Performance of Adult’s Death and Burial Among Ilaje People of Southwest Nigeria

Abstract

The meaning ascribed to death differs from one society to the other. This study adopts the descriptive method in unraveling the ritual of burial practices among the Ilaje people of Nigeria’s Niger delta. Based on linguistic similarities, Ilaje people are part of the Yoruba ethnic group of Nigeria’s Southwest area. Among the people, burial accorded to the dead is based on how the deceased died. The Ilaje groups death into five distinctive categories - death due to old-age, death caused by witchcraft or evil spirit, death through drowning by accident, death through curse, and death due to suicide. For the people, adult’s death has two layers of meaning: sorrow and merriment. We conclude that physical death is viewed as part of the continuum of life’s circle; it is the point when the dead pass to the realm of the ancestor who may be reborn into the family in the future.

Keywords

death burial ancestor spirit curse ethnic Ilaje

Introduction

Performance is used in this article to represent the rituals associated with death and burial ceremonies. Rituals that follow death and burial are important cultural events across different societies. Based on the circumstance of death, two different emotions “sadness” and “merriment” are evoked over the same event by the different actors that are involved in the activities. As the plan for the burial of the dead is ongoing, so is the ritual of burying the dead with pageant and fanfare. For example, in the space of time, the bereaved experiences grief and in another, begins an elaborate burial ceremony over the deceased, who is probably of old age by making foods and drinks available to entertain the people who have come to commiserate with the family or to celebrate the soul of the departed. The existence of mortality is generally agreed upon by the different cultures of the world. The affirmation of mortality is the consensus that no matter how old one gets to be on earth, death will come to the human body on a particular day.

Apart from the knowledge of what constitutes death, defining the subject is somehow problematic. Death is universal, and it can occur at any stage of existence naturally or through human or non-human influence, therefore, all the societies and cultures in Africa have developed different elements through which death is understood. According to Fobella et al. (2023),

African cultures, in particular, have a unique and rich perspective on death and the afterlife that is rooted in their traditions, customs, and spiritual beliefs. Understanding these cultural perspectives is crucial for fostering cultural sensitivity and awareness, especially as African cultures continue to spread and influence the rest of the world (51).

Cultural sensitivity in this case, allows for the understanding of differences in the interpretation and analysis of individual and groups perception of death and the burial patterns among diverse societies. For the Urhobo of Nigeria’s Niger Delta, Idogho (2015, p. 70) asserts that the people believe that in relation to death, there are different types of such as mature, premature and abominable death. In this case, the element mentioned by Idogho explains, ways through which death can be understand. This position found among the Urhobo is not much different from the view of the Igbo people. Kalu (1981), while researching on the place of mortality among Igbo of eastern Nigeria, states that there exists the natural and unnatural death. He believes that natural death comes at old age, and unnatural death, occurs when one is “young.” This may not generally be agreed upon, because old age is relative, and events considered natural are also relative, nevertheless, it typifies the worldview of some ethnic groups and people of Africa. For the Urhobo and their Isoko neighbours as well, death does not occur without a particular cause, some of the causes are old age, witchcraft, accident or sickness and abomination (Idogho, 2015, p. 70). This means that even at old age, death may not be natural, aside external causes one may also die as a result of having committed and abominable act or taboo. Thompson et al. (2020), argue that Yoruba people categorize death into good and bad, depending on if the deceased is old or young, whereby the old is considered to die peacefully even when it is as a result of suicide or unresolved murder. Maturity is also a complex terminology used to determine death in the same way that peaceful is to communicate the assumption that to die at old age means irrespective of the circumstances surrounding the death it is without pain.

At what age can one be referred to as being old or young? For instance one cannot equate someone who died at 70 years to the one who died at above 100 years old, leaving behind four generations of descendants. On the other hand, the “unnatural death” in the case of a young person, may be as a result of different circumstances, as long as it is not death as a result of old age related sickness or going to bed at night as an old-man and not awaken to life in the morning. Thompson et al. (2020, p. 1) use the word prematurely or mysteriously to represent bad death,

The “bad” (iku ofo) death could either be those who died mysteriously or prematurely. In other words, such deaths are not celebrated and become a bereavement. There are different types of bad deaths. They are, iku abiku (born to-die), iku ojiji (sudden death), iku gbona (hot death), etc.

The case of circumstance surrounding the death is emphasized here instead of the unnatural situation of it. While mysterious death can occur at any age, premature death is often associated with someone from the age of 50 years downward in most societies of Nigeria. Among the Ekiti people of Southwest Nigeria, anyone who dies when the parents or one of the parents is still alive attracts suspicions as the deceased is considered young. Therefore, one can only discuss death from the purview of a people’s cultural worldview. Baloyi and Makobe-Rabothata (2014), argue that,

The African worldview refers to the way in which Africans perceive their world which, in turn, influences their ways of knowing and doing. There is no such thing as a value-free cultural system. All knowledge systems have philosophical underpinnings, are contextual and culture based and to some extent biased…..A worldview is the embodiment of people’s cultural beingness and identity (234).

To navigate the concept stated above in relation to worldview being the embodiment of people’s cultural beingness and identity, it is essential not to generalize the meaning of death. As Christianity and Islam have become dominant religion that determine expression and practices of many crucial aspects of the peoples’ lives in the area under study, we are making significant attempts not to Christianize and or Islamize the subject of death in this work. While both Christianity and Islam view death as not terminal but one step towards a final judgment by God, in the different traditional African beliefs, because the living and the spirit inhabit the earth together, death is part of the circle of existence, the dead become an unseen member of the community. Therefore it is believed that death is not elimination but an extension, and it cannot stop life from continuing in another realm (Chukwuedo & Ede, 2019, p. 96). The dead has a significant position in the African traditional belief, because the dead is believed to transit to the realm of the ancestor. Eyetsemitan (2022) argues that,

the premise for ancestor worship is based on an understanding that the life course is cyclical and not linear. Those who are dead, though not physically seen, are alive in a different world and can reincarnate in new births. Furthermore, to be in the world of the dead is to have supernatural powers over those in the world of the living. Such powers include the ability to bless or to curse, and to give life or to take life. The adherents of the traditional African belief system actively engage the dead through worship (which could take the form of food, alcoholic drinks, or money sacrifices) and through prayers for blessings and protection.

Eyetsemitan’s position is tantamount to the generally agreed worldview of Africans. In this case, death and afterlife reinforce ancestral belief and worship which are central among different cultures in Africa as pointed out by Fobella et al. (2023),

In many African cultures, ancestors play a central role in beliefs about the afterlife. Ancestors are often seen as intermediaries between the living and the spiritual realm, and are believed to have the power to influence the lives of their descendants even after they have passed away. Ancestor veneration is therefore an important part of the Africans daily life. Ancestors are often seen as protectors and guardians of their descendants, and are believed to have the power to offer guidance, support, and protection (63).

African’s worldview about death, afterlife, the support and protection that the living expects are crucial to the understanding of the cyclical nature of life in the continent. It is crucial to reiterate the position of Mkhize (2004) which also follow that of Sue and Sue, on worldview as a,

set of basic assumptions that a group of people develops in order to explain reality and their place and purpose in the world. These assumptions provide a frame of reference to address problems in life. Traditional Africans understand their being-in-the-world as a qualitative tapestry of connected systems which deal with life issues collectively and collaboratively. This connectedness is reflected and manifests itself in people’s relationships with the others and their environing context (35).

From the above, one’s argument will be fallacious if the concept of death and its meaning is thus generalized. This is to affirm the argument that to ignore alternative worldviews limits practitioners’ ability to deal with people from different cultural backgrounds (Mkhize, 2004, p. 25). This is because, apart from the medical position on death as the absence of life in a body, different cultures define death based on cultural perspective. It is essential to ask the following questions and attempt response;

What is death?

How does one relate death to the absence or cessation of life from a body?

How is death and dead bodies treated in African society? These are some of the questions that one needs to provide answers.

We are very much aware of the difficulty associated with direct definition of any subject as different scholars give definitions to subject based on different factors chief of which is the relation of the subject to a particular discipline. Gire (2014, p. 3) is of the opinion that the “difficulty of having a unitary view of death or the death experience can be better appreciated when we realize that it is problematic to even define what we mean by death. He writes further that “there is no complete agreement even within the medical definition as to what exactly constitutes death, or for that matter, precisely when death is ascertained to have occurred Gire (2014, p. 4). This is more so, as the United States’ President’s Commission for the Study of Ethical Problems in Medicine and Biomedical and Behavioral Research in a 1981 report on the Medical, Legal and Ethical Issues in the Determination of Death, provided some suggestions on the subject. After listening to different experts’ position on what constitute death, The Commission looked at the different concept of death, especially from the notion of “brain dead” and or of the “vital sign” of circulation, respiration and other organs. It argued that death is that moment at which the body’s physiological system ceases to constitute an integrated whole. Even if life continues in individual cells or organs, life of the organism as a whole requires complex integration, and without the latter, a person cannot properly be regarded as alive Abram et al. (1981, p. 33). In The Commission’s view, death should be confirmed when there is permanent cessation of the integrated functioning of the organism as a whole, or at the departure of the animating or vital principle of a person or when irreversible loss of personhood as occurred. The report further states that,

The dead do not think, interact, auto regulate or maintain organic identity through time, for example. Not all the living can always do all of these activities, however; nor is there one single characteristic (e.g., breathing, yawning, etc.,) the loss of which signifies death. Rather, what is missing in the dead is a cluster of attributes, all of which form part of an organism’s responsiveness to its internal and external environment (Abram et al. 36).

The clusters of attributes that form part of organism’s responsiveness to its internal and external environment suggest the presence of life force. Bernat et al. (1981), have an opposing view to the position of The Commission and argued that the report should not be adopted because it is fraught with flaws,

Much of the Commission’s report consists of a thorough summary of current knowledge of the physiology of death and how this knowledge has altered understanding of the concept of death itself. Although this presentation is excellent, we believe the model statute that the Commission recommends should not be adopted because there are significant flaws in it, as well as in the Commission’s supporting arguments.

The flaws in the report raised by Bernat, Culvert and Gert, reinforce the acceptance of the same report by Sarbey (2016, p. 752), based on the argument that “The total brain standard is what every group espousing a brain-based definition can agree on, in which case it is adopted as a politically pragmatic way of distinguishing the dead from the living. His conclusion is that the neurological criteria for death represent a remarkable advance in our ways of responding to changes in death and dying. Therefore, when life cease, death is then present. As rightly stated by Artemenko (2017),

Since we think that death is the negation of life and the complete opposite to what life stands for, whenever we speak of death, we use the language antonymous to the language of life. It is also evident in the use of approximations, comparisons, metaphors and allegories that spring from our lived physical or spiritual experiences; for instance, we compare death to the dark of the night, the dreamlike state, the somnolence, the eternal silence, the other life or the after-life. When applying adjectives to describe what we imagine death is like, we use the prefixes that negate the original meaning of words: invisible, impalpable, irreversible, immemorial, and unknown (36–37).

In this regards, death takes the meaning that we give to it. Whereas Artemenko sees death as the negation of life, it is an inevitable episode of demise which occurs within human existence. The destination of man’s life journey extends into the netherworld in spirit form as a delayed experience Usman & Michael, (2022), p. 121). This position of transition to the netherworld in spirit is common in tradition as well as for most religions of the world. Based on the diversities synonymous with the different ethnic groups in Africa, death, dead bodies, burial and the attendant rites that accompany it among the Ilaje as a distinctive cultures within the Niger Delta of Nigeria will be the focus here.

Methods

This study adopts a qualitative research approach that relies on data from existing literature, participant observation and discussions with four randomly selected people (one male and three females) from Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State, Nigeria. The selected people have involved themselves or participated in the performance of different burial process at one time or the other. The researchers have observed and also participated in the performance of at least twenty-five adult burials among themselves in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria. Therefore, we rely on Harold Garfinkel’s ethno-methodological perspective in the unraveling of the ritual and burial practices among the Ilaje people of Nigeria’s Niger Delta through the use of descriptive method of data analysis. As stated by Garfinkel and Lynch (2022), ethnomethodology focuses upon the production of situated and ordered social action of all kinds. Social practice theory lends itself as a framework for the understanding of the pattern of behaviour among the people and the analysis of information received for this research. According to Penuel et al. (2016, p. 30) “social practice theory calls out the ways people pursue diverse concerns, become aware of new possibilities for action as they move across settings of practice, and learn as they adjust contributions to the flow of ongoing activity and to fit demands and structures of local institutions.” In this regards, performances of death and burial rite by any group or community is thus seen as social practice.

Discussion

Death and Its Meaning Amongst the Ilaje People

The Ilaje people are an ethnic group found settled in many parts of the river bed of Lagos and Ogun State, but majorly occupy the Atlantic coastline of Ondo State in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. The Ilaje area spans approximately 84 km along the Nigerian coast, with its coordinates lying between latitudes 5◦45′ and 6◦30′ North of the equator, and longitudes 4◦30′ and 5◦07′ east of Greenwich (Ogunrayi et al., 2024, p. 3). The area is one of the leading oil rich regions of the country. The Ilajes occupy Ese-Odo Local Government as well as Ilaje Local Government which is bounded by the Ijebus to the West, the Ikale to the North, and the Itsekiri to the East, the Apoi and Arogbo Ijaw to the North East, while the Atlantic Ocean formed the Southern boundary. It is situated at 133 km south of Akure, the state capital (Okunola and Ademola 2024, p. 117). Ilaje is divided into four distinct groups: i. Ugbo, ii. Mahin, iii. Etikan, and iv. Aheri land (Ehinmore, 2014). According to Okunola and Ademola (2015), exploration of oil has been reported to be predominantly carried out in Ugbo Ilaje kingdom, the eastern coastline of Ilaje local government, and mostly in Ugbo ward four (4), five (5) and six (6); all in the Ugbo communities.

Linguistically, Ilaje is considered as part of the Yoruba ethnic group, however, their dialect is closer to the Ikale, Ikare, Apoi, Ondo; Usen and Siloko people of Ovia Southwest in Edo State; Itsekiri, and the Olukunmi of Delta State than to the Yoruba spoken in Oyo, Osun and Ekiti State of Southwest Nigeria. The major occupations of the people are fishing, livestock farming, basket making and mat weaving. However, the type of fishing done by the people is dependent on the particular group of Ilaje and the area they settled. Whereas, Ilaje Ugbo and Etikan are seafarers and fish in the marine water based on easy access to the sea, both Mahin and Aheri groups are bordered by fresh water and they also carry-out their fishing expedition. Boat making craft, carpentry, water transport business and mainstream agriculture are other means of subsistence in Ilaje communities (Akinsemolu & Olukoya, 2020).

For the Ilaje people, the circumstances that inform someone’s death are very important. To the people, death is not merely the cessation of life from the living body alone but also draws on the circumstances that surround the death. The Ilaje and majorities of the ethnic groups in the Niger delta have a firm belief in witchcraft as a malevolent spirit. Therefore, it is important for them to ascertain if the person has confessed to being a witch or wizard at one point or the other before the death. There is also the important point regarding if the person died with or without leaving a child in this world, and if the deceased still has living parent(s). Of significance is the differentiation between oku ofo (sorrowful death) and oku ayeye (merriment death) which determines the way to plan for the burial of the deceased. To have children while alive is to be a part and contributor to the continuity of the community. In this case, even when the body is laid to rest in a grave, the deceased is considered living, because Oku oloma emi hun – the dead that had children while alive does not sleep forever. It is the peoples’ belief that every time we see any of the children and or descendants, we see the ancestor in them. Whereas, when someone dies childless, it is then that the person is forever dead. While the earlier can be reborn into the family many times, the latter cannot. Idogho (2015) emphasize this position among the Urhobo, that death “is not the end of man, and does not also sever his connection with his family, death extends the family relationship into infinity, the ceremonies and ritual performed by the living for the dead emphasis the unbroken family relationship between the living and the dead” (p. 70). The Ebira Tao people who are found in many parts of the North central Nigeria are of the opinion that upon death, one enters a state of after-life where death is profound connection with the cosmological forces of the physical and the spiritual worlds. The knowledge of after-life serves as comfort when loved ones died as we hope to see again. The above view if sustained, significantly reduce the morbid fear that characterizes death Usman & Michael, (2022), p. 124).

In this context, the Western or Eurocentric worldview, Christianity or Islamic religious position are not relevant even though the two religions have after-life at the core of their belief. Usman and Michael (2022, pp. 124–125) explains further that the Ebira Tao’s, “tradition also holds that one who gives life to earth after death shall give life to man after encountering death. This position reinforces the Ilaje peoples’ position of Oku oloma emi hun. The concept of Oku Oloma, defines two types of death, okuyi ku tan or oku yi bi oma (the dead with finality or one who died childless) and oku yi n’oma neyin (the dead with children behind alive), as used by the people. While the first cannot translate to the ancestral realm, the second reinforced life, therefore, his or her death is but temporal since there is chance of a rebirth at a later period. This is more so, as the treatment of the dead body or deceased takes different approaches both in preparation and in performance.

Burial and Rituals Among Ilaje People

As observed by Jindra and Noret (2011) in regards to the elaborateness of burial in many parts of Africa,

… the events surrounding death are often described as the key cultural events of a particular area. Entire neighborhoods and villages are drawn to them, and family members and friends who have migrated to other areas and countries are lured back. The funeral service and burial may only be a small part of such funerary events. From mourning practices to dancing, drumming, drinking, and eating, the events may, in some regions, involve planning post-funerary activities over many months or years.

In social practice, burial is only a part of the funerary events which entails elaborate celebration with dancing, musical performances by popular local musicians, winning and dinning, and wearing of elaborate aso-ebi – family uniform or aso-egbe jo’da – social group uniform that the children and descendants of the deceased must wear. The elaborateness of the various ceremonial uniform or same pattern of dress won during the burial performance alongside the accompany merriment depends largely on the size of the descendants and level of wealth they collectively command. In fact, aso-ebi or aso-egbe jo’da is a general practice all over Yorubaland and indeed Nigeria.

Burial takes three distinctive methods among the Ilaje people depending on the circumstances that surround the death of the deceased and the religion practiced while alive. No matter the religion of the deceased, it must first be ascertained that before death there is no accusation of evil doing or practice of witchcraft. The people have a strong belief in a female orisha and divinity called Ayelala – who is considered as a custodian of retributive justice. Therefore, when an aggrieved individual or one that is wrongly accused of a serious evil or crime summons Ayelala to vindicate him or her, the accuser or the perceived evil person responsible for the crime will be severely punished even with death and in that case never to be buried but placed at the shrine of the goddess. This is also the case with the death of anyone that had confessed to the possession of witchcraft. This more so, as stated by Jayeola-Omoyeni, Oyetade and Omoyeni, “Witches were said to be very potent and were thought to be responsible for all sorts of misfortunes, accidents, still-born children, sudden deaths, poverty, bareness and a host of other human misfortunes and miseries” (2015, 364). Based on the perception associated with witchcraft among the people, a confessed witch even if it is done as a result of old age sickness, Alzheimer, or hallucination, the fate of Ayelala’s victims await the corpse. Any victim of Ayelala must not be buried; the corpse is deposited at Ita Ayelala. According to Shemudara (2021),

Ayélála is the existing popular divinity in the area and it is commonly called Imale. Among these people, they had Ayélála priest and that of Gbàgàlà who were always in charge of the administration. The court, unlike English courts, was the shrine used as venue in criminal trials. Ayélála took evidence of facts, passed verdict by conviction, gave option of fine and finally, it sentenced to death without option of fine depending on the gravity of the offence (27).

Ayelala is very popular among the people of Ilaje, Apoi, Ikale, Ondo town, Ijaw, Usen, Siloko, Benin, and respected across all the entire Yoruba land especially as the deity is invoked during dispute or when there is suspicion of witchcraft (Ojo, 2012, p. 995). In the various Niger delta communities mentioned, the deity, played a prominent role in their administration of criminal justice in the lives of the people. However, it originates among the Ilaje and Apoi people of Ondo State. It has been observed that in the face of Ayelala, vulnerable people confessed to serious crimes due to torture or fear. The majority of the confessor identified, were usually female but a significant minority were men (Jayeola-Omoyeni et al., 2015, p. 371). Shemudara (2021, p. 30) states that, Ita Ayélála is the headquarters of Ayélála and the venue for trials, deposit of the remains of offenders executed by Ayélála and confiscated property of deceased offenders. Based on this, anyone who died through the invocation is considered to be evil, therefore can never be buried and will become an embarrassment to the family. A firm understanding of the religious practices of the Ilaje people plays a significant role in the elucidation of death and burial within their society. Though the people are predominantly Christians yet they have a strong reverence for Ayelala and Malokun – a female deity associated with the sea which serves as source of food, wealth, well-being and cultural movement. Until the 1990s when there emerged plethora of Pentecostal churches in the area, majority of the people belonged to four distinct Christian denominations:

i. First African Church Mission or United Native African Church

ii. Cherubim and Seraphim Church of Zion/White Garment Church

iii. Seventh Day Adventists Church

iv. Jehovah Witness

Apart from the four mentioned above, there are Celestial Church of Christ (CCC) and many variations of Pentecostal churches including Gospel Faith Mission International (GOFAMINT) and Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) that emerged in the area since the last decade of the 20^th century. Burial can be done by the church, following the ritual as laid down by the particular one that the deceased belonged to while alive. However, the burial and the accompanied ceremonies can only be done when there is no accusation of witchcraft or evil done by the deceased. In spite of this, there is the traditional ceremony that must be observed if the family of the deceased is from Ugbo-Ilaje Kingdom. In this regard, the dead will be buried at Ode-Ugbo community with the permission of the palace after a male family member had gone to pick kolanut with his mouth to signify that the deceased has no pending case against the land or has not confessed to any evil act. When this is done, the first corpse to arrive at Ugbo on a particular day will be buried while any other corpse will remain outside the community because only one dead body can be brought into the town in a day for burial.

Performing Burial Rites and the Ritual Format Among Ilaje People…

The pattern of burial’s performance among the people is dependent on the cause of death, age and status of the deceased in the community. For the Ilaje people, death can come in various ways that are grouped together into five; death due to old-age, death caused by witchcraft or evil spirit, death through drowning by accident, death through curse, and death due to suicide.

i. Performance of burial for someone of died as a result of old-age:

According to the Ilaje people, old age is not only measured by age, but also by the number of generations of children that can be traced to the deceased. Anyone who is a great-grand-father or mother before death is considered old even when the age is not ascertain. Nevertheless, when the person dies childless, the descendants of the siblings are used to measure is old-age status. Therefore, anyone who dies at grand old-age of natural causes, especially while asleep on his personal or hospital bed is thus considered as Agbalagba eyi fi owo ro’ri ku the elder who died peacefully. In this case, the burial will be thus elaborate and carried on over many days in carnival manner with popular musicians in attendance, lots of food and drinks for the mourners and invited guests as provided by the family. In this case, the burial ritual can be very expensive.

ii. Performance of burial rite of someone presumed to die through witchcraft or malevolent spirit:

In this case anyone who dies while within the youthful age, through a prolonged sickness, in an accident or suddenly from heart related condition is considered to have died through the machination or orchestration of witchcraft or sorcery. Though the death will be considered as Oku ofo, death that is accompanied with sorrow, but the deceased will be accorded a befitting burial will elaborate wailing by the family and other mourners. However, the burial period will be short to maximum of a day with no emphasis on food and drinks for the mourners.

iii. Performance of the rites for someone who died of a curse:

Anyone who dies as a result of any curse is not buried in the grave but the corpse is thrown into the forest alongside with their properties while alive apart from physical buildings. This action is deemed necessary because it is presumed that Ayelala is responsible for the death. There will be the performance of purification ceremony in the community to ward off impending disasters in the land.

iv. Performance of burial rite for a drowned victim in the sea or river:

The person who died as a result of drowning will be buried at the bank of the river in a solemn manner with traditional ritual performances for the cleansing of the community. This type of death is not followed with food and drinks or any fanfare as it is considered a sorrowful death, therefore, it is buried immediately the corpse is found.

v. Performance of rites for a victim of suicide:

Anyone who died as a result of suicide cannot be buried without the performance of some necessary solemn rituals. The death is followed by traditional cleansing rituals before it is giving quick burial in order for it not to cause successions of untimely death in the family. The Ilaje people believe that suicide is a taboo and can results into Aku’fa (death of many members of the family one after the other) which is a form of spiritual curse. After the burial, there may or may not be music, food and drinks for the mourners, because it is an abominable death.

It is important to state that there are differences in the format of performance that burial of aged person will take and that of the youth. In the same vein, the burial pattern of a deceased with many grown children will be different from the one without a child. Burial is handled by the extended family and not the children of the deceased. Therefore, it is not uncommon to see final burial taking place many years after the death of an individual. It is essential to state that if someone dies while the deceased parents are yet to be giving the final burial, the recently dead can cannot be accorded the privilege of final burial ceremony until the descendants perform the final burial rituals demanded for their grandparent first after then can their own parents be given final burial with full entertainment.

Although the recently dead person that is old can be laid-to-rest into the grave with a cheap or an expensive casket the same day if the children are present, however there is a ceremony known as “celebration of life” that must accompany the burial. The ceremony involves the sharing of food and drinks to invited guests and extended family members. There is also aso-ebi (colourful attires of the same pattern that the children of the deceased must wear during the burial) and dancing of people to the music provided by a commissioned popular traditional musician who will be singing the praises of the dead and the descendants. The burial ceremony will be done with funfare whether the death “is sudden or expected” (Ekore & Lanre-Abass, 2016, p. 369), the elaborate ceremony is also a system of purgation on the side of the loved ones.

It is believed that music performance by established celebrated musician is used to bade the deceased to the land of the ancestors is a necessary requirement. After the final burial before the departure of the descendants of the deceased to their various locations, the matter of inheritance have to be settled by the head of the extended family or clan head. In a situation where there is a prepared will in place, the lawyer of the deceased have to be present and read it to every member of the family at the gathering or at a later appointed date. The Ilaje people being predominantly polygamous have their properties shared between the children based on the number of wives (idi-igi) the deceased had rather than on the number of children (ori e ju ori) on equal proportion. The system is known as idi-igi as a wife is seen as a tree while a child is regarded as ori head in this case. In the case of deceased mother, the property is shared among all the children in the presence of the first male child of the deceased woman if he is not the oldest.

Limitations

The limitation of this study is that it focused significantly on the Ilaje ethnic group of ondo state and not on the entire Nigeria Delta area of Nigeria. Another limitation is that the researchers were not part of any ritual performed at the shrine of Ayelala and we did not have discussion with anyone accused of witchcraft during the course of this research.

Conclusion

In this study we examine the understanding of death and burial performances among the Ilaje people of Nigeria’s Niger delta from a descriptive perspective that is fore grounded in ethnomethodological approach. We argue that the performances of elaborate burial within the Ilaje society is a significant part of the peoples’ social practice. Therefore, social practice theory becomes a framework through which the discussion about the performances of death and burial is initiated. The Ilaje, though predominantly Christians, hold strongly to the belief in Ayelala as a retributive goddess who’s role in the peoples traditional judiciary system is highly regarded beyond that of the state, especially in relation to live, death and burial performance. In many African religious belief and cultural environment, death is not perceived as the end of life but as a completion of the circle of existence. This is because physical death is viewed as part of the circle of life; it is the point when the dead pass on to the realm of the ancestor. Since the ancestor is part of the society, as a guardian and provider for the descendants in time of want and protection, therefore, death is not the end but the beginning of another existence. Based on the premise that Africans believe their ancestors play significant role in human lives, we states that understanding of diverse cultural and religious practices of any society will enhance our knowledge of how to relate with different people and culture in order to forge a harmonious coexistence. Therefore the religious and cultural belief of the Ilaje determines how they relate with death and apportion the necessary burial rituals to aid the smooth transition of the deceased to the realm of the ancestor and also to engender peaceful existence for the living within the society. For spiritual cleansing and for community peace, among the Ugbo-Ilaje, only 360 corpses may be brought to Ode-Ugbo in a giving year for burial and two bodies cannot be laid-to-rest in the community the same day. We itemize five distinctive performance categories that accompany burial rituals based on the circumstance of death of the individual or group. It includes performance rites for a victim of old age, witchcraft or malevolent spirit, curse, drowning, and suicide. We argue that the extended family is responsible for the performances of burial for the deceased and not the children, failure to accord them this right will negate whatever burial performance that may have been carried out by the children. There may be delay in the final burial process of a dead person when the deceased did not bury the parents before dying; therefore, the deceased parents have to be buried first before the recently dead can be buried on another appointed day. In this case, to be accorded a befitting burial performance by the extended family and descendants, the deceased must have given their own parents an elaborate burial ceremony to signal closure for the ancestors and the living. This is referred to as oma se eyin iba re, abi o se eyin iye re. The sex of the deceased does not matter and it is not giving consideration when considering performances for the dead as ceremony follows the same pattern.

Implications

Dealing with the performance of death and burial among the Ilaje people opens inquiry into many area that needs further research. For instance, our research prompt further inquiry into the economic implication of the elaborate burial that is associated with the performance of adults that died at a very grand old age. Though the elaborate performance gives the descendants of the deceased a form of psychological balance and sense of fulfillment that they have performed a befitting burial for their father or mother, yet there is a lot of wastage that is associated with the event. While the people take pride in conducting such elaborate ceremony for the deceased, most time, it leaves the descendants in debt having taking unnecessary loan to prosecute the burial, entertained guests and in some instance travelled from different part of the world to take part in it.

Footnotes

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank Mama Oluwatomisin Ibinuolapo, Ibironke Kikelomo Ibinuolapo, Mrs. Mary Omoruyi, Rev. Olaniyi A.M. Julius and all the people that obliged us information that enriched this study. Their contributions to the overall output of the research especially where they served as resource persons is appreciated.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Rantimi Jays Julius-Adeoye

Author Biographies

Rantimi Jays Julius-Adeoye PhD, Chair. Department of Theatre and Film Studies, Redeemer's University (RUN), Nigeria. Visiting Professor, International Business School the Hague (IBSH), Netherlands.

Masoje Oghenerobaro Akpor-Robaro PhD, former Head. Department of Business Administration and Marketing, Redeemer's University, Nigeria.

Damilola Mayowa Babarinde PhD, Lecturer. Department of Theatre and Film Studies, Redeemer;s University (RUN), Nigeria.

Elizabeth Amarukhor Omoruyi, Researcher, Gender Studies. Institute for Cultural Inquiry, Utrecht University, Netherlands.

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