neglect during the industrial revolution, led to this new social knowledge resulting in the end of _laissez-faire_ and the self-regulating market. Yet, the most recent phase of the industrial revolution, the digital phase, suggests that many of the same failures to manage industrial revolutions are occurring again. In particular, looking at the emerging digital economy through the prism of Polanyi’s social theory, this article argues that the changes driven by the digital economy, specifically in terms of the reshaping of attention and sociality and the increasing potential for ‘normal catastrophes’, suggests that Polanyi’s lesson of the destructive power of the self-regulating market is again being neglected. [R]
74.4665 El AMINE, Loubna —
In this article, I show that women are depicted in the early Confucian texts not primarily as undertaking household duties or nurturing children but rather as partaking in rituals of mourning and ancestor worship. To make the argument, I analyze, besides the more philosophical texts like the _Analects_ and the _Mencius_, texts known as the “Five Classics,” which describe women in their social roles in much more detail than the former. What women’s participation in rituals reveals, I contend, is that the domestic-political distinction does little to illuminate the philosophical vision offered by the early Confucian texts. Relatedly, while women’s involvement in communal religious rituals has also been noted about early Greece, the political import of such participation is even more pronounced in the Confucian case. Specifically, I show that, by embodying intergenerational continuity, the mourning and ancestor rituals that women partake in are foundational to the Confucian state. [R]
74.4666 ELLIOTT, Kevin J. —
Steffen Ganghof’s book addresses pressing questions in democratic theory and institutional design regarding how to promote effective political inclusion and avoid personalizing power in democratic executives. His model of semi-parliamentarism manages to transform tradeoffs in these areas that were previously thought inescapable, unlocking novel potential for democratic reform. [R] [See Abstr. 74. 4698]
74.4667 FLOHR, Mikkel —
Hannah Arendt’s seminal yet overlooked essay “We Refugees” was written and published in _Menorah Journal_ in 1943 while she was still a stateless refugee. In this essay, Arendt vividly describes the impossible situation that the stateless Jewish refugees faced before and during Second World War. However, Arendt does not reduce it to a series of individual tragedies, but instead develops a highly original analysis of refugees as a systematic political phenomenon that exposes the limitations of the nationstate system and simultaneously points beyond it. This analysis remains more relevant than ever today, eighty years after its initial publication. [R]
74.4668 FOEKEN, Elsie —
‘Process time’ describes the recursive/fluid, social and embodied temporality that characterises much ‘women’s work’. Though this concept has proven highly useful to feminist analyses of caring and other feminised labour, there has arguably been a tendency for authors in this area to naturalise and valorise this temporality — particularly in relation to the abstract, economic and disciplinary time of the clock. I argue that this naturalisation or valorisation of process time flattens our understanding of feminised labour, and that a feminist social theory of time must recognise the potentially disciplinary forms process time can take. As such, this paper contributes to feminist analyses of time, gender and labour by arguing that the embodied, caring and processual temporality that circulates within modern families can be understood as fundamentally disciplinary. Drawing primarily on Foucauldian theory, as well as Sharon Hays’ concept of ‘intensive mothering’, the paper argues that process time is central to the functioning of the family as a biopolitical institution, just as clock time is integral to the disciplinary mechanisms of the school, prison, barracks, etc. Specifically, it argues that the unique relations of power that circulate within the biopolitical family rely on a unique use of time: one that is intensive and oriented towards the rhythms of the physical body — that is, processual. Further, this disciplinary time is deeply and fundamentally feminine, as it operates (in its ideal form) primarily through the mother. [R]
74.4669 GANGHOF, Steffen —
This article responds to critical reflections on my _BeyondPresidentialism and Parliamentarism_ by Sarah Birch, Kevin J. Elliott, Claudia Landwehr and James L. Wilson. It discusses how different types of representative democracy, especially different forms of government (presidential, parliamentary or hybrid), can be justified. It clarifies, among other things, the distinction between procedural and process equality, the strengths of semi-parliamentary government, the potential instability of constitutional designs, and the difference that theories can make in actual processes of constitutional reform. [R] [See Abstr. 74. 4698]
74.4670 HAMMERSLEY, Martyn —
In this paper some fundamental criticisms of Max Weber’s conception of the vocation of science are addressed. These well-known criticisms focus on his admission that science cannot demonstrate its own value, and his broader claim that there can be no rational basis for committing oneself to one set of ultimate values as against another. Instead, he insisted that the adoption of such values is necessarily a matter of individual decision. Influential critics have argued that this amounts to relativism, or even nihilism: that, if it were true, neither science nor anything else could have genuine value, all value-judgements would be arbitrary or entirely instrumental (e.g. a matter of self-interest). I will outline Weber’s position, and then examine the arguments of some of his critics: focussing particularly on Midgley and Strauss. This provides the basis for a careful reassessment of Weber’s position, and for some suggestions about how he could respond to these critics. It is argued that fundamental values operate in a dialectical relationship with specific evaluations, and that they arise naturally out of more or less universal features of human beings’ life experience. While this does not provide a compelling rational basis for commitment to those values, even less for prioritising one over another, it tells us why we often feel a need to uphold them. [R, abr.]
74.4671 HOEPPNER MORAN CRUZ, Jo Ann —
In his dedication to The Prince, Machiavelli places himself in the position of the people who can discern the nature of princes; his text, however, suggests that he also, like a prince, understands the nature of the people. This double vision informs the reader throughout, as Machiavelli warns the Medici of the dangers to their rule while informing the people as to the weakness of their regime. This article further investigates the positive reference to Pope Sixtus IV, a reference that could not have endeared Machiavelli to the Medici. It then explores _The Prince’s_ discourse around Pope Alexander VI and Cesare Borgia, both of whom would have been anathema to the Medici and Florentine people. Finally, Machiavelli draws a portrait of the new prince that echoes the hidden regal tyrant of Aristotle’s _Politics_. In conclusion, while Machiavelli’s Prince may have been instructive for the people, it could hardly have been favourably received by the Medici. [R]
74.4672 HOLLEY, Jared —
This article recovers Anténor Firmin’s contribution to anticolonial political thought by excavating his liberal worldmaking project of global racial equality and anticolonial solidarity. I assess Firmin’s contrast between “true” and “false” liberalism in Haiti, reconstructing his understanding of true Haitian liberalism as committed to the core ideas of historical progress, national regeneration, and rehabilitation of the Black race globally. I contextualize his Equality of the Human Races in metropolitan Paris during his first exile, arguing that his critique of anthropological racism should be seen as integral to his commitment to Haitian liberalism. I then situate his discussion of what he called “European Solidarity” in wider legitimating languages of French colonialism. This recovers Firmin’s neglected critique of colonialism as a reciprocal system of economic exploitation and discursive domination. [R, abr.]
74.4673 HOLMAN, Thomas —
In the scholarly literature on Plato’s _Republic_, one of the abiding questions has been and remains: why must the philosopher return to the cave? Socrates’s claim that philosophers will do so willingly thanks to their feeling of duty to the _polis_ is rather unsatisfying and doesn’t mesh with the ethical framework presented by the _Republic_ as a whole. Here, I draw on the work of Eric Voegelin and John von Heyking, in order to propose a two-axis model of what I call the erotic-hermetic structure of the philosophical life. By emphasizing the horizontal (i.e. hermetic, or interpersonal) element of the philosophical life, I argue that the philosopher, in order to be what he or she is in the fullest sense, must return to the cave. [R]
74.4566 INTROPI, Pietro —
Reciprocal libertarianism is a version of left-wing libertarianism that combines self-ownership with an egalitarian distribution of resources according to reciprocity. In this paper, I show that reciprocal libertarianism is a coherent and appealing view. I discuss how reciprocal libertarians can handle conflicts between self-ownership and reciprocity, and I show that reciprocal libertarianism can be realised in a framework of individual ownership of external resources or in a socialist scheme of common ownership (libertarian socialism). I also compare reciprocal libertarianism with leftlibertarian approaches: I argue that a reciprocity-sensitive version of leftlibertarianism (reciprocal left-libertarianism) is coherent and morally superior to traditional left-libertarianism, on grounds of incorporating a distinctively solidaristic and recognition-oriented aspect of equality. The policy implications of reciprocal libertarianism will differ depending on which rights people can have over external resources, but all reciprocal libertarian views acknowledge the existence of social rights that people have as co-operators. [R]
74.4572 KHWAJA, Afifa —
The global justice debates frame the right to political membership and territorial rights by focusing on stateless individuals/refugees as claimants of the former and sovereign states as the claimants of the latter. Kant’s Right to Hospitality is often employed to reinforce this mode of framing rights. However, this mode of framing rights can lead to possible neglect of a people as an equally important right claimant. I employ a context-oriented interpretation of Kant’s right to Hospitality to highlight the non-state people’s claims to political membership and territory. I suggest that in Kant, while the non-state people are not in a civil condition, we can nevertheless recognize their provisional claims to the territory, which are forceful enough to exclude outsiders. Furthermore, the non-state people cannot be forced into a political membership with us or each other because we do not know the nature of obligations they may have towards each other. Recognizing these limits of our understanding can encourage philosophically thought-out modes of reframing indigenous people’s claims in our theoretical debates. In practice, it can promote an insightful attitude in negotiating their terms of political membership and land claims against the sovereign states. [R]
74.4674 KIM, Sungmoon —
One of the most notable features in recent Confucian political theory is the advocacy of political meritocracy. Though Confucian meritocrats’ controversial institutional design has been subject to critical scrutiny, less attention has been paid to their underlying normative claims. This paper aims to investigate the two justificatory conditions of Confucian political meritocracy — the service condition and the reciprocity condition — in light of classical Confucianism and with special attention to moral disagreement. Finding the normative argument for Confucian political meritocracy both incomplete (in light of classical Confucianism) and implausible (under the circumstances of moral disagreement), it proposes Confucian constitutional democracy as an alternative that can meet the three conditions of the good Confucian polity — service, reciprocity, and remedy — by reconceiving the people’s well-being in terms of their basic rights, as well as by promoting constitutional dialogue among the three branches of the government. [R]
74.4675 KLINK, Maarten —
Cicero’s political thought is pervaded by analogies of private law that helped him to overcome philosophical difficulties. One serious difficulty was the demand of natural law that property must be owned by the one capable of managing it. This posed a problem to that most remarkable piece of property of all: the _res publica_. While incapable of managing it, the people was the only theoretically possible owner of the _res publica_. The legal concept "guardianship" offered a solution. In Cicero’s writings the minor, guardian, and object under care demonstrably correspond to the Roman people, the magistrates, and the _res publica_. [R]
74.4676 KUBALA, Kajo —
This article offers an alternative description of the personality of the Hobbesian state by arguing that Leviathan is primarily a perpetual person based on Hobbes’s use of a corporate metaphor for its construction. It undertakes a genealogical examination of the role that perpetuity has played in the theory of corporations since the Middle Ages in several contexts, and concludes by considering the impact that the established tradition of thinking about the corporation as a perpetual entity had on Hobbes and his state, contending that Leviathan should be understood primarily as a _persona perpetua_ tasked with providing a system of perpetual protection. [R]
74.4576 KUGELBERG, Elsa ; KUGELBERG, Henrik D. —
Social norms regulating carework and social reproduction tend to be inegalitarian. At the same time, such norms often play a crucial role when we plan our lives. How can we criticise objectionable practices while ensuring that people can organise their lives around meaningful and predictable rules? Gerald Gaus argues that only ‘publicly justified’ rules, rules that everyone would prefer over ‘blameless liberty,’ should be followed. In this paper, we uncover the inegalitarian implications of this feature of Gaus’s framework. We show that because a society without clear social norms for how social reproduction and care work ought to be organised would be so unattractive, inegalitarian rules would pass Gaus’s test. They would pass this test since they would nevertheless be better than ‘blameless liberty.’ Those who are disproportionately burdened by a rule are faced with the daunting task of showing that they would be better off under no rule, instead of merely having to show that they would be better off with a different rule. [R]
74.4577 KUGELBERG, Henrik D. —
Many democratic theorists hold that when a decision is collectively made in the right kind of way, in accordance with the right procedure, it is permissible to enforce it. They deny that there are further requirements on the type of reasons that can permissibly be used to justify laws and policies. In this paper, I argue that democratic theorists are mistaken about this. So-called public reason requirements follow from commitments that most of them already hold. Drawing on the democratic ideal of civic equality, I show that it can successfully explain why political decision-making must have the right sort of procedure-independent justification. However, contra standard accounts of public reason, I argue that laws and policies need to be justified with convergence accessible, not shared, reasons. Public reasons are those that are accessible in light of evaluative standards shared by all, or in light of every citizen’s private evaluative standards. Since this will make the set of public reasons wider, it makes the theory more palatable to sceptics while retaining the framework’s justificatory potential. [R]
74.4677 KUTAY, Acar —
In this paper, I examine the neoliberal transformation of civil society through Mitchel Foucault’s insights concerning knowledge, power, and governmentality. The objective of this paper is to trace the evolving understandings of civil society and how they relate to governmental rationalities and technologies of power. The traditional notion of civil society as a distinct and autonomous sphere has shifted toward an intermediary associations approach under neoliberalism. I posit that the mobilization of non-governmental organizations and civil society organizations by states, international organizations, and donor agencies since the 1990s constitutes a form of governmental technology, influenced by neoliberal rationalities. This technology serves the neoliberal agenda of undermining the social state, promoting market creation, and encouraging non-partisanship. This argument suggests that the rise of civil society as intermediary associations coincides with the decline of society. [R]
74.4678 LAFONTAINE, Simon —
Reconstructing the logic of everyday action between reproduction and invention of forms is a growing concern in contemporary debates on the praxeological foundation of sociology. This article argues for a renewed understanding of action in its contingency and creativity. Building on current developments on the role of projectivity and imagination in the emergence of the new and unexpected in action, it turns to Simmel’s undervalued essay “The Adventure” to examine a style of conduct characterized by deviation from predicable patterns and background assumptions in everyday life. To understand the emergent properties and intrinsic complexity of creative action, one must consider the philosophical discoveries of Simmel concerning the form of adventure in the subjective flow of time. The adventure is elaborated as an action involving curiosity, unfamiliar detours, and a sense of presentness as striking features that benefit insights from his later work on life’s transcendence. [R]
74.4679 LANDWEHR, Claudia —
Steffen Ganghof’s _Beyond Presidentialism and Parliamentarism_ can improve existing typologies in comparative government and has great potential for discussions about democratic innovation and reform. So far, democratic innovations like deliberative mini-publics have remained mostly additive, leaving the underlying decision-making logics of representative political systems unchanged. Ganghof’s ideas can move debates about how deliberative democracy is to be institutionalized forward. Semi-parliamentary government constitutes an intriguing option to meet both demands for legislative flexibility and responsiveness to citizens’ concerns and demands for stability and accountability. At the same time, I identify a limitation of the book in the fact that Ganghof’s normative theory of democracy remains thin. To appeal to citizens in constitutional reform processes, proposals for semi-parliamentary reform need to do more than reconcile conflicting visions of majority rule. They need to speak to democracy’s central promises of equal autonomy and rationality. [R] [See Abstr. 74. 4698]
74.4680 LAZAR, Leah —
In this article, jumping off from Geoffrey de Ste. Croix’s treatment of Aristophanes and the Megarian Decree, I argue that Old Comedy is an underutilised category of evidence for the study of the popular intellectual history of Athens. My particular focus here is the Athenian empire: how does Old Comedy present Athenian power and what does this comic presentation tell us about how at least some ordinary Athenians understood it? Can one popular Athenian imaginary of the empire be constructed through analysis of Aristophanes and his contemporaries? I will argue that Old Comedy, taken as a corpus, presents a very Athenian empire, that is to say one focused on Athens and its exploitation of others. The comic poets, therefore, likely assumed parochialism and myopia on the part of their audience, but also significant topical interest in the mechanisms of Athenian power, particularly those which brought revenue to Athens. This impression of highly topical engagement with the empire is corroborated by bringing Comedy into dialogue with other sources, in particular the epigraphic record. [R]
74.4681 LOW, Polly —
This article investigates the theoretical assumptions and implications of de Ste. Croix’s approach to interstate politics in _The Origins of the
Peloponnesian War_. It suggests that two approaches can be identified in the work: one which sees a fundamental connection between political systems within a state and that state’s conduct of interstate politics, and another, closer to conventional ‘Realist’ theories, which sees a clear dividing line between domestic and interstate politics, and in which interstate relations need to be understood according to a distinct analytical framework. Although this tension was probably not a particular concern to de Ste. Croix himself, it does have a bearing on ongoing debates in International Theory; the final part of the article briefly explores the possibility that the concept of ‘compulsion’, important to both Thucydides’ and de Ste. Croix’s understanding of the causes of the Peloponnesian War, might provide a way of reconciling these two approaches. [R]
74.4682 McCLUSKEY, Emma —
This article pushes the work of Bourdieu to more ethnographic directions within international social sciences, particularly studies of everyday (in)security. Thematically, it looks at how transformations in global politics towards increased xenophobia and the normalisation of ‘far-right’ politics can be examined through mobilising ‘Bourdieu the ethnographer’ (Blommaert, 2005). Using the example of Sweden, and an ethnography of everyday life around a refugee resettlement facility in 2013 and 2014, the article argues that Bourdieu the ethnographer provides important conceptual tools for understanding the way in which logics of (in)security shifted ever further into everyday life. This thus offers an interesting way to think about the normalisation of far-right and xenophobic politics more broadly. Through conducting this specific type of Bourdieu-inspired ethnography, the article empirically grounds the ‘habitus’ of the so-called ‘far-right’ voter. Taking seriously the temporal dimension of habitus, Bourdieu the ethnographer orients analysis towards transformation, evolution and flux, allowing ‘far-right’ to be conceived relationally. In the Swedish case, we are thus able to trace the shift from a ‘welcoming’ to an ‘exclusionary’ type of politics. [R]
74.4683 MEADOWS, Andrew —
This article examines the disconnect between, on the one hand, the insistence on the part of multiple characters in Thucydides’ first book on the need for the Peloponnesians to invest in naval power to defeat Athens, and, on the other, the failure to act on this in the narrative of books 2-7. It then analyses the numismatic evidence for the way in which Sparta does then act upon this advice in the course of the Ionian War, and suggests that Thucydides’ view that this was done primarily with Persian support may be missing a (brief) Spartan attempt to create a fiscally self-supporting empire. [R]
74.4684 MEREDITH, Thomas —
While most scholars understand Nietzsche as a full-throated proponent of power, I argue that his attitude toward power is far more ambivalent. Nietzsche’s critical attitude toward power is most apparent in his analysis of mimicry — the process whereby one organism (the mimic) gains an evolutionary advantage through superficially resembling another (the model). Nietzsche’s analysis of mimicry shows how power makes the strong not only indifferent but also actively hostile to adaptation and novelty. In contrast, the weak, precisely because of their weakness, are incentivized to understand, adapt to, and exploit the psychology of the strong. Nietzsche reveals that mimicry is the means by which the weak were able to achieve a revolution in values through persuasion rather than force. Ultimately, I argue that Nietzsche’s analysis of mimicry provides a compelling account of social change, and reveals how power is maladaptive. [R, abr.]
74.4685 NOONAN, Jeff —
Thomas Piketty is the most politically and economically important participant in the ongoing debate about the deleterious effects of income and wealth inequality. The article analyses his arguments carefully because they give Marxists an opportunity to intervene in a mainstream politicaleconomic debate in which they are generally not taken seriously. As impressive as Piketty’s argument is, and as willing as he is to embrace a socialist solution to capitalist crisis, a non-dogmatic Marxist examination of his texts reveals that his argument does not grasp at the most systematic level the connections between the driving forces of the capitalist economy and the undemocratic implications of widening inequality. This article will argue that although his critique acknowledges the structural inequality of power between workers and capitalists upon which capitalist society depends, his argument points towards an organic link between the exploitation of labour, the falling rate of profit, capitalist crisis, the shift of investment from the productive economy to the financial sector, and growing inequality that he does not explicitly formulate. [R]
74.4686 PAMUK, Zeynep —
Rachel Friedman’s _Probable Justice_ and Jeffrey Friedman’s _Power without Knowledge_ explore the promises and pitfalls of the application of predictive tools to the solution of social and political problems. Rachel Friedman argues that a fundamental duality in philosophical interpretations of probability allowed social insurance schemes to successfully accommodate two rival visions of liberal justice over the centuries. But in focusing on ideas around probability, she misses the limitations of the experts who put these ideas into practice and threatened to undermine them in the process. Jeffrey Friedman, by contrast, is centrally concerned with the limitations of experts. While he shows how these undermine one rather narrow conception of technocratic legitimacy, he avoids examining their implications for democratic legitimacy understood more broadly. [R]
74.4687 PAPCKE, Luise —
This article retraces in the thought of Wilhelm von Humboldt an account of the ideal of individuality which I propose to call ‘social individuality’. Against readings of Humboldt’s individualism as atomist, asocial and apolitical, I show how his conceptualization attends expressly to the social origins and the inherent interindividual and even collective dimension of individuality, while nevertheless insisting on the irreducible uniqueness of each human being. I show how this inherent sociability is anchored in his ideal of self-cultivation and, importantly, in his linguistic thought, which is often neglected in interpretations of Humboldt’s political theory. In concentrating on the social dimension of individual self-formation, I argue, we can discern a different ideal of individuality that emphasizes interindividual communicative processes over the stress on nonconformity as found for instance in Mill’s defence of eccentricity or the ideal of ‘democratic individuality’ in the American tradition. [R]
74.4688 RAEKSTAD, Paul —
Despite the rapidly growing literature on realism, there’s little discussion of the ideology critique of John Rawls offered by one of its leading lights, Raymond Geuss. There is little understanding of what (most of) this critique consists in and few discussions of how Rawls’ approach to political theorising may be defended against it. To remedy this situation, this article reconstructs the realist ideology critique of Rawls advanced by Raymond Geuss, which has three prongs: (1) Rawls’ political theory offers insufficient tools to uncover and address distortions of our political values, beliefs, and intuitions; (2) it unacceptably reinforces these distortions by unduly legitimating them; and (3) it diverts attention from important features of real politics. With this done, I finish by considering how Rawlsians can respond, chiefly by employing a kind of reflective equilibrium, or reflective endorsement, broad enough to encompass different forms of genealogy and ideology critique. [R]
74.4689 ROE-CRINES, Andrew S. —
This article contributes to the literature on Conservative Party politics through an exploration of the political rhetoric of former Prime Minister and Conservative Party leader, Harold Macmillan in relation to decolonization and the end of empire. Macmillan’s _Wind of Change_ speech has been analysed in the existing literature as purely a historical moment in relation to imperial decline. This article contends that Macmillan’s arguments for and defence of decolonisation in fact remain relevant for modern understandings of contemporary Conservative Party politics because residual affections for imperialism remain within some conservative audiences, as well as the ongoing processes of decolonisation. He sought to address such sentiments at the time of delivery, yet they remain today amongst similar audiences who remain committed to imperial notions. As such, simply considering the speech as a historic moment is inadequate given its value as an enduring argument relevant to contemporary conservative debates. Because of the language and justification used, I re-evaluate the speech through the process of ‘Rhetorical Political Analysis’ (ethos, pathos, logos). By doing so, I will demonstrate how Macmillan’s historical speech remains relevant as a living argument for scholars and practitioners of Conservative Party politics, which is a perspective presently absent in the scholarship. [R, abr.]
74.4690 ROEL REYES, Stefan —
This article analyzes the impact of British writer Thomas Carlyle on the Southern intellectual George Fitzhugh. While other scholars have emphasized Carlyle’s contributions to Southern slavery, they have so far omitted the broader scope of his illiberal effects. The author argues that Thomas Carlyle influenced George Fitzhugh’s belief in a reborn Southern nation with authoritarian characteristics. Carlyle’s writings over the decay of democratic societies along with his works on Prussia informed Fitzhugh’s beliefs in a reborn nation and what attributes this new society should uphold. Fitzhugh repeatedly turned to Carlyle to attack liberal democracy, to promote universal slavery, and authoritarian leadership. Even after the American Civil War, Fitzhugh continued to use Carlyle as a source of inspiration in the Reconstruction period. This study advances the literature in delineating the multifaceted legacy of Carlyle’s impact in the American South. [R, abr.]
74.4691 RUDERMAN, Richard S. —
Lincoln’s Second Inaugural has both impressed and perplexed audiences since its initial delivery. While most have been deeply moved by his call for “malice toward none” and “charity for all,” they have often been equally puzzled and even put off by the stern religiosity on display in the paragraph prior to his peroration. He was even accused, at the time, of “substituting religion for statesmanship.” I argue that it is his statesmanlike use of religion — indeed, of a new hybrid (still unnamed) religion, Judeo-Christianity — that provided the moral and psychological ground for overcoming the “malice” that so often attends the end of wars. Lincoln’s statesmanship in the Second Inaugural provides a model for how to keep the “settling of scores” — the desire for punitive justice — from snatching defeat from the jaws of victory. [R, abr.]
74.4692 RYKLIN, Michail —
When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991 and Ukraine gained the independence it had longed for since the 19th century, an anti-Soviet Russian poet was enraged in a manner that nobody would have ever expected. Joseph Brodsky wrote a poem full of invective that made a comeback in 2014. [R]
74.4693 SCANNI, Francesco Maria —
The thought of Marsilius of Padua is full of interesting suggestions which represent real theoretical innovations in his time. This article, using a theoretical approach that focuses on conceptual analysis in a diachronic key, aims to highlight the innovative perspectives proposed by the political philosopher by comparing them with some of the most important later developments in modern political thought and, in particular, the democratic theory of power, which is based on some essential concepts, such as the secular character of institutions, the designation of the people as sovereign, the separation of powers, and the limitation of government. [R]
74.4694 SCHMIDT PASSOS, Eduardo —
This article investigates the philosophy of Siger of Brabant and Boethius of Dacia and their engagement with Thomas Aquinas to assess Leo Strauss’s philosophy. It discusses the relevance of the Latin Averroists for Strauss and the centrality of the eternity of the world to his philosophy. By contrasting the teachings of Siger and Boethius with the main Averroistic theses (the eternity of the world and the unity of the intellect) and assessing Thomas’s contributions to this debate, this article demonstrates the inadequacy of Strauss’s method of interpretation to comprehend the relationship between faith and reason for Christian medieval philosophy. [R]
74.4695 SCOTT, John T. —
Scholars from very different interpretive traditions agree that Rousseau’s conception of human nature and the self constitutes a pivotal point in the history of philosophy. I focus on one important aspect of his investigation into human nature and the self: the development of identity. I reconstruct his understanding of the development of identity as articulated in the _Discourse on Inequality_ and _Emile_, focusing on the psychological interplay of identity and identification involved in the formation of the self. Finally, I turn to a discussion of how his theory of the development of identity informs his specifically political theory, and especially the extralegal institutions and practices he suggests for forming a strong political identity. [R]
74.4696 SHELLEY, Cain —
Recent debates about the most appropriate political agents for realising social justice have largely focused on the potential value of national political parties on the one hand, and trade unions on the other. Drawing on the thought of Murray Bookchin, this article suggests that democratic municipalist agents — democratic associations of local residents that build and empower neighbourhood assemblies and improve the municipal provision of basic goods and services — can often also make valuable contributions to projects of just social change. I identify a long-term and a more shortterm argument for the value of democratic municipalist agency in Bookchin’s thought and claim that the latter provides a compelling case for the valuable contributions this form of action can make to the achievement of a wide variety of visions of social justice. This provides a useful partial corrective to recent political theorising about the nature of the partisanship and trade unionism necessary to secure social justice. [R]
74.4697 STAHL, Titus —
It is sometimes argued that ideal theories in political philosophy are a form of ideology. This article examines arguments building on the work of Charles Mills and Raymond Geuss for the claim that ideal theories are cognitively distorting belief systems that have the effect of stabilizing unjust social arrangements. I argue that Mills and Geuss neither succeed in establishing that the content of ideal theories is necessarily cognitively defective in the way characteristic for ideologies, nor can they make plausible which mechanisms ensure the alleged negative effects of the widespread acceptance of ideal theorizing. This does not mean that all hope is lost for the ideology objection, however. By turning to a second Marxian model of ideology, I argue that the ideological character of ideal theories is not so much a matter of their content, but rather of their form. Ideal theories falsely present the normative concepts that they use as semantically practice-independent and thereby block potential challenges from subordinate groups to dominant ideologies. It is therefore not the normative content of ideal theories which proves to be objectionable, but the particular role their concepts play in wider political discourse. [R]
74.4698 SUN, Jinyu —
In this introduction, I provide a brief overview of the main arguments defended by Avia Pasternak in her book, ‘Responsible Citizens, Non-Responsible States’ and summarise the critics she will confront from four political and legal theorists who work in the area of individual citizens’ responsibility for state wrongdoings. [R] [Introcution to a symposium on “Ste!en Ganghof: beyond presidentialism and parliamentarianism”. See Abstr. 74.4656, 4666, 4669, 4679, 4702]
74.4699 TAN, Benjamin R. Y. —
L. T. Hobhouse (1864-1929) is most familiar today as a leading theorist of British new liberalism. This article recovers and examines his overlooked commentary on the concept and rhetoric of race, which constituted part of his better-known project of advancing an authoritative account of liberal doctrine. His writings during and after the South African War, I argue, represent a prominent effort to cast liberalism as compatible with both imperial rule and what he called ‘the idea of racial equality’. A properly liberal empire, he asserted, would dissolve the colour line. This article traces the arguments Hobhouse advanced to make this claim, and explores his motivations for doing so. I contend that Hobhouse drew on the idiom of race as a form of exclusionary rhetoric, to delegitimise rival accounts of liberal empire and to cast his own as properly cosmopolitan. This recovery, I suggest, offers payoffs for our understanding of both Hobhouse’s political thought and, more broadly, the uses of ‘race’ in twentieth-century liberalism. [R]
74.4700 TAN, Benjamin R. Y. —
Since the publication of J. A. Hobson’s (1858-1940) _Imperialism: A Study_ in 1902, the text has been studied — even celebrated — as a liberal or proto-Marxist critique of modern empires. This reputation stands in some tension with the text itself, which defends various forms of imperial domination. While scholars have addressed this tension, they remain divided over how best to understand Hobson’s imperial commitments. Offering a new response to this debate, I argue that a key dimension of _Imperialism_ has been overlooked — namely, Hobson’s conception of humanity as stratified into a hierarchy of racial “souls.” This deeply committed view of human difference undergirded Hobson’s arguments about the moral and practical limits of Western imperial power. This article shows how Hobson articulated imperialism as the “parasitic” rule of whites over the nonwhite world — the solution to which was not the rejection of empire but the reform of white imperial power in accordance with his normative vision of global racial hierarchy. This recovery reveals the redemptive critique at the core of _Imperialism_ and enables us to more readily grasp the text as a form of imperial apologetics. The article concludes with the suggestion that Hobson is better understood not as a liberalor socialistimperialist but as a proponent of racial capitalism on a global scale. [R]
74.4701 TAYLOR, Dan —
_The Autobiography of Malcolm X_ highlights the eponymous subject’s conversion from aimless rage and criminality to a form of militant study while in prison, a conversion dedicated to understanding the societal foundations of power and racial inequality. Central to this understanding is the idea that new philosophical perspectives and ‘thought-patterns’ are necessary to reprogramme dominant or ‘brainwashed’ mindsets towards organising political resistance. In this article, I explore Malcolm X’s concepts of ‘conversion’ and ‘prison’, identifying them, not only as mere spatiotemporal locations, but also as larger frames in which Malcolm conceives of domination and freedom. I identify Malcolm’s three-aspect account of domination through which radical education and mental liberation drive his project of Black nationalism. I then consider the significance of an unexpected ally invoked by Malcolm: the 17th century philosopher Benedict de Spinoza, described as a ‘Black Spanish Jew’ and presented as an oppositional figure to the western philosophical canon. While this alliance is partly rhetorical, if overlooked, both work through problems of ‘epistemic agency’ and ‘democratic civic agency’ as vital for ameliorating domination and enhancing freedom. [R, abr.]
74.4702 WILSON, James Lindley —
This comment encourages normative democratic theorists to attend to the agenda for democratic theory that Steffen Ganghof sets in _Beyond Parliamentarism and Presidentialism_. I discuss Ganghof’s distinction between ‘procedural’ and ‘process’ equality. I conclude with a meta-theoretical question about how theorists should think about advocacy for largescale constitutional systems. [R] [See Abstr. 74. 4698]
74.4703 XIE, Hongren —
Karl Marx, a pioneer of anti-imperialism (or anti-mercantilism), was exiled in the 1850s in London. A decade later, he wrote nearly 500 editorials for _The New York Herald Tribune_. Although a handful of these editorials offer important clues for understanding Marx’s thinking on imperialism, these writings have been largely ignored. This study fleshes out Marx’s thinking, especially with respect to the relationship between wars and capital accumulation. This article employs the example of the Second Opium War, launched in the mid-1850s. The dominant Western powers at the time, such as Great Britain and France, advocated mercantilism, usually supported by military force, and regarded wars as a quick method to accumulate capital for national wealth. Additionally, Britain skillfully maneuvered its cultural hegemony by using its official periodical, _The Economist_, to legitimize the wars against Qing China. In the mid-nineteenth century, Marx had already clearly observed the close relationship between the Opium Wars and capital accumulation. [R]
74.4704 ZWOLINSKI, Matt —
This essay dissects Murray N. Rothbard’s _For a New Liberty_ [2020] ’s chapter on property and exchange. Arguing from a libertarian perspective, it concludes that Rothbard’s libertarianism suffers from a number of serious deficiencies. The arguments that Rothbard provides for his particular version of libertarianism are radically incomplete and, in some cases, patently fallacious. And the conclusions that he reaches are grossly implausible, even when judged by the standard of an overriding commitment to individual liberty. [R] [See also Abstr. 74.4661]
74.4705
Articles by Suzanne DOVI and Christina WOLBRECHT; Nadia E. BROWN, _et al._; Christina XYDIAS; Kendall D. FUNK and Magda HINOJOSA; Amanda CLAYTON, Diana Z. O’BRIEN and Jennifer M. PISCOPO; Katherine TATE; Lara GREAVES and Jennifer CURTIN; Jane MANSBRIDGE.