Glocalization of Subway in India: How a US Giant Has Adapted in the Asian Subcontinent

Abstract

This paper examines how Subway, the US fast food restaurant franchise, has adapted to Indian culture. Glocalization theory will be the guiding framework used in this analysis. Glocalization rests on the premise that a universal concept must change to fit and function in a local culture. Blending the local and the global, it provides a passage to empowerment where modifications to a particular commodity can make it prosper in various traditions. Four important themes of glocalization emerged from this analysis: (1) adjustment of restaurant ambience; (2) adoption of Jain values; (3) adjustment of advertising practices; and (4) adjustment of the use of social media. An important conclusion is that, although India is embracing modernity, Subway has honoured many religious and cultural views in that nation.

Keywords

Adaptation culture glocalization Hinduism India Jainism Subway

Introduction

This paper examines how Subway, the US fast food restaurant franchise, has adapted to Indian culture. The idea of fast food has not always been favoured in India since home cooking has been a tradition for decades. Fast food became a local concept once giants like McDonald’s altered their international menu items to fit Indian home-grown values of health, religion and vegetarian living. Yet, obesity continues to be an issue. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), approximately 25 million Indians currently have diabetes (Anand, 2011). This is where Subway has played a substantial role in communicating health to Indian consumers. Glocalization theory will be the guiding framework used in this analysis. Glocalization rests on the premise that a universal concept must change to fit and function in a local culture. Blending the local and the global, it provides a passage to empowerment where modifications to a particular commodity can make it prosper in various traditions (Robertson, 1995).

This paper begins with a review of glocalization theory followed by a brief history of fast food in India. With household sizes decreasing, women entering the workplace, and wealth becoming more attainable, 70% of Indian consumers are ordering take-out food at least once a month (Ali and Nath, 2013). After discussing the emergence of Subway around the globe, this paper delves into the heart of this analysis: the glocalization of Subway in India. As such, four important themes of glocalization emerged from this analysis: (1) adjustment of restaurant ambience; (2) adoption of Jain values; (3) adjustment of advertising practices; and (4) adjustment of the use of social media. An important conclusion is that, although India is embracing modernity, Subway has honoured many religious and cultural views in that nation. For example, many Subway restaurants have launched vegan-only meals to respect the Jain population – which does not condone killing anything alive. This paper ends with a discussion that also offers suggestions for future research.

Review of glocalization theory

Developed by Robertson (1995), glocalization theory is the process by which differences in local cultures emerge from sharing a commonality with one or more global cultures. This happens when social actors borrow a worldwide concept and change it to fit their pre-existing homegrown values. Such re-contextualization helps to understand how turning the global into the local is a fundamentally active, unremitting and fluid process (Giulianotti and Robertson, 2009). Glocalization refutes the common belief that both the local and global are dialectically opposed to one another; rather, they are interdependent entities. That is, the local is frequently being formed and swayed by the global. To illustrate, US giants like Walmart tend to succeed in other countries when minor modifications and specific changes become customised to their local market. In regards to local Walmart stores in India, known as Bharti-Walmart, managers frequently play Bollywood pop music and have cafés serving Indian food platters (thalis), so that consumers do not feel alienated from their culture (Matusitz and Reyers, 2010).

This interchange between the local and the global, however, may result in questioning cultural uniformity versus cultural diversity. Giulianotti (2015: 288) calls this the ‘duality of glocality’, whereby worldwide cultures convey the permutation of both convergence and divergence (i.e. homogenization and heterogenization). For example, Disneyland Paris initially failed because it was functioning off US standards. Once the park catered to French needs (e.g. by selling alcohol and turning shows and settings into more authentically French spectacles and displays), Disneyland Paris became known as Europe’s number one tourist attraction (Matusitz, 2010). As this implies, glocalization provides a passage to empowerment and possibility in that it is not self-limiting (Blatter, 2004).

What is typically considered local is principally contained within the global. This means globalization – the solidity of the world as a whole – involves linking environments, and as in any tradition, demands the invention of locality (Robertson, 1995). Put another way, globalization is not eliminating conventional environments; rather, it is intermingling with them in some type of vicinity, i.e. glocalization (Roudometof, 2015). Researchers have studied this phenomenon throughout a variety of different contexts, including (but not limited to) the following: education (Caena, 2014); urban studies (Paganoni, 2012); consumer culture (Matusitz, 2010); the sociology of sport (Giulianotti and Robertson, 2009); and most of all fast food (where individuals must eat fast, leave quickly and usually eat meals off the premises) (Metin and Kizgin, 2015).

Although every culture has its own indigenous fast foods, contact with worldwide chains has increased, with many consumers (poor and rich) highly fascinated by these items. US fast food companies (e.g. Coca-Cola, Nestlé and McDonald’s) usually arrive first when a nation launches its market. This is where grand openings can become important occasions. Thousands lined up for hours when Beijing launched its first McDonald’s in 1992 (Witkowski, 2007). In 1994, a seven-mile line of cars in Kuwait waited outside a new McDonald’s drive-through window. What makes these companies thrive in other cultures is that their so-called global items are constantly revised to suit different consumer tastes. China carries approximately 100 different varieties of Nestlé that cannot be found elsewhere (e.g. sesame-flavoured chocolate) (Witkowski, 2007). In Turkey, a burger at McDonald’s is served with yogurt sauce and is called a Beefy Alaturka Sandwich. The McDonald’s burger is also referenced as a McKroket (The Netherlands), McKebab (India), Teriyaki Burger (Japan) and a McRice Burger (Hong Kong). These examples demonstrate how customers are hybridizing the local and global (Metin and Kizgin, 2015).

However, throughout decades, convenience eating has been linked to higher rates of obesity with consumers taking in more saturated fatty acids, sodium, as well as encountering lower levels of fibre, calcium and iron (Isganaitis and Lustig, 2005). Researchers such as Holsten (2009) indicate that there is a positive correlation between regularly fast food dining and putting on weight. With US fast food companies growing in developing countries like India, reaching Western obesity trends is becoming a risk (Daniel et al., 2011). Among Asia-Pacific countries (28 countries total), Ali and Nath (2013) found that India ranks tenth for the most regular fast food consumption, seventh place out of ten for weekly fast food intake, and tenth place for being the most frequent fast food patrons worldwide. Over 70% of Indian consumers in one online survey reported that they ate food from to-go eateries at least once a month, if not more often. From this percentage, 37% even mentioned placing to-go orders about once a week (Ali and Nath, 2013).

These statistics clearly show how obesity can become an issue. In fact, the WHO predicts that while there are approximately 25 million Indians who currently have diabetes, 57 million will have it by 2025, according to the latest trends. In Delhi alone, 76% of women suffer from intestinal obesity (Anand, 2011). On an international scale, obesity leaves over a billion people overweight with roughly 300 million clinically obese and at risk for chronic disease and disability (Witkowski, 2007). To reverse this dilemma, there is one fast food restaurant that promotes a healthy lifestyle with its fresh ingredients: Subway. In this paper, the focus will be on how incorporating the Subway chain in India can be meaningful in terms of catering to Indian philosophy and values. To obtain an understanding of how glocalization has worked in India, this paper will look at its history in fast food marketing.

Glocalization of fast food in India

The idea of fast food has not always left a deep impression on urban consciousness. Many Indian consumers still do not acknowledge fast food as a field with its explicit boundaries and complications (Nandy, 2004). In India, a nutritionist or columnist is hardly ever heard being plaintive about the emerging popularity of fast food. McDonald’s is often seen as a reasonably trendy family style restaurant. Pizza Hut is also viewed as an apparatus for rich Indian youth who have money to splurge. Nevertheless, the trend for cooking less and eating away from home is not new to the Indian economy. Looking at India’s history, fast food developed in the late 19th century colonial period, specifically in larger cities like Bombay, Calcutta and Madras. It mainly served the needs of daily long distance political travellers. Many restaurant menus carried English or French names like patties and omelettes with no relevance to the West in terms of looks, tastes or odour. Being qualified as street food by most Europeans and sophisticated Indians, their intricate labour exhaustive spicing and cooking made them unique for Asian palates – implanting the seed for glocalization (Nandy, 2004).

Nirula’s, founded in 1934, was India’s first official fast food venture. It began as an ice-cream parlour and later incorporated items like burgers and pizzas. Connecting successfully with numerous networks (e.g. hotels and pastry shops), it enlarged to over 60 outlets in five different regions, delivering Indian cuisine to more than 50,000 customers daily. Likewise, prior to the 1990s, Wimpy’s was the only multinational restaurant in India that mixed both Indian and international flavours to attract customers (Goyal and Singh, 2007). Other franchises like McDonald’s, Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC), Domino’s and Pizza Hut followed shortly after, enticing locals by promoting their products as fusion cuisines (Srivastava, 2015). To show the trend in growth alone, one hundred Domino stores were built from 1995 to 2001 in some of India’s largest cities (Anand, 2011).

As suburbanization and industrial development have expanded in India with the nation’s political economy becoming well-suited for global capitalism, the mechanics and growth of food fare has lingered portentously. Today India has the largest consumption market worldwide, according to the President of Franchise in India, Gaurav Marya. Indeed, India’s fast food industry is rising by 40% a year and has generated billions of dollars since 2005. With discussions and plans on expanding popular fast food chains, such as Dunkin’ Donuts, Popeye’s Chicken and Burger King, one of the main concerns has been whether or not these restaurants could cater to every location’s unique tastes. Not even ethnic food is easy to sell in a place known for a variety of dishes. Food diversity in India is an inherent trait of its varied culture with different provinces and states within. To put this into perspective, residents in Bengal (West India) usually like their own cuisine, but when it comes to consuming or preparing food outside the home, they are more inclined to pick some type of Mughal (North Indian) or European food, otherwise known as Indianized British food with elaborate French/Italian labels. They reason that Bengali food is not ‘restaurant quality’, particularly because cafés serving it are stereotyped as lowbrow eating places. This also goes to show that many Indians prefer having home-cooked mealtimes – an idea buttressed both individually and religiously (Nandy, 2004).

Adaptation to ingredients and prices

Initially, Indian consumers believed that multinational fast food outlets only served meat, which led them to protest against such outlets. These corporate organizations began receiving approval once they modified their products to basic Indian meal requirements with non-vegetarian options, eliminating beef and pork items completely from their menus. McDonald’s India, for example, advertises the McVeggies in place of the traditional burger. It is a breaded patty consisting of vegetables, potatoes, rice, spices and eggless mayonnaise along with a sesame toasted bun (Witkowski, 2007). Fast food is also too expensive according to national standards. A typical burger is around Rs 50 (US$ 80). To fix the issue, Domino’s re-launched its ‘Pizza Mania’ bargain by selling pizzas for Rs 35 (US$ 56). This encouraged other players like McDonald’s to reduce their prices as well. What is interesting, however, is that fast food is consumed and marketed toward middle-class and higher-income neighbourhoods in India as opposed to lower-income individuals in the US (Aloia et al., 2013; Powell and Chaloupka, 2009).

Food purchasing behaviours

Food purchasing behaviours are inspected as a measure of cultural ideology. This does not necessarily denote material and social needs per se; rather, it is about history, custom, apathy and an artistic responsiveness for forming eating arrangements. In India (and many other countries for that matter), eating out often is correlated with the desire to request home deliveries and take outs, as well as chomping on more snacks, sandwiches and other US foods. This usually leads to a fall in the consumption of conventional food and a change in eating habits (Srivastava, 2015). Srivastava (2015) argues that this decline in India is a result of rising incomes and quicker development supported by socio-economic aims, such as decreasing household size, higher entry to the economy of working women and growing affluence. While home delivery has increased by 20%, high real estate costs have been an issue. Some expert reports specify that while global standards are roughly 15% of rental sales, India’s are as high as 25%.

In spite of all these contentions, the fast food industry is adapting to Indian food requirements and becoming a popular part of life, particularly among Indian youth and in small towns (Goyal and Singh, 2007; Gupta, 2003). Gupta (2003) found that snack time (followed by dinner and lunch) is the most desired period for Indians to stop at fast food outlets. Young consumers, in particular, may go at least once a week, but their dynamic lifestyles can be difficult to keep up with. Trying to get a hold of travellers forced many chains to open outlets at several locations including highways, malls, airports and metro stations. Because their potential customers are pressed for time, restaurant chains like Yum! in India are counting on rapid service kiosks at airports. Such implementation limits the amount of time two people spend in a restaurant from roughly 30 to 12 minutes. As all this reveals, India is embracing modernity. Yet, notwithstanding this modernity, there is still a feeling of respect for culture, health, humans and animals, which are not only Indian values, but also, as this paper will show, are Jain values.

Subway: general glocalization perspectives

Subway is now the largest developing fast food franchise in the world (Herold, 2015). It currently has about 44,000 restaurants catering to people in more than 100 countries (Subway.com). Launched in 1974, it is now ranked as the number one fast food chain – and it has been for several years in a row (Perrigot et al., 2009). Its success not only stems from the fact that it does not partake in company ownership anywhere in the world; it also has changed the way other fast food chains compete. Thanks to menus that reflect freshness, convenience and health in various products, consumers are free to pick their own fillings and build their own meal as opposed to purchasing a typical hamburger at McDonald’s, the latter which largely impedes the idea of individual choice (Burch and Lawrence, 2005).

No fast food restaurant has concentrated on the well-being of its food to the extent that Subway has over the past two decades. With more restaurants than McDonald’s, Subway’s message of diet and health has encouraged other fast food chains to reconfigure their image by offering a wider selection of healthier menu options. In 2000, Subway’s well-known Jared campaign began sharing the story of Jared Fogle, who dropped 245 pounds after consuming Subway sandwiches for a year (Pitta, 2010). This campaign had a large impact on patrons as was evident in a 48% one-year sales increase for the restaurant (McGrath and MacMillan, 2005). While Subway also offers not-so-healthy items, this promotion marketed seven types of ‘subs’ with lower than seven grams of fat. Nonetheless, obesity rates keep climbing worldwide. The role fast food plays in an individual’s diet is significant, since Americans and many other nationalities devour approximately one-third of their daily calories while eating out (Wootan et al., 2006). In spite of this, Subway has expanded its business around the world by glocalizing its products to fit different consumer wants.

In Great Britain, Subway has embraced the ‘Eat Fresh’ temperament by coming up with its own local fare of ‘subs’. The Tuna Sub, for example, is the daily feature on Fridays for just £1.99. Yet, it contradicts Subway’s healthy eating campaign in that it has 530 calories and 31 grams of fat, which is higher than a hamburger and fries. In France, the Subway craze started emerging once the country began journal, TV and social network advertising (e.g. Facebook) (Perrigot et al., 2009). In places like Sweden, self-service technology (SST) is huge for glocalizing products, where touch screen ordering systems are used at Subway drive-through locations. This increased sales by US$750 per week (Antonsson et al., 2011). Another success in Sweden is the five-dollar foot long (55 SEK), originally buttressed by Stuart Frankel who came up with the idea during periods of US economic recession. This idea accumulated more than four billion dollars worldwide. Frankel’s five dollar foot long idea proves how a large corporation can take an idea (not based out of headquarters) and glocalize it. The issue in Sweden, on the other hand, is that customers are not very proactive in their eating choices. Unlike US customers who know precisely what they desire and how they want it, Swedish customers are not accustomed to making their own choices when it comes to eating. More preference is given to glancing at a menu and choosing from it, hence, Subway glocalized its customer relations in Sweden (Antonsson et al., 2011).

Looking at the aforementioned examples, it can be seen how Subway can customise its brand to a variety of different cultures. What is missing, however, is how chains like Subway cherish local social rituals and belief systems. This is what makes the glocalization of Subway in India a unique case. By examining aspects like different ingredients, marketing strategies, and restaurant settings, Subway’s glocalization strategies in India serve as an example for appreciating social bonding and healthy eating vis-à-vis fast food.

Glocalization of Subway in India

Subway launched its very first store in New Delhi, India in 2001. Today, there are over 500 restaurants in 70 cities around the country (Subway.com.in). One leading Subway retailer, Manpreet Gulri, says Subway plans on having 600 stores in India by early 2016. He attributes the company’s success to new online ordering systems, Point of Sale (POS) technology for sales efficiency, diversity in location (e.g. urban and rural cities) and catering to consumer needs and preferences. India’s retail industry is renowned as one of the most vibrant and fastest growing in the world. As a matter of fact, in 2013, the Brand Equity Foundation found that India’s retail sector brought in roughly 69% of total revenues just in food and groceries alone (Das, 2015).

Although Subway is a global brand with a menu and diner setting relatively similar throughout the world, it takes great pride in revering and valuing local customs and food favourites, which gives it a reputation for providing healthier options to typical junk food. While keeping international favourites like the Turkey and Chicken Teriyaki sandwiches, Subway India also has sandwiches without beef or pork, making local veggie choices like the Veggie Patty, Paneer Tikka (a common South Asian curd cheese cut in cubelets ) and Aloo Patty (potato cake) quite popular (Paul and Roy, 2014). This is important because due to local religious beliefs (e.g. Jainism and Hinduism), one in three Indians is a vegetarian. Taking this into account, Subway India keeps on making local additions like the Veggie Shammi (lentil based patty), Corn & Peas and the Green Pea Patty. Glocalization theory suggests that modifications like these are necessary if a global company such as Subway wants to succeed in different countries.

Adjustment of restaurant ambience

India is a civilization filled with long-held cultural traditions such as relating to elders, mutual family rituals and strong religious viewpoints. Intertwined with these long-held cultural traditions are dietary habits unique to the country. Although home-made cooking has been more preferable and holds a family’s self-esteem over time, fast food catering services in India have to date generated over US$570 billion dollars of income (Paul and Roy, 2014). Since India’s independence in 1947, Indians’ lifestyles have bypassed several changes with households welcoming food with expediency in preparation and acquisition. With many homes not having a kitchen to prepare food, the tendency to rely on convenience foods is especially apparent in the metropolitan cities and slowly moving to urban parts across the country with the introduction of quick service restaurants (QSR) (Dutta et al., 2014).

Dining out is seen as an enjoyable pastime to be experienced with good company. In a society where food combines with regimes of convenience, respect and socialization, pleasure and ambience regulate food choice (Aloia et al., 2013). In a study conducted by Anaud (2011), roughly 24% of fast food fans in India said quality of service and health hazards were factors when picking a fast food chain. With many restaurants having unsanitary conditions, 83% believed fast food outlets should deliver data on hygiene conditions with 70% saying it would increase their total number of visits. Even more, 68% demanded having nutritional information for all menu items displayed (Anaud, 2011). While Subway India provides such data on their website with five ‘subs’ being 97% fat free, they do not release information on where they get their fillings from (Subway.com.in).

Eating home cooked food as a family has been an Indian tradition (Dash, 2005). There have been several reasons for this. One fast food survey administered by Goyal and Singh (2007) revealed that 81% of Indian consumers were worried about high prices, the richness of fatty food and its effect on the stomach. They also mentioned that the ambience at home is healthier because food is more wholesome, tasty, garden-fresh, clean and hearty for the body (Goyal and Singh, 2007). Subway’s concept of preparing food right in front of a customer has changed this mentality in India since customers can see how Subway food is being prepared. Unlike Subway around the world, Subway India actually makes bread from scratch and fresh daily. According to its website (Subway.com.in), for improved conditions of hygiene, Subway India also does not use azodicarbonamide – a chemical incorporated to make leather and exercise mats – in their bread (whereas Subway restaurants in the US do).

Subway India’s commercial food service is not just based on the menu, price value, or speed of service, but also the physical makeup of the restaurant as well. Lahue (2000) suggested that physical ambience is an integral concern when searching for places to dine. In fact, an Indian consumer’s willingness to pay is often based on ambience (Dutta et al., 2014). Introducing their egg and mayonnaise ‘sub’ at Rs 50 (US$ 80), one television commercial displayed how Subway sandwiches are an important part of everyday life events and can be celebrated at Subway (e.g. expectancy, graduation, etc.) (Campaign India Team, 2013). Ambience also includes restaurant appearance, design, available seating, reputation and staff hospitality, while convenience entails accessibility to destination, easy vehicle parking and easy transportation (Ali and Nath, 2013). Restaurant attributes like these make Subway highly effective in attracting vegan consumers.

Adoption of Jain values

Jainism is an Indian religion that teaches a method of non-violence towards all living beings, including animals (Long, 2009). To emphasize the importance of vegetarian living in India, over 80% of respondents in one assessment indicated they preferred eating vegetarian whether it is in a fast food or family-style restaurant (Ali and Nath, 2013). In Jainism, devotion to living beings is so high that many of its followers do not munch on vegetables coming from a root due to their belief that bugs and worms may be destroyed in the process of growing them. For Jains, animal protein, eggs and most vegetables are prohibited. Even spices like onion and garlic are avoided. Approximately five million (i.e. 0.4% of the nation’s 1.2 billion population) Jains live in India, mostly in the region of Gujarat. In respect for these Jain beliefs, Subway India keeps vegetarian and non-vegetarian checkout counters distant from one another. The chain even launched complete vegetarian eateries at certain locations, mainly Gujarat where the company plans on expanding (Verma, 2014). Some other additions Subway India have localized to fit the Jain way of life are the Mexican Bean Patty (red and black beans with Mexican spices), Green Peas Patty, Hara Bhara Sub (spinach mixed with Indian spices) and the Chatpata Chana Sub (Indian chickpea curry) (Subway.com.in).

Adjustment of advertising practices

In the 1990s, once India’s economy became more flexible and tax deductible, increased appreciation for Western fast food grew large sums of profit accumulated in a country still mostly divided by the caste system (Ciochetto, 2004). Language is an important aspect for advertising in India, mainly print and television. While relying on a local language demonstrates a form of patriotism, it does spark a sense for universality . English is featured in various kinds of advertisements. In a study conducted by Bhatia (1992), advertising messages in rural India reflect the very process of glocalization by mixing English with local languages.

This is where advertisers have fashioned their own styles and criteria for incorporating and integrating English. Observing a Subway print advertisement for the Aloo Patty ‘sub’, the ‘Subway Eat Fresh’ and ‘all day, every day’ logo remains the same while the price of each caters to the local economy. What would be considered a five dollar foot-long ‘sub’ in the US becomes 80 cents to the Indian consumer. This particular advertisement is also part of Subway India’s ‘SUBWAY WAH!’ programme where marketing manager Sanjiv Pandey says the aim is to create a valuable experience enjoyed by consumers of all incomes. The ‘WAH’ gives an extra sentimental dimension to the local culture because it means ‘Hey’ in Hindi. It being the largest word in the print advertisement magnifies the fact that Indians are not trying to condemn their identity, but moderately adjust a global product to their liking (Business Wire India, 2013). This elevates the charm and strength in their messages; mingling different languages in a promotional memorandum becomes the semantic correspondent of an individual having their loaf of bread and consuming it (Bhatia, 1992).

Like Coca-Cola products, Subway advertisements have also blended English and Hindi (i.e. Hinglish) in television commercials (TVC). According to Business Week, Hinglish serves to generate income from the influx of younger buyers after years of economic failures (Ciochetto, 2004). Some commercials are even broadcasted completely in English since it is recognized as a national language. Kudchedkar (2002) contends that the international language has been one of the most powerful contributors in the country’s progress for harmony. Indeed, the emotiveness behind nationality and nationalism are fundamentally gifts from the English language and the collected body of literature in India (Kudchedkar, 2002).

Putting this in the context of Indian Subway commercials, the Sanskrit term Desi (i.e. a real native of India) is linked to local flavours and spices (e.g. tandoori and chili) that represent generations of Indian food culture. These local flavours and spices are promoted with the slogan ‘Missing that Desi flavor?’ and images of tossed Indian spices and traditional folk music in the background. One of these commercials also contains a character relevant to Indian religion (see https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uysKLx9gshY). Writer and advertising executive, Ambi Parameswaran says that many products and services in India are custom-made to make religion more conspicuous even though youth appear nonchalant about it (Ali, 2014). In the YouTube video called ‘Subway Avengers’, four actors pose as action heroes for the 2015 movie Avengers: Age of Ultron (see https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7gHHiT47n1w). While they try compelling one consumer to give up their ‘sub’ for a photograph with them (i.e. selfie), the consumer says no, indicating the taste is well worth it. Commercials like these serve two purposes in regards to glocalization: (a) they popularize American cinema in India; and (b) they promote the newest additions to the Subway India range (De Zoysa and Newman, 2002). In the case of the Avenger commercial that would be the Chicken Cordon Bleu (a French inspiration) and Double Aloo Melt.

Adjustment of the use of social media

The Indian people are huge fans of social media services where applications like Facebook and Instagram offer a unique twist. Instagram is becoming widely popular in India, outnumbering Facebook and Twitter when it comes down to taking photographs. With the iPhone becoming more affordable, an app like Instagram gives Indians pride in revealing the positive side of their country. This is exactly what Jaipur-centred linguist Priyanshu Sharma did, which is how he became one of the most shadowed Instagrammers from India where most of his adherents are not even Indian (Rajan, 2013).

Looking at India’s Subway feed on Instagram, there are numerous close-up pictures of ‘subs’ and ‘combo’ values with messages and hashtags connected to local culture. One photograph caption says, ‘Sub-brah: When brothers say hello with their subs’ followed by the hashtags #subway, #subwayeatfresh, #freshness, #bros, #subwayindia and #tasteandhealth (see https://instagram.com/subwayindia/). The purposes for this are two-fold: (a) to gain more followers through hashtags; and (b) to promote healthy eating. McGloin and Eslami (2014) maintain that mobile health (mHealth) offers a personalized and convenient incentive for learning and communicating health to others, as well as facilitating the individual’s ability to share and watch their state of health via text messaging and cellphone solicitations.

As for value ‘combos’, one picture advertisement on Subway India’s Instagram presented their Paneer Tikka ‘sub’, a Lipton ice tea, and their own version of Lay’s potato chips called India’s Magic Masala. In contrast to international Subway franchises that typically use green and yellow colouring to promote their product, this advertisement used pink, blue, and teal green, which are colours associated with calmness and friendship in Hinduism. This coincides with the promotional line ‘Desilicious Dosti’ where Dosti means ‘Friends forever’ in Hindi. In this religion, colours play a vital role in how an individual sees and mingles with the universe, particularly when relating to gods of stability like Vishnu. Each colour is believed to release a definite indicator that touches an individual’s mental and physical conditions. Research has proven that colours can intensely disturb temperaments and emotions to the extent of elevating metabolism, blood pressure, alertness and sometimes fatigue (Feisner and Reed, 2013).

Returning to the same advertisement, green signifies living in peace and harmony and blue represents the ability to conquer adverse situations. The pink ties everything together through its symbolic meaning of love, friendship and faithfulness. Together, colours like these in general have a profound impact on increasing sales by attracting customers based on their colour preferences (Nezhad and Kavehnezhad, 2013). Therefore, to reverse the negative outcome marketing has on obesity in India (Witkowski, 2007) Subway can use colours to persuade their customers to eat more healthily. Some Hindus, alternatively, may be induced to indulge in sweets by receiving an inflow of photographs showing cookies on Instagram. Yet, the feeds main health memo sends a collective message of responsibility in enjoying everything in moderation, which is an ancient Buddhist proverb upheld by Guatama Buddha who preached against gluttony and depravity (Sen, 2004).

India currently follows the United States and Brazil regarding the number of Facebook users and its marketing influence (Carter, 2013). With close to 100 million Indian users, Facebook is increasingly appealing to groups at lower incomes, countenancing a hitherto unreachable trans-classified division/caste social experience. Rangaswamy and Arora’s (2015) study on urban Indian youth showed that being introduced to the internet on Facebook has offered more ways to learn English, keyboard typing, enhance sociable behaviours and obtain general data via Facebook-facilitated exchanges. Put another way, Facebook creates an indispensable computer-generated religious space where an individual can challenge and conquer second-hand forms of traditional ideas of identity, social confidence, signs of social location, and communities of friendship and love (Rangaswamy and Arora, 2015).

Subway India has its own Facebook page with over 580,000 likes where an individual will find the latest commercial/print advertisements. What makes this medium so useful and appealing in India is the fact that it blends the global within the local by means of symbiosis. One print advertisement promotes the Chicken Tandoori (i.e. roasted chicken marinated in yogurt tossed in spices like cumin and cayenne pepper) sandwich with a Bollywood theme alongside the text ‘Bite into your Desi side’ (see https://www.facebook.com/SubwayIndia). Tandoori is associated with a cooking oven developed in the Punjab region of India. It has fulfilled the north-western regions at night by building immediate communities around kebab nooks in Delhi (Almeida, 2012). Building upon this, one virtual commercial on Subway India’s Facebook page shows a heterosexual couple cutting a ‘sub’ together for Valentine’s Day. This breaks India’s traditional notion of pre-arranged marriages. Some studies (e.g. Sharangpani, 2010) reveal that traditional customs like matrimony in South Asia are now transitioning to current methods of networking. Young Indians are getting more relaxed about meeting others on the web, chiefly NRIs (non-resident Indians), who are isolated from their own local linkages and ethnoreligious communities (Sharangpani, 2010).

Despite promoting American cinema (e.g. Avengers), speaking English and using catch words like ‘mouthwatering’, the site’s owners also promote the company by incorporating cultural contests for prizes as well as wishing their customers happiness during local holidays. Some of their contests encompass taking a Subway Desi Dialogue quiz where customers compete in an online conversation regarding Bollywood trivia and winners have a chance to win cinema tickets. In terms of promoting universal holidays like Friday the 13th and Valentine’s Day, one post wished their supporters a ‘Happy Holi’ (see https://www.facebook.com/SubwayIndia). Holi is a Hindu carnival related to the Hindu fairytale of the endless love of Lord Krishna and Radha. It takes place in the spring and rejoices good harvests and fruitfulness of the land. Tradition has it that coloured powder called gulaal is thrown on participants during the festival to celebrate ethnic and cultural diversity worldwide (Booth, 2013).

Discussion and future research

What this paper has demonstrated is that glocalization can respond to the needs of those who desire Western fast food chains by making menu items healthier and suited towards vegetarian populations. As for Subway India, advertising has played a central role in connecting the global with the local, despite decades of social hardships imposed by the caste system. The English language itself is appreciated as a national language where Indian pride and harmony come at the centre as it mixes with Hindi semantics. The ‘SUBWAY WAH’ print advertisement for the Aloo Patty reveals how the words ‘Subway Eat Fresh’ and ‘WAH’ (i.e. ‘Hey’ in Hindi) intertwine to alert consumers about an offer they can afford by adjusting a five dollar foot-long to 80 cents. Commercials like ‘Subway Avengers’ and ‘Desi-Romance’ also represent generations of Indian food culture by connecting the term Desi (i.e. local native of India), images of Indian spices, religious characters, and traditional folk music (popularizing religion), American cinema and the newest additions to Subway India range in the process.

Glocalization helps explain how a worldwide concept can become successful by catering to local values and customs. As has been shown with Subway India’s Instagram, close-up pictures of ‘subs’ and ‘combo’ values along with hashtags connected to local culture help gain more customers as well as promoting healthy living. With the iPhone becoming a popular commodity available to many, mobile health provides an incentive for sharing and communicating health to others (McGloin and Eslami, 2014). In further regards to reducing India’s rising obesity rate, Subway has incorporated Hindu philosophy of colours to elevate their advertisements towards healthier consumer habits (Feisner and Reed, 2013). Overall, the message behind Subway India’s Instagram feed basically emulates the Buddhist proverb ‘Enjoy in moderation’ (Sen, 2004). Subway India’s Facebook also helps condemn unfavourable traditions like pre-arranged marriages by engaging young people in a virtuo-religious place where they can meet others and partake in contests for prizes, as well as feel welcomed by receiving posts on cultural traditions (e.g. ‘Happy Holi’). Finally, it was noteworthy to find how Subway has catered to India’s Jain population by opening up separate shops and creating new ‘subs’ (e.g. Mexican Bean Patty) that are vegan friendly.

For future research, it would be thought-provoking to see how advertisements persuade Indian children and teens towards choosing Subway over other fast food options. If so, does eating Subway lead to weight loss or weight gain? Researchers should consider conducting a longitudinal study on the effects of online, print and commercial promotions regarding this matter. According to Witkowski (2007), TVC showing foods were played in up to 50% of children’s commercials in India. The WHO recommends creating innovative and/or improving current strategies on food advertising communications – whether through self-regulation or voluntary – to children so as to moderate the influence on children of eating food high in fats, sugar, or salt (Galbraith-Emami and Lobstein, 2013).

As the big fast food chains localize around the world, obesity is an issue that needs further regulations and solutions. Subway India is an extraordinary example of how local culture can be maintained by advertising health and well-being. For this reason, it is the authors’ hope that this analysis of glocalization has alerted readers on how important it is for fast food giants to take healthier initiatives while catering to individuals in all cultures.

Footnotes

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author biographies

Demi Simi is a research assistant in the Nicholson School of Communication at the University of Central Florida. Her academic interests include intercultural communication, diversity studies and education

Jonathan Matusitz, is an Associate Professor in the Nicholson School of Communication at the University of Central Florida. His academic interests include conflict studies, intercultural communication and organizational communication.

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