Abstract
Teaching students about race remains a challenging task for instructors, made even more difficult in the context of a growing “post-racial” discourse. Given this challenge, it is important for instructors to find engaging ways to help students understand the continuing significance of race and racial/ethnic inequality. In this article, we detail an exercise that asks students to analyze representations of race/ethnicity on network television for one week as a way of illustrating white dominance, white privilege, and racial inequality. As evidence of the exercise’s effectiveness, we include student reports that demonstrate how students discover the persistence of these issues by conducting their own analysis of primetime television.
Teaching racial inequality remains a challenging task for instructors, made even more difficult in the context of a “post-racial” discourse that has grown louder in the wake of the election of the nation’s first black president. Despite the presence of glaring examples (e.g., the Trayvon Martin case, the reaction in Ferguson over the shooting death of Michael Brown, anti-immigration rhetoric), the concept of racial inequality remains elusive for many students. Some white students experience discomfort when talking about the social disadvantages faced by groups of color and struggle even more so when confronted with the ways they are advantaged because of their whiteness (McIntosh 1989). Meanwhile, students of color are also prone to minimizing the importance of race because, like white students, they too are socialized into the “white racial frame” or “an overarching worldview . . . [which] has been a basic and foundational frame from which a majority of white Americans—as well as others seeking to conform to white norms—view our highly racialized society” (Feagin 2010:3). As such, white students and students of color alike embrace hegemonic ideas about race that are often transmitted through the media without critically analyzing evidence to the contrary.
Given these challenges, it is important for students to have ways to explore the continuing significance of race. In this article, we propose an exercise designed to help students understand racial inequality through their observations of primetime television. In the exercises, students analyze characters on primetime television for one week to examine firsthand the representation of whites and people of color, the types of roles played by people of color (as central or marginal characters), and the ways that people of color are portrayed. This exercise helps students discover for themselves the ways that people of color remain underrepresented in television and how limited representations often reflect long-held stereotypes that continue to privilege whites at the expense of people of color.
Because the exercise helps convey many of the basic dynamics of race in the United States, we have successfully used it in several courses (Racial Relations; Race, Gender, and Mass Media). We have also implemented the exercise in Introduction to Sociology to illustrate McIntosh’s (1989:10) concept of “white privilege,” where the list of special privileges available to whites is particularly eye-opening. We focus on one privilege on her list: “I can turn on the television . . . and see people of my race widely represented.” Students often challenge this statement with “TV shows are more diverse than they used to be” and “Latinos and Blacks have their own networks [UNIVISION and Black Entertainment Television]” (which frequently prompts the question, “Why isn’t there a White Entertainment Television?”). Thus, even in an introductory course, the exercise is useful in helping students understand the nature of white privilege and white hegemony.
In the following, we review the ways the media has been used as a pedagogical tool to teach social inequality. Next, we summarize recent research on race in primetime television. We then describe the exercise: for one week, students analyze race in primetime television. Finally, we conclude with evidence of the exercise’s effectiveness from student reports.
Media as a Pedagogical Tool
Research shows the media to be an effective tool in teaching sociological concepts and theories regarding race, class, and gender inequality. Many instructors have found television particularly useful in illustrating sociological phenomena (Bonomo 1987), gender role behavior (Hess and Grant 1983), gender dynamics, and an abundance of sociological concepts and theories (Misra 2000). As Caldeira (2012:192) argues, “[a]s social scientists, we must show that what we say actually exists in the world.” Pescosolido (1990:338) similarly notes that this pedagogical method allows students to become “active seekers rather than passive recipients of knowledge.” Using media and pop culture is an effective way to supplement textual material as well as make sociological concepts more assessable and relevant to students. Recall of information is also greater with texts that create a personal connection between the text and the observer (Collett, Kelly, and Sobolewski 2010).
Moreover, according to Cleary (2001:36), “[t]he challenge of a sociology class addressing issues of inequality is to bring students beyond their stereotypical beliefs about those who differ from themselves, motivate them to question their underlying assumptions, and prevent them from distancing themselves from the subject.” White middle- and upper-class students in particular often have little experience with racial others and have difficulty identifying racism and inequality (Bohmer and Briggs 1991). Indeed, research indicates that mass media examples are extremely effective in illustrating the complexities of racial dynamics and exposing students to the lives and experiences of racial groups with which they might have little familiarity (Collett et al. 2010; King 2000).
Though using the media as a teaching tool is effective, instructors lament the time it takes to identify media to show in class (Bonomo 1987; Misra 2000) as well as the time it takes to show it during the class period (Caldeira 2012). They also note that when particular media are shown in class, students sometimes believe the content reflects the instructor’s own biases (Martinez 1994) or is narrow in some way (Walczak and Reuter 1994). Hence, having students analyze media on their own time and allowing them to choose the media they view eliminates these concerns while also offering students a chance to do more in-depth analysis of media content outside the classroom. In the next section, we review research on race/ethnicity in primetime television, and we describe the kinds of patterns students are likely to discover for themselves in their out-of-class analyses.
Race/Ethnicity and Primetime Television
In 2010, people of color made up approximately 28 percent of the American population (Humes, Jones, and Ramirez 2011), yet characters of color are often underrepresented or absent altogether from primetime television. Studies reveal that whites tend to be overrepresented in primetime programming on the major networks (Monk-Turner et al. 2010) as well as overrepresented in screen time and prominence of characters (Hunt 2003). Notably, black characters are also overrepresented in primetime, yet a closer inspection reveals they are often segregated by network and day of the week. For instance, Hunt (2003) found that black characters were overrepresented on one network in particular, UPN (a smaller network), and 90 percent of black characters appeared on their Monday night lineup.
Regarding other groups of color, Yuen et al. (2005) found that the primetime representation of Asian Pacific Islander Americans (APIAs) on six national broadcast networks was less than half of their actual representation in the U.S. population. Most notably, APIA actors were underrepresented in shows based in cities with large APIA populations such as Honolulu (APIA population 63 percent) and New York (10 percent), and no APIA cast members regularly appeared in shows set in San Francisco (APIA population 31 percent); Queens, New York (17.7 percent); Seattle (13.6 percent); or Los Angeles (10.2 % Yuen et al. 2005). When represented, they also receive significantly less screen time (sometimes the lowest of all racial groups) and are rarely series regulars or central characters. Multiracial APIA actors tend to fare better in terms of character prominence and quality, though three of the six multiracial APIA actors on primetime television portrayed white characters.
According to Hunt (2003), Latinos accounted for only 3 percent of all characters on during prime time; this underrepresentation is peculiar given they were the nation’s largest ethnic minority group in 2000 (13 percent) and 2010 (16 percent). Further, few shows have been based around Latino characters, with the exception of shows like The George Lopez Show (2002–2007) and Ugly Betty (2006–2010). As for Native Americans, studies show that they have been completely invisible in primetime shows: Out of 3,656 characters coded in 2002, none were Native American (Hunt 2003). There was slight improvement in 2012; three shows included Native American actors, but only one was on a major network (CBS; Pond 2012).
Indeed, of the 27 new shows in 2011–2012, none featured a cast composed primarily of people of color, and most shows were predominantly white. The lack of color in primetime was further evident in 2012–2013, where 78 percent of characters were white (Kane et al. 2013). Even reality shows can be less than inclusive. The Bachelor and The Bachelorette (ABC) faced legal action in 2012 for never featuring a person of color in the central role and rarely casting people of color as contestants (Goldberg 2012).
The underrepresentation of people of color is problematic, but also important are the stereotypical ways in which they are depicted on television. Regarding Latinos and blacks, Monk-Turner et al. (2010) find that they are significantly more likely to be shown as less intelligent, more immoral, and more despicable than whites. Latinos were portrayed as having heavier accents and as the least articulate of all primetime characters. They were also more likely to be ridiculed and least likely to be respected as compared to white or black characters. Blacks were the least well groomed and were more provocative in dress as compared to white characters. Moreover, Mastro and Robinson (2000:387) argue that while studies show an increased representation of blacks over time, most roles are limited to predominantly black sitcoms or reflect “stereotypical and disparaging characterizations.” Furthermore, most APIA characters are found in dramas with high-status occupations (e.g., medical examiner, doctor; Yuen et al. 2005), reinforcing the “model minority” stereotype. Wang (2010:404) even describes a derivation of this stereotype—the Asian “technical robot,” where Asians are depicted as technically superior but lacking creativity and passion.
The Exercise: Looking at Race through the Lens of Television
The proposed exercise is designed to help students uncover the aforementioned patterns of racial/ethnic representation on primetime television and is divided into two parts: the out-of-class analysis and the class debrief.
Part 1: Out-of-class Television Analysis
To begin, we ask students to visit the United States census webpage (http://www.census.gov/prod/cen2010/briefs/c2010br-02.pdf) and report the ethnic/racial breakdown of the American population. Next, students (in pairs) are instructed to watch a particular network for the duration of one week. Each group member will choose one of the four major networks (ABC, CBS, NBC, FOX) to analyze for the week (thus, each group will cover two of the four networks). From Monday through Friday, during primetime (8–11 p.m. EST), they must choose a sitcom, drama, or reality show to analyze (they should exclude news or sports programming). Each program should range from 30 to 60 minutes.
We focus on this time and these networks for several reasons. First, this time is when most people are home watching television. Primetime refers to the time of day with the largest television viewing audience given that most people are home from work and school. Thus, primetime shows reach wide audiences and, according to Monk-Turner et al. (2010:102), have the potential to “impact how minority and majority group members are perceived in the wider society.” Second, because networks air their most popular programming during this time slot, this selection of shows prevents students from analyzing outdated television series. Third, these four networks, according to Nielsen Media, are the top viewed networks during primetime (Monk-Turner et al. 2010). While cable networks compete for viewers, the major networks continue to lead in size of television viewing audiences (Monk-Turner et al. 2010). Thus, their influence cannot be ignored.
As students watch each program, they should record the following: (1) Setting: What is the city/state? Is the setting generally diverse or homogenous? Is it a home, work, or other setting? (2) Character representation: How many characters (excluding nonessential characters such as people in the background) were white, black, Hispanic/Latino, Asian, or Native American? (students are instructed to literally count characters in each category); (3) Role prominence of each character of color: Is he or she a major character (essential to the story line) or minor character (not essential to the story line)?; (4) Characteristics of each major or minor character of color: Are they thin/obese, short/tall, excessive makeup/no makeup, provocative attire/conservative attire, disheveled/well groomed, dirty/clean, accent/no accent, articulate/inarticulate, quiet/loud, passive/aggressive, lazy/motivated, ridiculed/respected, dumb/smart? These categories were taken from Monk-Turner et al. (2010:105) and were selected because they reflect “an attribute or characteristic which has been associated with an ethnic stereotype.” Having students analyze characters based on these predetermined characteristics presses students to consider multiple attributes of each character and also minimizes subjectivity in their assessment of “positive” and “negative” portrayals.
Finally, groups are instructed to write a five- to seven-page report on their analyses and answer the following questions:
Representation: What did the racial representation look like in the shows you watched? (How many characters were white? How many were of color? Were some racial/ethnic groups more represented than others, minimally represented, or noticeably absent?) How do these numbers compare to each group’s representation in the most recent census? Does the representation of racial/ethnic groups mirror the setting (e.g., the city/town) of the show in reality? Finally, did the racial representation in the shows you watched match your expectations before the assignment? Explain.
Role prominence: When characters of color appeared on the screen, were they major or minor characters? In the shows you analyzed, were any based around people of color, or do people of color appear among predominantly white casts?
Characteristics: Regarding characters of color, were they portrayed positively or negatively? Explain using the characteristics provided previously. If both white characters and characters of color were portrayed negatively, given the minimal representation of characters of color, are the implications different for whites versus people of color?
White privilege: What does this assignment reveal about white privilege and racial inequality in America today?
Because this assignment requires access to television and is visually based, instructors should be mindful of students without televisions and students who are visually impaired. Instructors can direct students without access to television or Internet to their institution’s library or campus computers. Full episodes of recent primetime programs can be accessed free of charge online via websites of each of the major networks. Furthermore, this exercise may pose a challenge for instructors with visually impaired students, though the collaborative nature of the assignment (i.e., working in pairs) allows students the opportunity to divide the assignment according to their abilities (e.g., one student can watch the programming while another can write up the report), all the while working together to think through the assignment.
Part 2: Class Debrief
After students turn in their written assignments, we debrief with a short presentation to the class of what recent studies reveal about race in primetime television (the aforementioned review is a useful resource). We then lead a class discussion where we begin by allowing students the opportunity to share informally their findings with the class. To guide the discussion, we ask the following questions: Which shows did you watch, and what did you find? Here, the instructor could re-ask some of the homework questions to allow students to share their findings. For lower-level courses, we take care to highlight the idea of white privilege and ask, “Some people argue that if black Americans have BET (Black Entertainment Television) and Latinos have Univision, why can’t whites have WET (White Entertainment Television)? Based on this exercise, how would you answer that question?” Finally, we broaden the discussion with “What do your findings reveal about race in America today and the notion that we are now living in a ‘post-racial’ society?” We allow students to discuss and debate this question based on their television analyses. In the context of a society attempting to bill itself as “post-racial,” the overarching goal of the assignment is to generate critical thinking, open dialogue, and an informed debate over the significance of race in America today.
Assessment
Both authors (the first at a large research university and the second at a small liberal arts college, both in the Northeast) have successfully used this exercise in their courses. We received permission from the second author’s students (from a Race, Gender, and Mass Media course in 2012) to use quotes from their assignments as an illustration of student learning. The college is predominantly white, though 22 percent of students are domestic students of color and 12 percent of students have an international background. This particular course is a midlevel course, requires that students have taken Introduction to Sociology, and enrolled 30 students. The overall objectives of the course are to promote student understanding of (1) the relationship between the media and the social construction of race and gender, (2) the media’s role in perpetuating or challenging stereotypes, and (3) how social groups function as media consumers and creators. For this particular assignment, the key learning objectives were that students recognize (1) the overwhelming whiteness on primetime television and minimal representation of characters of color, (2) the ways in which characters of color often support predominantly white casts and/or appear in marginal roles, and (3) the stereotypical portrayals of people of color. Relatedly, through the class debriefing, we wanted students to examine critically the notion that America is “post-racial” and consider the ways that racial inequality persists in American society today.
To assess their learning, we focused on the three key objectives and analyzed student reports to see if the assignment met our goals. We obtained an “exempt” from the second author’s Institutional Review Board as well as permission from 11 students to include their reports in this study (the low response rate was likely because students were contacted via e-mail after the completion of the course for participation in the study). Overall, we find that their written reports reveal that all three learning objectives were met. Regarding objectives one and two, all students recognized the overwhelming whiteness in the shows they analyzed. They frequently described casts as “all white,” reflecting “little diversity,” and many students recognized that characters of color were often injected into all-white casts as “token characters” with marginal representation. For example, one student wrote, “Modern Family’s inclusion of a Hispanic character and gay character somewhat masks just how white the show actually is . . . and it is necessary to understand that these characters are ‘token characters.’” Students also specifically note the use of tokenism in other shows such as Revenge and Criminal Minds. Students who analyzed shows set in diverse urban areas emphasized the lack of diversity among characters. One student wrote, “How I Met Your Mother features an all-white cast and any other race is hardly seen on the show despite the fact that it takes place in what is arguably our country’s most diverse city [New York City].”
All students also recognized the stereotypical portrayals of people of color in at least one of the shows that they analyzed during the week (objective three). Drawing on shows such as Modern Family, Private Practice, Desperate Housewives, Criminal Minds, and Revenge, they noted the negative stereotypical portrayals of Latinos/Latinas, African Americans, and Asian Americans (while also recognizing that Native Americans are not portrayed at all in the shows they analyzed). According to students, Latinos/Latinas were frequently stereotyped as overtly sexual, promiscuous, manipulative, and immoral; black men as hypersexual; black women as hypersexual, sexually undesirable, and subservient to whites (often in roles as maids, assistants); and Asian men as career oriented and asexual. For example, one student noted the negative portrayal of the single black character on Revenge, “there is one token black character . . . out of a sea of white characters. . . . [She] is a supporting character who works for the wealthiest white woman in the Hamptons (is it just me, or does this have connotations of a plantation system?).” In an analysis of Desperate Housewives, another student wrote of the two minority characters: “Renee [a black character] and Gabby [a Latina character] are the most aggressively sexual characters on the show. Gabby is always shown trying to be intimate with [her husband] Carlos, and Renee is constantly flirting with and pursuing men.” That this student used the terms always and constantly reveals that these stereotypes are persistent even in single episodes, but they may also suggest that some students choose programming with which they have some familiarity. Choosing shows they regularly watch allows them to think about the broader context of the shows they analyze for this assignment as well as provides them the opportunity to examine their favorite shows with a new lens.
Finally, three students described how negative stereotypes of characters of color shaped positive stereotypes of whites as intellectuals, sexually in control, and normal. For example, one student wrote,
With the presence of a token black American cast member [on Criminal Minds], whiteness is implicitly defined in the show through othering. By oversexualizing the [black] character with consistent “in the mood” comments and by defining his role within an intellectually-based FBI group by his physicality and strength, the show, isolating the only permanent non-white cast member as a point of reference, defines whiteness in terms of intellectualism and sexual control.
Conclusion
This exercise is interactive and engaging for our students, and student reports attest to the effectiveness of the exercise. While some students may have initially resisted the notion of white privilege and racial inequality before the assignment, it is more difficult for them to do so afterward. In addition, this exercise offers students a hands-on opportunity to be critical consumers of culture as well as active learners examining the racialized social world for themselves. Most important, this exercise allows students to interrogate the “post-racial” discourse and, by extension, the current state of race relations in America. While many of our students arrive to our courses often minimizing or, in some cases, even negating the relevance of race, this television analysis gives them an opportunity to examine their perceptions firsthand. This exercise also extends sociological knowledge of race relations in America by illuminating the ways in which the media continues to privilege whiteness even while giving the illusion of ethnic/racial diversity and inclusion. Though certainly some ethnic/racial diversity exists in primetime television, a closer analysis reveals the ways that white hegemony continues to persist—often at the expense of people of color.