Gender,Religion and Higher Education: Strategies of Muslim Women Students in India

Methodology

Along with mapping out the educational aspirations and experiences of young Muslim women, the current study examines the choices made by these women students and explores why their choices are being challenged by their families. Additionally, it explores the reasons that hinder the career prospects of young Muslim women in India. To gain insights into these issues, the study collected empirical data from thirty young Muslim women who are pursuing higher studies at various higher educational institutions in the country. The study included respondents from various disciplines, including sciences, social sciences, and commerce, as well as different academic levels such as graduate and post-graduate courses including professional courses. They belong to the age group of nineteen to twenty-five and pursuing their studies at various national educational institutions such as Aligarh Muslim University, Delhi University, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Pondicherry University, Central University of Tamil Nadu and Central University of Kerala. In this, nearly 50 per cent of the sample belongs to social science courses due to their willingness and availability to provide the data was one of the main reasons and remaining are from science and commerce courses, respectively.

The participants were selected using snowball and purposive sampling techniques, ensuring diversity in terms of geographical regions such as Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, Bihar, Maharashtra, Gujrat, Tamil Nadu and Kerala. The major purpose was to choose Muslim women students who have brothers pursuing higher studies in different educational institutions, in order to understand the gender attitudes of parents towards education more intensely. Recognising the heterogeneous nature of the Muslim community, the study aimed to include respondents from various caste groups and economic categories within the community. However, the study argues that economic status plays a more significant role than caste differences in the educational choices of young Muslim women. To understand this dynamic in detail the study included respondents from upper, middle and lower economic categories respectively. Various tools and techniques of qualitative methodology were employed in the study, including open-ended questionnaires, detailed personal and telephonic interviews and the respondents’ personal narratives and lived experiences served as primary sources of data.

Gender and Modern Education Strategies

Analysing the debates on gender and higher education, Chanana (2001) argues that family and educational institutions create a division of gender in the Indian context. According to her, Indian society is gender biased as social institutions like family and schools perpetuate gender inequality through formal and informal socialisation. Social expectations of feminine and masculine roles and behavioural patterns constrain the choices of men and women in their lives. The study of gender is, in effect, the study of inequality and social differences, which are critical to understanding women’s disciplinary choices. One of the main concerns has been the imbalance seen in arts vis-a-vis science at the school level.

As research studies argue, low enrolment rates, high rates of dropouts, and low achievements are major trends visible in the educational scenario of Muslim women. Many scholars argue that more than religion, the socio-economic status of the family is also equally responsible for the backwardness of the Muslim community in India. Engineer (1994, p. 297) argues that more than religion, patriarchy is the real culprit for women’s inferior status and the most susceptible factor behind the backwardness or the low representation of Muslim women in education and employment (Hasan & Menon, 2004, p. 235).

The current study observed that conservative gender norms and sexual mores significantly shape Muslim women’s educational interests and attainment differently. Families are less interested in investing in their daughters’ education, especially if the financial and opportunity costs are high and gender segregation in the labour market offers little hope for strong economic returns. Girls are expected to play the wife and mother role at a younger age (Lehrer, 1999). Girls are also unconsciously internalising the gendered expectations, which leads to lower academic performance or an earlier exit from formal education than males (Buchmann et al., 2008). The influence of cultural beliefs and practices is also playing a crucial role in the mobility and choices of Muslim women (Johnson-Hanks, 2006; Takyi & Addai, 2002).

As a response to the importance of modern education for Muslim women, the respondents have a positive approach towards modern education and agreed that it is necessary for everyone, irrespective of gender, to acquire knowledge to empower themselves and in engaging with society. It indicates the community’s aspiration towards modern education and its applicability in everyday life. Although Muslim women have entered into higher levels of education, both professional and non-professional, they are still lagging behind in getting a space in public due to constraints from religion, family, and community in which the girls failed to channel their knowledge in the field of employment and public participation. The study further argues that they could not use the benefits of education beyond the boundary of self, family, and community. So, it is a fact that the increased rate of women’s education does not lead the Muslim community towards development or modernity as vividly.

The empirical data and research studies show that the number of women attaining education has remarkably increased, and the study question that the promise of equality has, by and large, not been realised. Because, when one closely examines the conditions of women in the larger context of India, we can easily find the deplorable conditions of women in the socio-educational field, and the socioeconomic mobility of educated women is also in question. However, looking at the number of women who complete the course, join for higher graduation and pursue career opportunities is significant. Or does education remain a mere status symbol for public acceptance?

Parental Preferences and Expectations Over Daughters’ Education

The socio-cultural factors of the family and the influence of religion also play a crucial role in these decisions. As per the empirical data, the current study argues that Muslim parents are highly gender biased when making decisions about the educational choices of their daughters. In the study, the respondents shared their experiences that parents are highly gender biased in taking decisions regarding their daughter’s selection of institutions, courses, or subjects. Parents are more concerned and interested in their son’s education choices than their daughters’. It is significant to understand that the differential gender role greatly affects the selection of subjects and jobs available. Class and social status of the family do not play into the decision-making concerning women to a large extent. One of the respondents shared that

Yes, my parents had encouraged my brother to do an engineering course in a self-financing institute that demanded huge fees. At the same time, I was forced to choose the humanities stream, although my passion was to become an engineer. It was challenging for me to convince my parents about my preferences for studies.

Another student shared her experience that

My parents always respect my brother’s choices and discourage my priorities concerning options in the educational sector. I wanted to study Bachelor of Computer Applications after plus two. I tried to convince my parents about my interest. They forced me to opt for regional literature for my further studies.

In the study, only three respondents shared that they do not feel partiality from their parents and said they are getting equal importance as brothers. The empirical data argues that it is significant to consider the economic position and educational status of the family in these cases. Through their constant struggle, many girls have convinced their parents about the importance of education and career preferences on par with their brothers. The study largely supports the similar argument forwarded by many scholars (Gautam, 2015; Mukhopadhyay, 2021; Mukhopadhyay & Seymour, 1994) in the context of Muslim women. They argue that while selecting the institute for higher education for women, the family and parents are mainly concerned about ‘female chastity’, which constrains the educational choices of the daughter while still fulfilling the son’s higher educational aspirations and ambitions. It is evident from the above field experiences and examples that parents prioritise the fulfilment of boys’ choices over girls’.

The study argues that, along with various other factors, gender is crucial in decision-making regarding the subject and career choices of a woman. In the current study, the women respondents were asked to reflect upon the treatment of their family on gender relations and career preferences. The main intention is to understand the role of gender differences in mediating children’s choices within the family. Analysing the participants’ responses, the study found that the parents are concerned about their son’s job, which is minimal when considering that of daughters. Naturally, it shows the preferences of parents towards boys’ education, expecting returns only from them. The study strengthens the general view of Indian society that men are patrons of the entire family. It is also interesting to note that educated Muslim women are neither encouraged to study further, work nor earn, according to their wishes, by their families. A constructed ‘ideal image of women’ prescribes women to be meant only for family matters and are discouraged from doing any other duties. Endorsing this perception, one student participant shared her experience:

Generally, my parents believe that my brother will take care of them in the future, and as a girl, I will go to my husband’s home after marriage, following the community’s traditions. These perceptions encourage my parents to educate my brother more than my sisters and me.

Another respondent shared that:

My parents always discourage me from studying by saying, ʻwhatever we spend on a girl’s higher education, it will neither benefit our family nor the bridegroom’s family since most girls will be engaged only in family affairs after marriageʼ.

The majority of the respondents shared that their family supports education as a way of attaining knowledge and enhancing development more in private spaces than public spaces; however, they believe that education could prepare a girl to become a better mother, which is the stereotypical view of education within a patriarchal society. The present study found that the expectations of Muslim families are grounded in gender values in terms of education and employment. Even in the 21st century women’s education is not linked to her career and is expected to enhance her role as a mother in the family. At the same time, men’s roles and education are primarily centred on expectations over jobs and, thereby, family security. As Devika (2014), the current study also argues that educated unemployed women end up doing child rearing to compensate for the loss of decision-making capacities in their lives. As Gulati (1981) noted, employment opportunities are crucial for sexual equality and personal fulfilment. It is observed that, despite their high literacy and educational status, the presence of Muslim women in the public sphere, employment, and politics, is either minimal or zero. Women’s socio-economic, political, and cultural milieu in India is always a subject of academic discourse.

Education and Socio-economic Challenges

The study noted that a significant chunk of the participants are first-generation learners in the colleges. Many of their parents lacked primary education and some had to discontinue their schooling halfway due to socio-economic and cultural reasons. However, surprisingly the respondents said that these uneducated or literate parents are the real motivating force behind their daughters’ education. For them, education is the lost property and their dream is to make their children capable of attaining it. Interestingly, they are ready to face any difficulties to fulfil their dream. On the other hand, very few respondents shared their personal experiences, struggles, and aspirations to acquire a job for their self-reliance, which can be ensured only through education. Another respondent shared that:

I belong to a socially and economically backward family. Being a small-scale vendor, my father faces financial difficulties educating my sisters and me. But still, they urge us to study further and attain a job.

Another respondent shared that:

My parents are of the view that their children should not lack opportunities for a better living out of education which they have missed at their age.

In these narrations, although the parents are uneducated, they could realise the value of education and job opportunities available to an educated individual from their lived experiences; hence they encourage their children to acquire better education and career. It is observed that other than supporting economically, uneducated parents cannot guide their children in their capacity to suggest fruitful courses, and the best colleges fulfil their aspirations. The general apprehension is that science subjects can quickly open up job opportunities more than social sciences, which demand more investment of time to get employed. On the other hand, upper-middle-class parents prefer to send their children to professional courses such as law, medicine, and engineering, not only for their employment and social mobility but also due to the status it symbolises.

Similarly, class differences also play a significant role in choosing courses for their children. The study found that while people from lower economic classes aspire to get employed out of education, economically well-off families mostly expect education as symbolic capital. As Bourdieu (1986, p. 51) says, beyond economic factors, cultural habits and dispositions inherited from the family fundamentally play a vital role in the schooling success of their child. Children from lower socio-economic backgrounds face their parental cultural capital as a disadvantage as the family does not give it.

However, the family’s economic status has an important role, along with other factors, in determining the educational opportunities available to an individual. The study shows that parents struggle to generate money for their children’s education, and most work in small-scale jobs. The study analysed the constrained of parents in educating their daughters through the self-assessment of students. The families face various difficulties and challenges in educating their girl child than boys, mainly due to economic and cultural factors. Because of these reasons, people from lower economic background are comparatively less in professional education. It is also important to note that the number of girl children in a family relatively reduces the chances of women’s higher educational opportunities.

As a respondent shared:

My family faces economic hardships to send us for higher education. Also, we are subjected to gossip and other challenges from our relatives and community. The community leaders always discourage my parents from educating us further.

Another student respondent reflected that:

Nowadays, higher education is very costly, and parents face difficulties in sending children to reputed institutions. So, they suggested for a nearby average educational institution and perceive that the less they spend on education, the more they can save for their marriage.

One respondent expressed her aspiration to continue her study for the following reasons:

I have often seen my mother and aunts who hardly get any chance to express their opinions at home because of their poor educational background. I do not want to end my life like them. So I challenged the situation with my strong determination to pursue my career aspirations. Education will help women to improve their position in the family and society. It can bring equality in their relationships and give recognition to their identity.

The above narrations show the increasing aspirations of the Muslim community and women toward higher education. The study observed that ʻeducated ancestryʼ (Solomon, 1987) plays a crucial role in educating a girl. Women of educated families have easier access to pursue higher education than others. In these cases, parents are confident to send their children to the institutions where their elder daughters have either studied or are studying.

The third narration highlights how social and cultural constraints limit the mobility of women, which limits employment and earning opportunities. They do not have independent access to credit facilities, opportunities for skill upgradation, or access to markets (Sachar, 2006). They have very limited mobility and no-decision making power in society as well as in household activities. The absence of proper education and restricted cultural norms prevent their entry into the public domain and restrict their visible presence, even in the family. The study also argues that the major causes of Muslim women’s poor condition in the labour market are mainly due to the socio-religious restrictions and cultural norms imposed upon them.

From these students’ experiences, the study claims that the choices become more constrained and more gendered during higher education because the idea of ‘marriageability’ and social security become critical family concerns. The idea of marriage in India is deeply rooted in patriarchy and gender inequality. Generally, it is considered the duty of a family to invest the money for the marriage of their girl child. The current study found that in most cases, parents, whether economically sound or not, invest in their girl child’s marriage rather than spending on her education. There would be many factors that indirectly influence the personal decision of an individual to opt for particular subjects and disciplines for higher studies, such as the expectation of the parents over children’s education, their attitude, the educational atmosphere of the family, etc. (Mukhopadhyay & Seymour, 1994).

Mukhopadhyay and Seymour (1994) focus on the impact of the patriarchal family structure and ideology on Indian women. The study argues that the nature and extent of parental involvement vary in families, but decisions are always gender biased.

The study found that one of the main reasons for Muslim families’ reluctance to invest in girls’ education is the lack of scope for monetary reward, unlike the case of sons. The study argues that sons are considered to be structurally and economically more central than daughters to the family’s well-being. So, parents find it more reliable to invest family resources in sons’ education than daughters because the returns from the investments will directly get back to the family. It was expected that higher education, the influence of Western culture, urban lifestyle, social mobility, and social legislation would reduce the practice of dowry in society. Contrary to this, the dowry system continued to exist, ironically raising the marriage age among lower and middle-class families as they had to wait for a proper proposal that suited their status.

The respondent, who belongs to an upper-middle-class family, shared her experience, which challenges the conventional assumptions:

My aspiration was to become a doctor, though I was not a studious girl during my school days. After completing higher secondary, I told my father that I wanted to go for medical entrance coaching. He provided me with the best coaching centre available in my hometown. Since I couldn’t crack a seat in the merit quota, my father was ready to pay a high amount of fees in the management quota despite the resistance from my entire family. The family insisted my dad find some good marriage proposals keeping in mind the increasing amount of dowry day by day. Today I have completed my MBBS and am planning to go for MD. But I am euphoric these days that the girls of my family are referring to me as a role model to fight for their education.

Her experiences bring out new and different dimensions. Her middle-class status enabled her to continue her study despite all hindrances from the part of the family. It is a fact that middle-class families encourage their daughters to study, and the number of women who attain professional degrees has increased rapidly. However, the current study found that though they are well educated, competent to handle problems, and can bargain and negotiate, they compromise on these benefits and are forced to prioritise their family life. The patriarchal population of the community does not expect or desire Muslim women to have any decision-making power in life. At the same time, the same majority are of the idea that most women are dependent on the male members of the family and thus are worthy of the status of a secondary citizen. The study argues that, though educated, they could not attain individual liberation. As middle-class women, they are trying to attain a refined status in both domestic and community strata simultaneously. Their absence in decision-making is evident, and their educational qualifications are not counted in public engagement. They seek to establish a new ‘self’ or ‘identity’, where the dichotomy between the ‘domestic sphere’ and ‘social sphere’ becomes more or less blurred.

Education, Family and Marriage

The current study highlights many other factors that limit the choices of Muslim women in acquiring higher education. It is also significant to note that many Muslim women succeeded in education due to the strong support of their families by breaking traditional norms and practices. However, the participants responded positively and negatively to their challenges in achieving higher education. Contrary to the above perspectives, where they stress more on the economy, the students’ responses show marriage is also a significant factor in continuing their higher education.

The study found that marriage plays a major hindrance than any other factors, as some of the respondents indicated. Respondents shared that various forms of discouragement from the family and community affect their aspirations for higher education. It clearly shows the community’s perspective on education, which works against women’s progress even today. Many respondents shared that their families are discouraged by the community leaders from sending them for higher studies, and the gossip from the community emotionally disturbs their parents. It is a fact that many Mahallu ¹ committees help families arrange the marriage of their daughters socially and economically but it is tough to find any economic assistance being offered toward women’s education. As another respondent emotionally says,

Whenever we go out for a family function, our relatives always ask when we are getting married, but they never ask about our education or career choices. Such questions from family and community disappoint me and put pressure on my parents. So I try to avoid attending family functions by saying some excuses.

Other respondents also express a similar concern,

In other communities, relatives ask about courses or employment opportunities when they meet girls in their families. But in ours, people give utmost importance to marriage and related affairs.

The respondents’ experiences signify that they face various challenges from relatives and people outside the family than their parents. The current study found that early marriages are more common among Muslim communities compared to other communities. The current study also found that the meaning of education is different according to gender in the dominant and popular imagination. The degree of ‘marriageability’ varies and is widely dependent on the family’s economic status. Marriage and family commitments remain the defining factors that condition Muslim women’s lives. The study argues that the meaning of education among Muslim women is limited to ‘marriageability’ and constructing well-educated mothers, unlike any other communities.

The empirical data shows that the number of Muslim women subjected to early marriages is more than other communities, such as Christians and Hindus, though the trend is significantly changing in India. Socio-cultural and the dominant role of religion, the patriarchal nature of Muslim society, and economic factors are equally important factors in setting the trends. Early marriages lead to inequality and discrimination in women’s social lives in most cases. The focus of the study is also to understand how marriages adversely affect Muslim women in attaining higher education and developing careers. Families often play a distinct role in the decision-making regarding their children, particularly daughters. Early marriage takes away many openings from women’s lives, such as education, public participation, and role in decision-making. In the case of married women, the choice of continued education depends on the interest and the attitude of the husband’s family. One respondent added ʻWe are not getting enough opportunities to achieve our aim or career, and we do not have the freedom to choose our life partner according to our interestsʼ. In the study, the respondents shared that parents and relatives are the decision-makers without even the consent of their daughters. Many factors, such as religious, community, and family-related issues, adversely influence decision-making.

Another respondent expressed,

My elder brother registered my name on a matrimonial site without informing me. He is less educated than me.

The above interviews highlight the conditions of educated Muslim women in the decision-making on their issues. In the case of the second interviewee, the brother takes decisions for the educated sister without her consent. The ‘Muslim women’ were merely subjects without agency in defining themselves. Although Muslim women complete their education, albeit fighting many struggles and challenges, employment or public participation is not guaranteed. Women’s role is conventionally set from birth, and their immediate identity is reduced to daughter, wife, or mother. In these cases, women eventually encounter many barriers within the family and society to fulfil their goals.