Emerging port infrastructure and advocacy networks for migrant fishers in Taiwan

Introduction

On 16 October 2021, Fr. Ansensius Guntur or Fr. Yance, Director of Stella Maris Kaohsiung, a Catholic center dedicated to the care of migrants and people of the sea, received a call from Putra (pseudonym), the leader of a hometown organization of Indonesian migrant workers in Donggang, a fishing port 40 km away from Kaohsiung. Putra told Fr. Yance that he had been contacted by a fishing vessel crew that was on its way to the port—it was a call for help. The crew said that the Taiwanese captain threatened all the seven crew members with forced deportation and salary deductions to cover the loss of the trip because they went on strike on the high seas. The crew refused to work because of food shortage, long working hours and maltreatment from the captain. Fr. Yance immediately forwarded the complaint of the seven crew members to the Ministry of Agriculture (previously known as Council of Agriculture), the parent agency of the Taiwan Fisheries Agency, the government body responsible for fisheries-related concerns. The Fisheries Agency acted on the report of Stella Maris Kaohsiung and the migrant organization—it intervened in the dispute, obliged the employer to pay the remaining salaries, and allowed the workers to transfer to other vessels. ¹

This is an example of how the intervention of advocacy groups and relevant government agencies prevented the forced deportation of the migrant fishers. Those without such support may find themselves not only summarily deported but also charged for overpriced flight tickets and salary deductions by recruitment agencies. The fishers may also lose the deposit money or guarantee fees because of the insertion in their contract stating that the fisher is not entitled to claim the deposit money for pre-terminated contracts. ²

The assistance provided to the distressed fishers highlights the material and temporal relations between humanitarian infrastructure and the social networks of migrant fishers in Taiwanese fishing ports (Xiang and Lindquist, 2014).

Recent literature has documented the role that mediator actors or institutions play in influencing migration flows between the origin and host countries (Lindquist, 2012; Lindquist, 2018; Pascucci, 2017; Moulin and Magalhães, 2020). The phrase “migration infrastructure,” as coined by Xiang and Lindquist (2014), refers to the networked technologies, institutions and actors that facilitate and condition human mobility. This research note offers an ethnographic analysis of the humanitarian development and empowerment of migrant-led organizations that have led to policy changes in Taiwan’s fishing industries.

The migration of fishers to Taiwan fishing industries differs from the standard migration systems approaches in which migration is described as part of two-way flows of people, goods and ideas between particular places (Xiang and Lindquist, 2014). In addition to origin and host countries, the process for “bordering’ migrant fishers” employment on Taiwanese distant water fishing vessels also involves international open waters, port states, flag states, the flag of convenience (FOC) and coastal state jurisdictions. Following Xiang and Lindquist’s (2014) work, this research note focuses on the humanitarian infrastructure and social network spaces shared between Stella Maris International Seafarers’ Service Center in Kaohsiung, Taiwan and Indonesian migrant organizations in Taiwanese fishing ports. It argues that, in the case of migrant fishers working on distant water fishing (DWF) vessels, the opportunity to promote their protection depends on the social networks and connection to people or NGOs that could offer know-how and resources to advocate for their rights. Although the degree and urgency of help seeking vary significantly, in several cases, migrant fishers’ social networks and relations to humanitarian infrastructure in the ports are significant factors for successful advocacy initiatives.

This analysis draws from two years of ethnographic research for my dissertation research. Data collection involved engagement with Stella Maris Kaohsiung’s activities as a volunteer and part-time staff between 2021 and 2022. Thanks to Stella Maris Kaohsiung, I was introduced to many migrant communities and organizations which are part of the center’s networks. I networked with migrant fisher communities and organizations to reach migrant fishers, to disseminate information, and to provide orientation on legal and practical issues on Taiwan’s “Regulations on the Authorization and Management of Overseas Employment of Foreign Crew Members.” Southern Taiwan hosts two of the largest fishing ports in the country, Kaohsiung and Donggang, and is home to most of the 1,100 Taiwanese distant water fishing (DWF) vessels, constituting an interesting case. In the next section, I evaluate Taiwan’s fishing industry and port infrastructure for migrant fishers and humanitarian infrastructure and migrant networks in the fishing ports. This is followed by a discussion of Stella Maris Kaohsiung and its advocacy networks. This research note is primarily centered on Indonesian fishers, who comprise a significant share of migrant fishers in Taiwan and whose community-building practices had been notable.

Taiwan’s fishing industry

The development of Taiwan’s fishing industry started during the Japanese colonial era (1895–1945). Because of its location, Donggang and Kaohsiung became the gateway of the Japanese empire to the South China Sea and served as a catalyst and base for the growth and development of Taiwan’s fishing industry (Chen, 2009). After World War II (WWII), the Republic of China further developed the Port of Kaohsiung, which became the largest harbor in Taiwan and the first Special Economic Zone as a processing export zone in 1966. Apart from export and import zones, the port of Kaohsiung comprises two fishing harbors with different designations. The largest, Qianzhen (Cianzhen) Fishing Port, was purposely built for distant water fishing vessels in 1964 and was completed in 1967. The other one is Qijin (Cijin) Port, which is designated for offshore fishing industries with ancillary fish markets. The growing number of fishing vessels forced the government to convert sandy Qijin island into a modern fishing harbor, and the major construction was carried out in 1979. Chen (2009: 45) noted, “the establishment of Cianjhen Fishing Port was heralded as one of the most important milestones in the history of Taiwan’s fishing industry, and it can moor up to 370 distant-water fishing vessels.”

On the other hand, Donggang was developed into a commercial harbor during the Qing Dynasty of China (1684–1895). Like Kaohsiung port, the Japanese colonial government started the modernization of Donggang into a commercial fishing port. Even Japanese fishers moved to Donggang during this period, and residents started to engage in tuna fisheries. During WWII, the Japanese colonial government turned Donggang into a military base in addition to being the harbor for DWF vessels. After relentless bombing by US aircrafts, the fishing and military infrastructure in Donggang port was devastated at the end of WWII. The Republic of China re-established the port by initiating the “Fish Production Increase Plan” to improve the local economy and rebuild Donggang port. Since the 1970s, the volume of tuna harvested by Donggang’s offshore longliners surpassed Kaohsiung (Chen, 2014). Donggang is also known for the “Bluefin Tuna Cultural Festival,” which runs from May to June every year since 2001 (Lin and Bestor, 2020).

The modernization of Kaohsiung and Donggang ports attracted the migration of local fishers from Penghu and Xiao Liuqiu islands who wanted to take advantage of the modern port. Rapid industrialization and economic growth during the latter half of the 20^th century forced the vessel owners to seek alternatives to meet labor shortages in the fishing industry. At first, they hired Taiwanese nationals living in the mountainous areas of Taiwan. However, rapid industrial growth in Taiwan provided local workers better opportunities in other sectors. China’s Reform and Opening-up Policy (Chinese: 改革开放; pinyin: Gǎigé kāifàng) in the late 1970s gave Taiwanese ship owners a pool of labor force from Mainland China. In later years, with China’s booming economy, the wages offered by Taiwanese fishing vessels were no longer attractive to crews from Mainland China. Consequently, ship owners and recruiters turned to Southeast Asian countries with slower economic development. In the 1990s to mid-2000s, many Taiwanese vessels registered and operated in Indonesian ports (Bitung, Bali and North Jakarta) and Thailand. These vessels hired Indonesian fishers locally and then brought them to Taiwan ports. ³ As of 2021, Taiwan had more than 1,100 vessels fishing on exclusive economic zones (EEZ) and coastal waters across 20 cities and counties. In 2022, the Fisheries Agency reported that there were 11,250 migrant fishers from Southeast Asia employed domestically onboard fishing vessels operating in coastal and offshore fisheries; most were from Indonesia (8,529); the rest were from Vietnam (1,377), the Philippines (1,325) and Thailand (19) (FA, 2023). Also, Taiwan has the world’s second-largest distant water fishing vessel fleet after China. The estimated number ranges from over 1,100 vessels flying the Taiwanese flag to about 255 foreign-flagged vessels (or so-called flags of convenience) that are tied to Taiwanese investors with the authorization of the Council of Agriculture (COA) (NHRC, 2022). In 2022, the number of migrant fishers employed overseas onboard Taiwanese DWF vessels was 22,691 people. The majority come from Indonesia (14,308) and the Philippines (6,252); the rest are from Vietnam (1,096), Myanmar (81) and others (74) (FA, 2023).

The employment of migrant fishers is classified into two types: a) locally employed migrant crews in coastal fishing, offshore fishing and aquaculture, and b) migrant crews onboard DWF vessels. This division is problematic in advocating for the protection of fishers’ rights because the Labor Standards Act covers migrant fishers in domestic fishing, while those in DWF are not. The Fisheries Agency is responsible for managing the foreign crews in Taiwan’s DWFs; however, it arguably does not have the capabilities to solve labor issues due to a lack of staffing and insufficient regulations to protect the crews working on the high seas (Asis, 2019). Migrant fishers on DWF vessels spend little time in Taiwanese fishing ports; most of the time, they venture in vast, high seas to catch fish. Many DWF vessels harbor in foreign ports, which leaves crews no opportunity to build networks nor learn the employment regulations in Taiwan. In this regard, the vessel crews must rely on their social networks and humanitarian infrastructure to access remedies and advocate for their rights.

Emerging port infrastructure in Taiwan’s fishing ports

Although the presence of migrant fishers in Taiwan’s fishing industries was recorded as early as 1980, the “humanitarian infrastructure” (Xiang and Lindquist, 2014) aimed at caring for the people of the sea was not as prevalent as in the last decade. Every year, 1,100 vessels come to the various fishing ports in Taiwan to unload their catch, refill their supplies, make crew changes and undergo repairs. Despite such a large operation, Taiwan does not provide adequate services that meet the needs of migrant fishers who arrive in the ports. For instance, toilet and shower facilities are lacking. During the COVID-19 outbreak in early 2020, the scarcity of toilet and shower facilities in the ports took the news spotlight after the Kaohsiung City Health Bureau imposed fines on a group of fishers who showered on a side road without wearing masks (Huang and Xu, 2021). This event sparked public outcry to the government’s treatment of migrant workers. Humanitarian organizations pressured the Taiwanese government to address the basic human rights of fishers working on Taiwanese fishing vessels. Since then, the government has increased its efforts and recently completed seven showering facilities in fishing ports with a large migrant fisher population (Chiu, 2022). As in many cases in Taiwan (Cheng and Momesso, 2017), this policy shift occurred primarily due to pressure from humanitarian organizations and other advocacy groups.

There are two centers which provide care services for seafarers and fishers; both are in Kaohsiung, Southern Taiwan. These are the Presbyterian Church-run Taiwan Seamen and Fishermen’s Service Center (PCTSFSC) and the Stella Maris International Service Center or Stella Maris Kaohsiung (SMK), which is part of the Catholic ministry for seafarers and fishers. ⁴ As a volunteer and part-time employee of Stella Maris Kaohsiung (SMK), I focused on this center’s efforts to support fishers.

SMK was founded in 1971 by Fr. Joseph Donahue, a Jesuit priest, to welcome the US marines coming to Kaohsiung for “rest and recreation” from the Vietnam War. At the end of the Vietnam War in 1975, Fr. Donahue’s attention turned to the increasing number of commercial ships, mostly with American crew members, importing all sorts of goods from Taiwan. Since 1996, the center has been under the responsibility of the Missionaries of Saint Charles Borromeo or Scalabrinian Missionaries, which is an international Catholic religious congregation with more than 700 members in 35 countries around the world catering specifically to migrants, refugees, seafarers and fishers.

In May 1992, with the promulgation of “The Employment Service Act,” the Taiwanese government officially implemented the policy of importing foreign workers from four Southeast Asian countries: Thailand, the Philippines, Indonesia and Vietnam. The Filipino migrant workers, mostly Catholics, joined the seafarers and fishers who were already attending the English mass in a nearby church celebrated by the port chaplain. Soon it became clear that the needs of these workers were not exclusively spiritual, and the Stella Maris International Seamen’s Center was renamed Stella Maris International Service Center to expand its services. On Sundays, Stella Maris became a “home away from home” for many fishers, seafarers and migrant workers; free lunch was offered to anyone who showed up at the door, karaoke and other activities were organized to ease the loneliness and the difficulties at work. Later, the center became a point of reference for workers of other nationalities with labor-related problems. Often, the director-priest and staff were called upon to respond to labor complaints and provide necessary information and guidance. The port chaplain, the staff and volunteers regularly visited the ports and the crews of fishing vessels.

In 1997, the center started to provide a shelter for seafarers or fishers who ran away from their employers due to unbearable working conditions (personal conversation, Fr. Bruno Ciceri, 9 December 2022). Between 1997 and 2022, a period spanning 25 years, 3,282 fishers, seafarers and other migrants have found shelter and refuge in the center, staying from several days to years. Although the focus of SMK’s programs is fishers and seafarers, it also responds to the needs of other migrant workers. Aside from shelter, the center also provides the following services: (1) receiving complaints and case profiling; (2) prison visits which allow fishers to be in touch with their families and their support networks; (3) hospital visits; (4) mediation labor disputes and conflict among the migrants; (5) paralegal assistance, in cooperation with Legal Aid Foundation, to assist migrants and fishers in recovering their unpaid wages or compensation for abuses and exploitation; (6) accompanying migrants who are facing criminal charges in court and assisting their families back home; (7) assisting the fishers for consular purposes (renewing or obtaining their passports); (8) arranging special migratory permits for human trafficking victims, so they can work while going through judicial process; (9) interpretation for labor and official purposes; (10) finding jobs and assisting the repatriation of those who would like to go home; and (11) organizing recreational activities, such as hiking, barbecue parties, visiting touristic places and other group activities.

These services are offered to all migrants regardless of religion, race and ethnic background. From sporadically accommodating seafarers and fishers, SMK has become a shelter duly recognized by both migrant organizations and the Taiwanese government. This formal change of status has provided a source of income to support the operation of the center; the government provides a subsidy of TWD 500 (around USD 16) a day for every foreign worker accommodated. With these funds, additional staff with language skills (English, Tagalog, Indonesian, Vietnamese and Mandarin) were hired to better communicate with different groups of migrants.

It can be said that employers, brokers and other people who profit from foreign labor tend to see the center as problematic because it stands for the human and labor rights of abused and exploited workers; but the center has gained the respect of migrants and fishers’ organizations and different government agencies—such as the Police Bureau, Fisheries Agency, National Immigration Agency, Labor Bureau of Kaohsiung City Government, Ministry of Labor, National Human Rights Commission and the Coast Guard—as well as other non-state actors, such as academic centers and non-government organizations (NGOs). SMK cooperates with other NGOs in providing support and assistance to fishers and other migrant workers.

Due to a sustained and well-coordinated advocacy strategy, Fr. Yance, in cooperation with the Scalabrini International Migration Network (SIMN) and other allies, were able to obtain the commitment of the Taiwanese government to do more in improving the labor and living conditions of fishers in DWF. As a result, the government adopted several proposals as part of the National Action Plan for Fisheries and Human Rights (Executive Yuan, 2022), which was approved by Taiwan’s cabinet and put into action on 20 May 2022. SMK actively participated in meetings organized by the Fisheries Agency. In the various meetings, Fr. Yance gave constructive suggestions based on the data and complaints received from the fishers. For instance, on 14 September 2021, the Fisheries Agency held a meeting and invited employer associations and NGOs to discuss the salary of foreign crews on Taiwanese-flagged fishing vessels. SMK and other NGOs proposed to increase the monthly salary of fishers in DWF, which was USD 450. At that time, the Ministry of Labor had just increased the salary of migrants employed in domestic fishing from TWD 22,500 to TWD 24,000 (from USD 709 to USD 790). During the meeting, Fr. Yance also addressed the issue of monitoring the payments to prevent issues related to the exchange rate, unexplained deductions and delayed payments. He proposed that the employer and manning agency in Taiwan directly transfer the salaries to the bank accounts of the crews in their hometowns. In the following meeting on 16 December 2021, Fr. Yance proposed WiFi access for crews on fishing vessels as an alternative to monitoring the crews' salaries, to enable them to connect with their families and the outside world, and to improve the crew's mental health.

The Taiwanese government responded positively by including these proposals in the National Action Plan for Fisheries and Human Rights. In mid-2022, the government increased the salaries of foreign crews in DWF vessels from USD 450 to USD 550 per month and required all employers to make direct bank transfers for payment of crew salaries starting January 2023. The Fisheries Agency’s response to the idea of WiFi access for crews on fishing vessels also changed from rejecting to “encouraging” after several non-government and labor rights organizations formed an alliance and campaigned on the issue nationally and internationally (FA, 2022). Thus, it can be said that SMK’s advocacy work was successful not only for the recommendations that were included in the National Action Plan but also because of the recognition of SMK as an effective mediator between the government, the employers, and the migrants and fishers’ associations.

Stella Maris Kaohsiung and social networks

With the increasing population of Indonesian migrant fishers in Taiwan, there has been a growing number of organizations formed by Indonesian fishers in the various fishing ports. These consist of hometown organizations, port-based organizations, religious organizations and migrant fishers’ associations. For instance, the Indonesian Seafarers Gathering Forum (Forum Silaturahmi Pelaut Indonesia or FOSPI) is an association of 12 hometown and port-based organizations in Donggang port. As of December 2022, FOSPI had around 2,300 members, which are all Indonesian, who are members of the 12 hometown and port-based organizations. FOSPI founded the An Nur Mosque Donggang in 2018, the first mosque build by the migrant workers in Taiwan. Several factors contribute to the community-building practices of Indonesian fishers: Distance from the city center, the need for religious facilities and the absence of humanitarian organizations near the proximity of the port. The programs of the Stella Maris network for seafarers and fishers are not well-known in Indonesia. SMK tries to establish links with these organizations to reach Indonesian fishers, consequently encouraging these fishers to access the SMK center and its services.

Through the ship and port visits conducted by SMK, the staff and volunteers of the center get to listen to the fishers’ stories and learn about the living and working conditions of fishers on DWF vessels. Fr. Yance and the SMK staff establish communication and networking with the fishers on these visits. Regular visits to fishing vessels and ports contribute towards the formation of networks. The SMK staff are invited to attend religious celebrations, feast days and important events, such as Eid-ul Fitr (the end of Ramadan festivity) and Indonesian Independence Day. SMK also invites the fishers to celebrate Christmas at SMK. Many Indonesian friends have reported they experienced first-hand religious tolerance, thanks to these activities.

The primary purpose of the port and ship visits is to empower fishers and seafarers by providing education on labor laws and regulations. In 2022, SMK started a “Dialogue with Fishers” series wherein we invited government institutions to dialog directly with fishers in the ports. In collaboration with FOSPI and Bolo Dhewe, an Indonesian migrant organization for land-based and sea-based workers in Kaohsiung, SMK completed three dialogs with fishers. This is a crucial program to inform the government about the fishers' current working conditions. Conversely, the fishers can listen directly to government officials about their rights as migrant workers in Taiwan. In these exchanges, the workers’ voice is heard rather than being represented by NGOs, labor rights organizations, manning agencies, or employers. Yihsien Chiu, Section Chief of the Fisheries Agency, shared that the “Dialogue with Fishers” provides him the opportunity to have open dialogs with fishers (personal conversation, 26 May 2022).

Chiang and Rogovin (2020) identified several challenges that impede NGOs’ social work and advocacy activities for fishers, including financial constraints, language barriers, lack of staff, lack of union participation, the absence of complaint mechanisms for fishers on the high seas, advocacy challenges for deported migrants, and Taiwan’s unclear international status. Despite these obstacles, many challenges can be overcome by networking with migrants’ organizations in the ports. This approach fills the gap in a situation where there are few social workers to assist the fishers and the inability of fishers to participate in trade unions to influence policy. Another strategy is workers’ education. NGOs and labor rights organizations can play an important part in capacitating the committees or leaders of migrants’ organizations on labor laws and handling complaints. The formation of Indonesian migrant fishers’ associations in Taiwan shows that even without participating in a trade union federation, these organizations had been able to represent the concerns of their members. They are now regularly invited to government meetings to communicate workers’ concerns and to participate in policy processes. Many fishers contacting SMK from foreign ports are members of migrant fishers’ organizations in Taiwanese ports. They got to know about the center and its services from their friends or organizations. Fr. Yance and the SMK staff have gained their trust through ship visits, port visits and recreational programs. In 2021–2022, the center received 160 complaints from Indonesian and Filipino fishers that involved 27 vessels. The number of complaints decreased from 98 in 2021 to 62 in 2022. The complaints pertain to salary-related matters (delayed payments, reduced payments), forced labor, threat and physical abuse, lack of food and drinking water, the validity of the contract and insurance claims.

SMK’s efforts to educate migrant leaders, who share the information with their members, may have contributed to improve the working conditions of fishers. To prevent abuse and maltreatment while working on the high seas, migrant leaders can inform and educate their members about their rights. As I mentioned at the beginning of this research note, migrant leaders will contact the port chaplain or the staff when intervention is needed. Thus, networking has significantly improved the advocacy work of SMK and allows migrant fishers to promote and achieve better work conditions.

Conclusion

In this research note, I have examined how the Taiwanese government relies on humanitarian organizations to identify problems and solutions to improve the conditions of workers (which include migrants) in its fishing industries. Migrant fishers who work and travel between the ports and high seas on a regular basis are also dependent on migration infrastructures, notably social networks and humanitarian organizations, to access remedies and advocate for their rights. Building on recent contributions that have explored the issue of port infrastructures, I have argued that in the case of migrant workers on distant-water fishing vessels, the opportunity to promote the protection of their rights and decent work depends on social networks and connections to people or NGOs that can offer know-how and resources for human rights advocacy.

In Taiwan, SMK offers comprehensive support and services to seafarers and fishers. Through port and ship visits and constructive dialogue with different government agencies, SMK has contributed to advancing practical and meaningful proposals to the competent authorities to fully implement the National Action Plan for Fisheries and Human Rights in Taiwan. In 2022, the center has had 24 meetings with various Taiwan government agencies, the Indonesian Economic and Trade Office (IETO), the Manila Economic and Cultural Office (MECO), the Thailand Trade and Economic Office (TTEO), the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT) and the British Office. Fr. Yance also visited the Department of Migrant Workers (DMW) in Manila and the National Board for Placement and Protection of Overseas Indonesian Workers (BP2MI) in Jakarta to discuss how government migration institutions in the origin countries can help improve the living and labor conditions of fishers employed by Taiwanese fishing vessels. Thus, as a humanitarian infrastructure, SMK has done meaningful work in advocating for the rights of fishers, both in origin and host countries.