Abstract
We examined the effects of religiosity and the practices of religions among the Buddhists and Muslims aged 20 to 79 in Thailand on maintaining positive attitudes toward older people. Factor and multiple regression analyses are applied, using data from the 2011 National Survey on Conditions of Society and Culture. The measures of perception of older people are Social Value and Personal Value. Religiosity is measured by the self-assessment of religious strictness and one’s own practices according to the religious principles. Among Buddhists, the practices are measured by the frequency of praying, Takbat, Pancha Sila, and meditation. For Muslims, the practices are measured by the frequency of doing Salat, observing Saum, and giving Zakat. We found that religiosity and some practices of religions have positive effects on the perception of the value of older people. In addition, social policy for a smooth transition to an aging society should be considered alongside this religious mechanism.
Introduction
In an aging society, social and economic integration, mutual understanding, and coexistence between young and old populations become very important. History shows that older people were highly respected in traditional Thai society (Sobieszczyk, Knodel, & Chayovan, 2003). They were viewed as great teachers who had valuable knowledge and wisdom to pass onto the younger generation, including a better understanding of life. Also, a few researchers have asserted that respect for older age was one of the most important factors in maintaining the social status of the older people (Nydegger, 1983; Sung, 2001). In a society in which older people are well respected, people are more likely to have positive attitudes toward the older people (Sung, 2001).
Although the value of respect for the older people has always been a significant part of traditional Asian cultures, the importance of respect was changing (Ingersoll-Dayton & Saengtienchai, 1999). As a part of the globalization process, Thai society has gone through a demographic transition, as well as economic, social, and cultural changes. There have been significant declines in Thai fertility and an increase in longevity in Thailand. The total fertility rate has dropped from over six children per woman in 1960s to only 1.6 children per woman on average in 2016. Also, the life expectancy at birth has increased from 55 years in 1960 to 78.6 years for women and 71.8 years for men in 2016 (Institute for Population and Social Research, 2016; World Bank, 2015). These demographic changes have been driving a remarkable increase in the number and proportion of the elderly population in Thailand. Besides, as society shifted from an agrarian economic base to an industrial economy, elderly experience-based knowledge became less valued and traditional extended families faded away through urbanization (Cowgill, 1974). To a certain extent, Thai people’s norms, morals, and beliefs have altered values, especially toward more Western cultural values. Traditional Thai values which honor aging seem to be dissipating. These changes have dramatically affected Thai lives (Ingersoll-Dayton & Saengtienchai, 1999; Knodel & Chayovan, 2009). Therefore, it is necessary to find what factors can help us maintain our attitudes toward the value of older people. These findings may curve people’s attitudes to be more optimistic toward aged people. When people have a positive attitude towards older people, it may be easier for governments to formulate and implement pro-senior citizen policies, including social security and health programs for older people. In addition, once people view older people more favorably, they are more likely to accept them and respond positively to policies promoting elderly affairs.
Researchers in social science have found that religions have influenced on social behaviors and attitudes (Durkheim, 1897/1951; Knodel, Gray, Sriwatchrin, & Peracca, 1999; Putnam, 2000). In general, religious teachings remind us the gratitude and traditional values of respect for parents. As well, religions may maintain attitudes toward aged people of believers in good spirits. The purpose of this study is to examine religious factors that have an effect on the perceptions of older people. The researchers hypothesize that religiosity and the practices of religions will maintain the positive views toward older people and may improve the perceptions of aged people, after controlling for demographic and socioeconomic characteristics such as age, sex, marital status, levels of educational attainment, residential area, region, and wealth. The analysis relies on data from the 2011 Survey on Conditions of Society and Culture, National Statistical Office (NSO) of Thailand.
Theoretical Background and Hypotheses
Thailand is already well into the transition to an aging society. In 2010, the data of the NSO of Thailand showed that 13.2% of the Thai population was 60 years old and older. Also, the data of the office of the National Economic and Social Development Board (2012) projected that the proportion of older people of the total population would increase to 19.1% in 2020, 26.6% in 2030, and 32.1% in 2040.
In Thailand, religiosity and the practices of religions are associated with traditional and cultural values. These values may have an influence on the public perception of older people. Therefore, it is essential to investigate the extent to which religiosity and the practices of religions may have an effect on the population, specifically the senior citizens.
Religiosity and Attitude Toward Older People
Hypothesis 1. People who have strong religiosity are more likely to perceive older people as being valuable than people who have weak religiosity.
Religion is seen as one of the most important sources of social capital (Putnam, 2000), which has become increasingly essential in the emerging aging societies around the world. According to Putnam (2000), the social capital referred to as civic virtue includes strong social networks, norms of reciprocity, and trustworthiness among individuals in the society. Religious people tend to know more people than nonreligious people. Religious involvement is also an indicator of volunteering and philanthropy. Religions are often powerful sources of inspiration and commitment to support others (Putnam, 2000).
Durkheim (1912/1965) considered religion as an important factor that could generate social integration. Social integration refers to the degree of one’s attachment to society’s values, beliefs, and norms, and how she or he maintains her or his relationship with other members of society. Durkheim’s study of the religious life also showed that religion acted as a powerful integrative force in maintaining common values and morals in a society.
In addition, the religious background was an important factor for the adoption of modern values (Yuchtman-Yaar & Alkalay, 2007). Norris and Inglehart (2004) found that there were statistically significant effects of religious participation on a variety of social attitudes and behaviors. Also, Finke and Adamczyk (2008) asserted that personal religious beliefs might be able to be used as a guideline for attitudes, especially where there was unclear social conformity. Likewise, Adamczyk and Pitt (2009) stated that numerous studies of religion in the United States have found that attitudes and behaviors were shaped by personal religiosity. Therefore, the researchers hypothesize that religiosity and the practices of religions will improve the perceptions of older people.
The Practices of Religions and Attitudes Toward Older People
Hypothesis 2. The practice of religion is associated with more positive attitudes toward older people.
In this study, the researchers focus on the Buddhism and Islam in Thailand. The reasons are that the majority of the people in Thailand are Buddhists (93.6% of the population); Islam is a distant second at 4.9%; while Christianity and other religions account for only 1.5% of the population (NSO, 2012e). Although, less than 5% of the population in Thailand is Muslim, the Muslim population is 28.6% in Southern Thailand (NSO, 2012d, 2012e), and up to 82.5% of population in the three southernmost provinces of Yala, Pattani, and Narathiwat is Muslim (NSO, 2012a, 2012b, 2012c, 2012d).
In general, religious teachings remind us of gratitude and traditional values of respect for parents. However, only in the Islamic religion are the teachings about respecting the older people (not only parents) written in its religious texts or Quran, which explicitly emphasizes the venerability of older age parents as well as older people in general. The Quran asserts the following: Your Lord has commanded that you worship none but Him, and that you be kind to your parents. If one or both of them reach old age with you, do not say to them a word of disrespect, or scold them, but say a generous word to them. And act humbly to them in mercy, and say, ‘My Lord, have mercy on them, since they cared for me when I was small’. (Quran 17, pp. 23–24 cited in Ibrahim, 1997)
Furthermore, the Quran represents the Pillars of Islam as a principle for worship and commitment to the Islamic faith. The Pillars comprise five mandatory acts for individuals who believe in Islam and are the foundation of Islamic life. They are as follows: (a) The testimony of faith: there is one God, and Muhammad is God’s Messenger (Shahadah); (b) Ritual prayer who prays five times daily (Salat); (c) Compulsory charity to the poor and needy (Zakat); (d) fasting and self-control during the holy month of Ramadan (Saum); and (e) the pilgrimage to Mecca (Hajj).
Unlike the Pillars of Islam, the main pillars of Buddha’s principle are the Four Noble Truth. This Truth is about the nature and cessation of suffering, including the Eight-Fold Path of Enlightenment, which leads to the end of suffering. To be on the Path, a layperson may observe five precepts (Pancha Sila). Laypeople may also gain merit (Tamboon) by going to temples to worship Buddha, offering food to monks (Takbat), making donation, praying according to Buddhist manuscripts, and practicing meditation. All these Buddhist practices are not compulsory—it is the Buddhist way of life.
Buddhism is about understanding and accepting the cycle of life: birth, aging, sickness, and death. This cycle is also known as the cycle of Suffering or the truth of Suffering (Pamojjo, Saipanich, & Aribarg, 2013). According to Buddhism, these suffering cycles are the inescapable realities of life. The Suffering will end if a person is able to attain enlightenment, rather than following worldly pursuits or trying to deny or directly avoid Suffering (Payutto, 2007). In other words, enlightenment is an ultimate goal of Buddhism in order to be free from the truth of Suffering. Aside from this ultimate goal, there are some Buddhist teachings about the importance of gratitude towards parents in the original Buddhist manuscripts; but there is no teaching on the services and care for other nonrelated older people. According to 38 Blessings in the Buddhist Manuscript, Blessing No. 11, it is stated that one should care for aging parents, and Blessing No. 17 says that one should support relatives and friends in times of need (Tattachevo, 2015). As a result, there is no specific writing about other older people who are not family members, according to Buddhist doctrine. Instead, respect for older people is related more to traditional Thai cultural practices (Sobieszczyk et al., 2003).
The religious teachings mentioned earlier reflect traditional views of respect for parents. People with strict religious principles tend to treat older parents with respect and do not view them as a burden. Only Islamic teachings preach giving respect to older people even if they are not family members. In reality, Thais care for others with kindness, regardless of age or blood relation (Ratanakul, 1999). Morals, values, culture, religiosity, and the practices of religions may be a major part of their respect for older people.
Method
To examine the effects of religiosity and the practices of religions on the perception of the value of older people, the researchers used data from the 2011 National Survey on Conditions of Society and Culture of Thailand. The survey was conducted by the NSO, Ministry of Information and Communication Technology. This survey was a nationally representative sample that contains data on a wide range of demographic, social, cultural, and attitudinal variables. The study sample included 21,994 Buddhists and 1,076 Muslims living in Thailand. The researchers used factor analysis to reduce some overlapping variables to yield a smaller set of factors and to help understand broader attitudes toward older people. Finally, the researchers applied standardized regression (beta) coefficients to estimate the impact of religiosity and the practices of religions on the perception of the value of older people because the measurement units of religiosity and a few independent variables in this study are arbitrary scales that do not have intrinsic interpretations. By using beta weights, the effects of the measurement units of the dependent and independent variables could be compared with each other since all beta coefficients are interpreted in standard deviation units.
The key independent variables are religiosity and the practice of Buddhism or Islam. Religiosity is measured by the levels of religious strictness and one’s own practices according to religious principles. In the self-assessment questionnaire, the responses to these two questions: (a) the level of religious strictness and (b) the level of one’s own practices according to religious principles are rated on a scale from 0 to 10 (i.e., 0 represents not at all and 10 represents the most). Since the Pearson’s correlation in each population between the level of religious strictness and the practices according to religious principles is as high as 0.8, the researchers decided to combine these two variables by using principle component analysis (PCA). This generated a new variable called religiosity. (The results from PCA for the variable, religiosity, are not shown.) For the questions on the practices of Buddhism or Islam, each religious practice is constructed as a dummy variable because of expected differences in predictive ability according to the religious contents. For example, the practices of Takbat, Pancha Sila, and Zakat appear overlap with social responsibility. Alternatively, praying and mediating seem to be self-oriented responsibility.
For Buddhists, responses to the survey on praying are divided into three dummy variables: (a) To pray routinely (5–7 days or week, 1–4 days or week or weekends); (b) to pray on the Buddhist days (Buddhist Sabbath [about four times a month]), the beginning and end of the 3-month Buddhist Lent Period, important Buddhist days and Thai festivals such as a New Year’s Day and Songkran (Thai New Year’s); and (c) to pray rarely or never. Takbat (morning alms giving to monks), to practice Pancha Sila (five precepts) and to meditate are also divided into three dummy variables according to the categorical frequencies of praying. The third category of each set of dummy variables is assigned to the omitted category.
For Muslims, doing Salat (praying) are divided into four groups: (a) To do Salat five times a day, (b) to do Salat less than five times a day, (c) to do Salat some days, and (d) not doing Salat at all. To observe Saum (fasting) is divided into three groups: (a) to observe Saum for the whole month, (b) to observe Saum for almost the whole month, and (c) not observing Saum at all. The last categories for the practices of doing Salat and Saum are the omitted category. Zakat (donation) is coded as 1 if a person answered that she or he gave Zakat; otherwise, this variable is coded as 0. If a person answered that she or he did not give Zakat because of no savings or money, the code is 1; otherwise, the code is 0. The dummy variable of “Not giving Zakat for other reasons than no savings or no money” is the omitted category.
The survey included another Islamic practice: “Did you go to Hajj in Mecca?” with response options of yes and no. Only 11% of respondents had gone to Hajj in Mecca (NSO, 2012e, 2012f). The rest of respondents had not been to Mecca yet. In fact, when people answered no to this question, that did not really indicate lack of religious strictness because, to go to Hajj in Mecca, depends on many factors, other than a person’s religious intent. For example, the Saudi government sets quotas on the number of citizens of different countries that are admitted to Mecca each year (Campo, 2009). Also, a qualified person should have permission from their family to go and not have any obligations to the family as a result. She or he should have enough money and be in a good health before going to Hajj in Mecca. Thus, this practice is excluded from the analysis.
Control variables include sex, age, marital status, educational attainment, residential area, region, and wealth. For any dichotomous variable, it is coded as a single 0 to 1 dummy variable, and that variable is coded as 1 to indicate the presence of the specific attributes, and the other is coded as 0. Since the variable, sex (male or female) is dichotomous variable, the new variable, male is coded as 1 to indicate that a person is male. On the other hand, the variable, male is coded as 0 when a person is female.
Selected ages range from 20 to 79 years and are divided into three groups: 20 to 39 years (younger age), 40 to 59 years (middle age), and 60 to 79 years (older age). The older-age group is the omitted category. Marital status is classified into four groups, with each group set as a dummy variable: single, married, widowed, and dissolved (including separated and divorced). The married group is the omitted category. Educational attainment is also categorized into four groups and set as dummy variables: less than primary school, primary school, junior high school or high school, and higher than high school. The “less than primary school” category is omitted.
For the variable, residential area, it is coded as a dummy variable. Urban, variable is coded as 1 to indicate that a respondent lives in an urban area; otherwise, it is coded as 0. Region is divided into three groups: the three southernmost provinces (Narathiwat, Pattani, or Yala), the Southern region outside three provinces in the first group, and other region (omitted category). Ownership variables are used as the proxy for wealth. Although the survey asked about ownership of 12 household items, the last two items (tractors and driven engine farm plowing equipment) are excluded because they are too specifically related to agriculture. In this study, the researchers used PCA to reduce the 10 ownership items into one component and called it the Wealth Index.
The dependent variables are the attitudes toward older people as measured by 10 questions. These questions asked personal views on perception of older people. The respondents answered on a 3-point scale: 1 = yes, 2 = no, and 3 = not sure. According to the content of the questions, five questions indicate positive views of older people and the rest imply negative attitudes toward older people. In this study, the answers are recoded into two set of dummy variables: (a) 0 = no or not sure and 1 = yes for positive-view questions and (b) 0 = yes and 1 = no or not sure for negative-views questions. Note that, there are 11 questions asked personal views of older people in the survey. However, one of the questions is excluded because it is directly related to the respondents in older-age group. The question was that “Are people aged 60–79 years always a burden to their family?”
Rotated Component Matrix: Results From the Factor Analysis of 10 Questions on Attitudes Toward Older People Among the Buddhists and Muslims in Thailand in 2011.
Note. Extraction method: principal component analysis. Rotation method: varimax with Kaiser normalization. (Rotation converged in three iterations.)
Results
Descriptive Statistics: Means and Percentage of Demographic and Socioeconomic Characteristics, and Answers to Questions on Attitudes Toward Older People.
Standardized Coefficients (Beta Weights) for Social Value: Models 1 and 2 Among the Buddhist and the Muslim Populations.
Note. *p < .05. **p < .01.
There are significantly positive betas for Primary Education and Wealth Index in Models 1 and 2 among the Buddhist population. This means that Buddhists with primary education are more likely to view aged people as being socially valuable, compared with Buddhists who have educational attainment lower than primary education. Also, Buddhists who are wealthier are likely to socially value older people, compared with Buddhists who are less affluent. On the other hand, there are significantly negative betas for male, young age, middle age, single (only in Model 1 among Buddhists), and urban area in Models 1 and 2 among Buddhists. This shows that among Buddhists with similar background, males, younger-age groups, single people, or people who live in urban areas are less likely to socially value older people, compared with females, older-age group, married people, and people who live in rural areas, respectively. Surprisingly, the betas of living in Narathiwat, Pattani, or Yala in all models are statistically and significantly negative. This implies that people who live in these areas do not view older people as being socially valuable, compared with those living other regions.
Standardized Coefficients (Beta Weights) for Personal Value: Models 1 and 2 Among the Buddhist and the Muslim Populations.
Note. *p < .05. **p < .01.
There are significantly positive betas for all levels of education attainment in Models 1 and 2 for Buddhist and Muslim populations and Wealth Index in Models 1 and 2 for Buddhists only. This means that people with at least primary education are more likely to view aged people as being personally valuable, compared with people who have education attainment lower than primary level. Only Buddhists who are wealthier are likely to personally value older people, compared with Buddhists who are less affluent. Besides, in Models 1 and 2 for Buddhists, there are significantly positive betas for younger age, middle age, and urban area (only in Model 2 for Buddhists). This shows that among Buddhists with similar background, younger-age groups and people who live in urban areas are more likely to personally value older people, compared with old age-group and people who live in rural areas, respectively. Different from Models 1 and 2 in Table 3, the betas of living in Narathiwat, Pattani, or Yala in Models 1 and 2 in Table 4 are statistically and significantly positive. This implies that people who live in these areas view older people as being personally valuable, compared with those living other regions.
Discussion and Conclusions
In this study, there is some evidence that religiosity and some practices of religions are associated with positive attitudes toward older people. In general, Buddhist and Islamic teachings reflect a positive view of and respect for older people. The results show that for the Buddhists, the higher the level of religiosity, the more likely they are to value older people in both social and personal spheres. This implies that Buddhists with strict religiosity still have a high regard for the value of older people. However, for Muslims, the level of religiosity is significantly and positively associated with personal value but not for social value of older persons. This result may reflect Islamic teachings on the moral attitudes toward older people. Thus, Muslims may accept and respect older people as a tradition but may not care for their experience-based and lifetime knowledge. Generally, Muslims tend to emphasize the importance of filial respect for aged people (Said, 1989). In addition, Islamic doctrine is strictly followed among devout Muslims.
Religious practices appear to have two aspects: (a) the social responsibility in religious practice and (b) the personal responsibility in religious practice. The first dimension includes practices that entail involvement with others or society such as Takbat, practices on Buddhist holy days at a temple and Zakat charity. The latter dimension is about individual religious practices for his or her religious beliefs, such as routine prayer and meditation. For Buddhists, the practices of Takbat and praying on Buddhist holy days are associated with viewing older people as being socially valuable. This implies that these kinds of religious practices offer a sense of valuing others and caring for society. On the other hand, Buddhists who routinely pray do not perceive aged people as being personally valuable. Probably, these people are at the phase of the truth of Suffering so they accept things as the way they are. Among Muslims, there is a positive relationship between the perception of older people as being of social value and giving Zakat charity. One of the roles of Zakat charity is to maintain social well-being in society (Ibrahim, 2015). The importance of giving Zakat charity is for compassion, sharing, and strengthening social justice for social equality. Surprisingly, people who reside in the southernmost region of Thailand (Narathiwat, Pattani, and Yala) are less likely to socially value older people; however, they are more likely to personally value aged people. These unexpected results need to be further investigated in a future study.
Among Buddhists, the younger-age and middle-age groups are less likely to view older people as being socially valuable, compared with the older-age group. Perhaps, the older-age group may be perceived to have greater need for care and support from younger relatives or persons. On the other hand, the younger-age groups are more likely to view older people as being personal valuable, compared with older-age groups. One of the reasons is that older people may view their declining health and strength negatively, thus explaining their negative stereotypes of aging.
Although education was not the focus in this study, educational attainment appears to increase the perception of older people as being valuable. Also, this finding is consistent with earlier findings that education plays an important role in positive attitudes toward older people (Okoye & Obikeze, 2005). Okoye and Obikeze also stated that when young people, particularly in their earlier years, were educated with the knowledge of aging and aging issues, they would make good decisions in the future on matters affecting society, especially an aging society. In addition, according to Ingersoll-Dayton and Saengtienchai (1999), the respondents in their study stated that the lack of teaching morals, norms, and values and the increasing academic knowledge gap between the younger and older generations may contribute to the decreasing respect for older people. These findings suggest that educational system should emphasize and increase teaching of morals, norms, and social values, specifically elderly values.
Nevertheless, these finding should be considered within the context of some limitations of this study. The topic of values of older people was addressed in Buddhist and Muslim populations in Thailand and, thus, the findings may have limited generalizability. There may be variation in the degree to which nations value older people, and this can be influenced by the religious environment. Future research should conduct cross-cultural and cross-national comparisons as well as use multiple measures of aging and older life. A longitudinal study on this topic would be most informative since the transition to an aging society is dynamic and constantly evolving.
At present, the challenges of the transition to an aging society are becoming increasingly apparent around the world. With an increase in the number and proportion of the elderly population, as well as a rapid increase in life expectancy, aging is no longer appreciated as a natural process, and negative aging stereotypes are more tolerated by society (Nolan, 2011). In addition, Kearney, Miller, Paul, and Smith (2000) found that health-care professionals perceived an increase in the elderly population as a social problem because they were overwhelmed by the increasing number of elderly patients. These negative attitudes about older people could develop into ageism. To deal with these challenges, countries need to utilize the social capital that have involved in society. One of the components of social capital is religion. Religion may help to create and boost social networks as well as to inspire a spirit of community. Also, religious practices may increase participation of young and old generations in the community. Regular religious worshipers and people who have strong religious beliefs are more likely than other people to have strong social connectivity, to know more people, to visit friends, to belong to professional and academic societies, and to volunteer and to give charity (Putnam, 2000).
It is essential to recognize that religiosity and religious practices can help society to preserve the traditional value of respect and honor for older people, which may maintain and elevate the status of older people in the society. Sung (2001) also asserts that people are more likely to have positive attitudes toward the older people in those societies where older people are well respected. This also corresponds to the fact that respect for older people is one of the main qualities needed to sustain the social status of the older people (Nydegger, 1983; Sung, 2001). The degree of involvement in religion significantly affects social capital in the society. If this social capital is well maintained, it can be very helpful in the successful transition to an aging society. Therefore, the existing social capital should be exploited along with advancement of government policies to ensure that older people will experience both physical and mental well-being, and be able to live with dignity, with all their basic needs met.
In sum, religion seems to improve positive attitudes toward older people, with certain exceptions of some religious practices, and these need to be studied in future research. Religious people are more likely to have positive views toward older people. A better understanding of the effects of religiosity and its practices will benefit aging societies in Thailand and in other settings. Community and social values regarding older people, combined with religiosity are, perhaps, the most important mechanism to smooth aging society. Social programs and public policies including social security and health care may consider using religious campaigns to maintain and develop positive attitudes toward older people. All these together can be successful in promoting well-being for older people as well as promoting intergenerational integration and support in the future aging society.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
