Labor exploitation,discrimination and coping tactics of male forced migrants in Türkiye

Introduction

Policy discourses and public responses to forced migrants in Türkiye differ for men and women. While women are portrayed as vulnerable and viewed as more acceptable refugees, single men who are more visible in daily life are perceived as unwanted refugees, as posing risks to society and as potential terrorists (Freedman et al., 2017). According to Bauman (2003: 55), migrants who are defined as “the other” are treated as “freeloaders, uninvited guests” by society. Migrants, especially male migrants, are often perceived as the source of all kinds of evil; as borderline criminals who damage the structure of society and who are sometimes accused of being lazy. Social support and protection programs for migrants and refugees usually target women and research in forced migration often focuses on women and/or family as an analytical category. The experiences of male forced migrants and the discrimination and exploitation they face often remains invisible (Carpenter, 2006, cited by Freedman, 2015: 17).

Male forced migrants from different countries have migrated to Türkiye over many years. Historically, young men came to Istanbul from Europe, Asia and Africa as “single servants” since almost five hundred years ago (Koçu, 2016: 161). The migration of single men to urban areas from Türkiye’s rural areas has also been common since the 1950s. In fact, the term “bachelor” has been long used to refer to uneducated male migrants moving to the cities to work in blue-collar jobs (Kızılkan, 2009: 74). For these internal migrants, they left their villages for the cities which offered them the opportunity to earn money and make a living. The “single life” the men lived had nothing to do with marital status but refers to their lifestyle in the cities (Şen et al., 2016: 67). ¹

Türkiye has become a transit and destination country for international migrants, including forced migrants, since the early 1990s. Their increasing numbers have made male forced migrants and refugees visible in Turkish society. The surge in migration to Türkiye has been facilitated by its geographical location between East and West, its large informal economy and more relaxed visa regime compared to European countries. Conflicts in neighboring countries have also triggered migration to Türkiye (Toksöz and Ünlütürk Ulutaş, 2011). The cities, where business and trade are intense, have always been attractive regions for male migrants seeking work. Since the beginning of the 2010s, the number of migrants and refugees in Türkiye from countries such as Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq increased and has now reached 3.5 million (PMM, 2023a). Most of this number are male forced migrants. It is estimated that the largest number of unregistered male forced migrants are from Afghanistan, according to the Republic of Türkiye’s Ministry of Interior Presidency of Migration Management (PMM, 2023b). Estimates of irregular migrants by citizenship and by year show that most migrants from Afghanistan are unregistered. Upon arrival in Türkiye, they work at informal jobs, leading to the resurgence of the so-called “bachelor rooms.” ²

This study focuses on the experiences of male forced migrants in Duzce, one of the small “satellite cities” in Türkiye. ³ It explores their living and working experiences, their social interactions with local people, the difficulties they face and the coping mechanisms they have developed to deal with their conditions. In total, 39 semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with Syrian (n = 11), Iraqi (n = 15) and Afghan (n = 13) respondents with different legal statuses. The interviews lasted between 20 and 70 minutes and took place in houses where the respondents live and in coffee shops in the city center. The interviews were conducted mainly in Turkish (27 interviews) but also in Arabic and Pashtun with the help of other respondents or their family members who could speak Turkish fluently. The data was analyzed thematically. As part of a PhD research project (Kızılelmas, 2022), ethical approval of the research was obtained from the Duzce University Ethics Committee. Being a female researcher could be seen as a limitation to the study, but I was able to build trusting relationships as I was living close to the spaces where migrants socialize. Being a familiar face and knowing local people was also beneficial to the conduct of the research. In negotiating sensitive gender relationships, I found that visiting migrants’ bachelor pads with a male relative helped me to communicate with the respondents. This paper documents how male forced migrants face serious discrimination in society and are forced to live in precarity under the strict control of the state in their social life, in public and in workspaces. Drawing on De Certeau’s (2009, 2011) concepts of “tactic” and “strategy,” this research explored the tactics male migrants employ to cope with discrimination and regain some agency in their lives. ⁴ De Certeau explains how the powerless can navigate a world defined by the powerful and he distinguishes between strategies and tactics. Strategies (like chess on a clear board) are used by the powerful with set plans and control, while tactics (like weaving through a maze) are used by the weak who adapt to those structures with wit and flexibility. The power relations can be likened to corporations vs. consumers or governments vs. citizens. While those who use strategies hold the reins, tactics employed by those without power can disrupt the status quo (see, De Certeau, 2011: 19).

Migration and masculinity

Various social phenomena, such as migration, changes in the modes of production, new market capitalism and evolving family forms create changes over time in the system of social relations. However, these changes only tend to benefit a minority of the population representing hegemonic masculinity, that is, referring to a small minority of men who hold positions of power and who use this power to legitimize and sustain their dominance (Connell, 2005: 150; Sancar, 2016: 30–32). For this minority group to maintain their power, other groups must remain stigmatized and inferior (Sancar, 2016). Understanding this stigmatization and the intersectional effects of class, race and global inequality requires a closer examination of masculinity (Connell, 2005). Masculinity is a socially and culturally constructed gender category. Males learn how to “become men” through social learning rather than biology. They are taught how to behave, carry themselves, speak, think, feel, and even what tastes and interests are acceptable to be considered socially acceptable men. While these attributes are often mistakenly thought of as biological foundations of masculinity, they are, in fact, socially and culturally constructed and can vary across time and space (Bozok, 2011).

In pre-industrial times, when the impact of technology on life was limited and physical labor was intensive, men were primarily responsible for the upkeep of the family economy and the primary protector of the family. Today, although much has changed, men are still expected to harness physical strength to provide for and protect the family. Male forced migrants who have had to seek refuge in other countries are viewed as running away from their responsibilities and do not deserve the position afforded to men who have proved their masculinity. According to Sancar (2016), this exclusion from the ranks of men is related to masculinity as a power-construction strategy by developed countries. For example, part of this strategy is to define men from ethnic minority groups as barbaric, ignorant, uncivilized, rapists and destitute as men who have lost their masculinity by being pushed around and despised (Sancar, 2016). These perceptions, constructed by a small minority holding power, represents hegemonic masculinity. ⁵ They decide who should be non-class and who should be global businesspeople and impose this on society. For this minority to continue their dominance and power, other groups must remain permanently outclassed and stigmatized. This is how the men of developed countries use hegemonic masculinity to control underdeveloped countries (Connell, 2005: 150). The portrayal of immigrant men as barbaric, poor, violent men render them as dangerous which must be tempered. Male forced migrants must develop a defense mechanism against this systematic discrimination and exploitation, and the power field that maintains it. In the words of De Certeau (2009, 2011), they develop a form of resistance or “tactic.”

Michel De Certeau, a theorist of everyday life who worked on the problems of society and culture, focused on the habits, attitudes and behaviors that people perform in everyday life. Ordinary habits, attitudes, struggles, behaviors and practices form “modes of action, practice and production” (De Certeau, 2009: 41–44). He was interested in in-depth analysis which departs from sociological analysis which tends towards the logic of “rationalized production and classification.” In dealing with everyday life, De Certeau’s work showed the processes of “managing” these practices that are essential in everyday life (Gardiner, 2000: 240). De Certeau was more interested in understanding how individual actions, practices and customs occur rather than statistical investigations (De Certeau, 2009: 53).

De Certeau was interested in the unsystematic qualities of culture and the lives lived on the margins by the anonymous masses (Gardiner, 2000). He did not view the masses as victims of “false consciousness.” Although they may not always express their discontent openly, they try to subvert the constraints they face in ways that avoid openly confronting power structures (Gardiner, 2000). De Certeau focuses on how ordinary people cope with the oppressive rules of the existing order (Esgin, 2016). According to him, “daily life offers thousands of ways and means for everyone to play tricks, to scheme, that is, to conduct their business in their way” (De Certeau, 2009: 44). These cunningly created ways and means are scattered quietly, invisibly emerging everywhere (De Certeau, 2009). Mechanisms of resistance are similar even though they can change from period to period, from order to order. Across history, the unequal distribution of power manifests itself in similar ways and in the face of this, the weak and powerless try to turn the situation in their favor through similar means (De Certeau, 2009). This research is informed by De Certeau’s work to reveal the mechanisms of resistance used by male forced migrants of different ethnic origins and with different official statuses in Duzce.

The situation of forced migrants and refugees in Türkiye

Duzce is a small Anatolian city with a population of 400,000 as of 2022 (TÜİK, 2023). It is located between the large metropolitan cities of Ankara and Istanbul. It is on the transportation route between two big industrial production centers, the Ereğli and Karabük iron and steel plants. The city has been a destination of both local and international migration flows due to its geographic location and its commercial and cultural significance. In addition to its proximity to metropolitan cities, the labor shortage in agriculture, livestock, industry, construction and service sectors makes Duzce attractive for male forced migrants.

In 2013, Duzce became one of the provinces designated as a satellite city which, as mentioned earlier, refers to designated places where those seeking International Protection (IP) can reside while their asylum applications are under review. In 2022, there were approximately 7,000 registered forced migrants in Duzce: 5,000 of them are nationals of Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran who are under IP status, and 1,756 people are Syrian nationals who have Temporary Protection (TP) status (Yüksel, 2023). International protection means asylum seekers who do not come from Member States of the European Council and are applying for international protection in Türkiye. Under this status, forced migrants are screened and determined as refugees by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) and must then wait to be resettled in another country. As Türkiye still maintains the “geographical limitation” on the Refugee Convention of 1951, only people fleeing European countries can be considered “refugees” by the Turkish state. As such, non-Europeans cannot receive refugee status from Türkiye. In recognition of the mass migration that followed the war in Syria, the Turkish state created a special status for forced migrants from Syria. They are granted TP status which provides beneficiaries with protection and assistance (e.g., access to education, health services, access to the labor market) during their stay in Türkiye until a more permanent solution is found or they choose to return to their home country (PMM, 2023c).

It is important to note that Iraqis, Afghans and Syrians are living under different legal statuses. This affects their social and economic activities. While Syrian forced migrants live under the TP system of Türkiye, other nationalities such as Afghan and Iraqi asylum seekers are classified as IP applicants which, as mentioned earlier, give them the opportunity to be resettled to a third country after being identified as a “conditional refugee” (PMM, 2013).

Türkiye grants certain rights to Syrians under TP and persons under or applying for IP. First, registered Syrians under TP and other persons under IP are issued ID cards. IP applicants are issued with a foreigner identification number starting with 99 for one year and for those whose applications cannot be finalized, they are given cards that can be renewed (PMM, 2023c). Syrians under TP are provided with education, healthcare, access to the labor market, social services and support, and interpretation services as specified in the TP Regulation. Health services include access to primary and emergency health services, treatment and medicines. Within the scope of education services, preschool, primary and secondary school-age children are provided with education and training following the legislation of the Ministry of National Education. Those in need can benefit from social assistance within the scope of the law mentioned above and in addition, humanitarian cash assistance (Emergency Social Safety Net Program (ESSN)) is provided to help meet the basic needs of those living under IP or TP who have a foreigner identification number starting with 99 and need assistance (Türk Kizilay, 2016).

These are the rights of IP and TP holders in theory but are difficult to access. Migrants under IP or TP face difficulties in maintaining their daily lives, especially in relation to housing, education and employment (Coşkun and Yılmaz, 2018). Although the Ministry of Labor and Social Security issued work permits for those under IP and TP status in 2016 (Official Gazette of the Republic of Türkiye, 2016), the fact that they, or their employer, can only apply six months after the date of registration is a very troublesome situation. In addition, the requirement that employers must pay a fee to employ foreigners and that the number of foreign workers applying for a work permit in any workplace cannot exceed 10 percent of the number of citizens working in their companies makes employers reluctant to employ foreign workers with work permits, preferring to take them on as informal workers. The complexity of these legal statuses is highly significant and increase the vulnerability of migrants in daily life, particularly undocumented migrants. The findings from this research reveal this situation.

The socio-demographic profile of the research participants

The Iraqi population is the biggest and longest established refugee group in Duzce. Iraqi respondents in the research have been living in Duzce for six years on average. The second biggest group, Afghans, are relatively new in the city with two years stay on average. Syrians have an average length of stay in Duzce of five years.

The average age of all respondents was 34 years old but the average age of Afghans in the study is 29 years old. The respondent groups differed in terms of their educational backgrounds: The Afghan respondents had the shortest time in formal education and were mostly primary school graduates while the majority of Iraqis had university degrees. Regarding marital status, only one Afghan respondent was living with his family in Duzce, the others were either single (n = 8) or living alone (n = 4) after arriving in Türkiye. In contrast to the Afghans, most Syrian and Iraqi respondents were living with their families and children in Duzce. Syrian and Iraqi migrants usually came from the cities while Afghans migrated from the countryside.

Their employment history, type of jobs and length of employment also differed among the three groups. Before migration, Afghans had worked in unskilled jobs in Afghanistan, and in Duzce, they were working in unskilled jobs in farms, construction or carpentry workshops; whereas, Iraqi and Syrian interviewees had held skilled jobs as engineers, teachers or civil servants in their home countries, and were working in less skilled jobs in Duzce. Afghan respondents were disadvantaged in terms of socio-economic position and documentation in Türkiye. Some Iraqi respondents mentioned that they were receiving financial support from their families who had sought asylum in Europe. Syrian refugees also had limited financial support, such as the Red Crescent Card or in-kind/in-cash assistance from humanitarian aid associations in Duzce. The Afghan migrants were generally unable to benefit from any social support because they were without their families and they had no papers. It is worth emphasizing that the temporary ID card is the key to accessing both public programs, health and education. Single Afghan men wait the longest period before receiving temporary ID cards for IP in Duzce. This is because the migration directorate does not issue ID cards to single Afghan male forced migrants on the grounds that they do not meet the definition of IP status and have come to Türkiye irregularly to earn money. With the increase in irregular migration of Afghans to Türkiye, especially after 2018, controls have tightened and Türkiye has been deporting foreigners without an ID card in accordance with the Law on Foreigners and International Protection (PMM, 2013). Of the three groups, Afghan refugees can be considered the most disadvantaged and vulnerable in terms of education, employment, living conditions, social support and documentation.

Stigma and discrimination in everyday life

Until recently, migrants have not been so visible in public spaces. Their increasing visibility in small cities like Duzce has been seen as a threat to the existing order and to the local culture (Chambers, 2014: 42). Being perceived as extraneous actors, stigmatized for their appearance and ethnicity, lacking in rights as non-citizens, and subject to constant inspection and control through residence and work permits, migrants are on an unequal footing in society (Anderson, 2013). Stigma sets the stage for male forced migrants to be discriminated against and marginalized in their social life, in public and in workspaces (Coşkun, 2016; Dedeoğlu and Gökmen, 2011; Deniz et al., 2016; Erdoğan, 2020).

When we asked about daily encounters in public spaces and interactions with local people in Duzce, the respondents’ testimonies suggest that their stigmatization as “others” or “foreigners” is systematic and occurs in public spaces (i.e., in public institutions, streets, shopping centers and the like). This is described by Ali as follows: ⁶

Sometimes there are problems with those looks [they give me]. For example, when I was waiting in the hospital, they say, “what are you doing here?” I took my number, it's my right. We also get ill. [While waiting in line at the hospital] once someone came up to me and asked, “why did you come here?” I didn't speak at all, I kept silent because we are foreigners and guests here. (Ali, 39 years old, Iraq)

Discrimination and exploitation in the workplace

Refugees from Syria and Iraq usually come and live with their families in Duzce. This situation brings with it the responsibility to take care of the family, making it imperative for adult and young men to find a job and work. Women usually take care of the children and do domestic work. Although this order does not prevail in every family, this situation is generally observed in the homes of Syrian and Iraqi men whose main purpose and goal is to work to support their homes. On the other hand, young men from Afghanistan migrate alone or with other men in the family. They are expected to send money to their families and for this reason, they accept jobs no matter how bad the working conditions are. Compared to Syrian and Iraqi nationalities, Afghan men are disadvantaged by their single status as priority is given to families in the registration for ID cards. In addition, social support for refugees and asylum seekers under the TP and IP regimes is affected by marital status and household make-up. Single women with children, or large households with four children or more have priority for social support while single men have limited access to ID cards. As Sancar (2016) argues, work is one of the most important strategies for building a sense of masculinity and being accepted by society. Those who are unemployed, who cannot work or who are not willing to earn a living, are branded as “incompetent men” according to this gendered interpretation (Sancar, 2016: 58–59).

Economic activities play an important role in daily life and contribute to determining social class position. This phenomenon applies to all, including migrants, and their position in the labor market becomes an important indicator of their position in the society where they have immigrated (Ciğerci, 2021). However, the lack of the right to work, together with their migrant status, pushes migrants to unregistered employment. Male migrants are often seen as cheap exploitable labor sources who can work “off the books” (Akalın, 2021: 89; Akbaş Demirel, 2015: 65) and their inability to access work permits, obliges them to work informally and precariously, leading to discrimination and labor exploitation. One of the sources of discrimination against migrants is the perceived competition with local people in the labor market. With the arrival of Syrian forced migrants in Türkiye, the unskilled labor market became divided into work for migrants and non-migrants. This situation has caused fierce competition between local workers and migrants over access to available jobs in the face of depreciating real wages, while at the same time, causing migrant labor to become more unsafe (Dedeoğlu, 2020).

All the respondents in this research were engaged in unskilled work in construction, sawmill industry or restaurants in Duzce. Iraqi men who receive financial support from their families who have resettled in Europe are also marginalized. Since they do not meet the definition of a refugee according to the Turkish system, they sit in coffee houses and live on the financial support provided by relatives. They do not receive welfare assistance from the Turkish government. If they have an ID, they receive limited financial support, such as the Red Crescent Card or in-kind/in-cash assistance from humanitarian aid associations in Duzce. This situation shows the heterogeneity of the forced migrant populations and the differences in access to social support of male forced migrants with different legal statuses.

Syrian Hamza (38 years old) and Afghan Ramadan (39 years old), who came to Duzce six years ago and worked as chiefs in the construction sector, describe the situation they faced in the streets as follows:

Sometimes it goes like this, I mean when I'm constructing this new building. Passers-by approach me and say, “you are Syrian, you came here and are taking our business away.” I don't know those guys. They say a lot of things. And I don’t say anything. What can I say? (Hamza, 38 years old, Syria)

It is difficult for all male migrants to be granted a work permit but especially so for IP applicants because they need to renew their temporary ID cards every year. It takes six months for an employer to apply for a work permit, and considering the other requirements, many employers find it impractical to hire migrants. This drives many male forced migrants to work informally in Türkiye. Lacking access to formal employment and social security results in being marginalized in informal and precarious jobs (Dedeoğlu, 2020). ⁷ In fact, arrangements where the employer is the guarantor of the migrant worker and where the work permit is granted on this surety have been called “the slavery system of the modern era” (Gardner, 2010: 218).

Precarious work becomes even more of a problem when workplace accidents occur. Undocumented forced migrants do not want to go to the hospital as they are afraid of deportation or that both they and their employer will be fined. Jamal (38 years old, Afghanistan), an unregistered employee with no ID card, was in a car accident while talking on the phone with his boss after working overtime. The first person at the accident called his boss and his boss came to the scene. Jamal was unconscious and with fractures all over his body. But instead of taking him to the emergency room, the boss took Jamal to his own house for fear of punishment.

One evening the job was done, and then the boss told me that we were cleaning up that night and everyone was to go home after finishing cleaning. I cleaned up, and then it was midnight. I called the boss on the phone while I was leaving for my house which was near. I asked if he could give me the money that was due the following day. And then apparently a truck came, I didn’t see it. I opened my eyes after one to two hours. My boss had apparently brought me to his house. He had a doctor friend in another city and took me there. I was in the hospital for a total of 1.5 months […] And then I asked the boss why he did all this. He said, “I was scared when they called me (from the site of the accident). You have no ID, no passport, they would punish us.” (Jamal, 38 years old, Afghanistan)

Tactics to cope with discrimination and exploitation

In Michel de Certeau’s (2011: 15) words, “arts of making,” “everyday practices” or “utilizations of everyday life rituals” constitute thousands of habits, attitudes and practices that enable forced migrants to adapt to the environment they are in. This paper suggests similar tactics used by male migrants such as consciously remaining silent to negative words, not walking the streets alone to avoid threats, working in isolated workplaces to hide from the police, establishing unconditional positive social relations with local people, socializing and developing business connections, and gathering in certain areas where co-nationals gather.

Located in the middle of the city with a mosque, city hall and tea houses around it, Cedidiye Square is the most popular place in Duzce where forced migrants gather. This square can be defined as not only a public space for forced migrants arriving in Duzce, but also a place where multifaceted meanings are encountered. Sometimes the square is a place to meet a lost relative and speak their native language, a meeting point for their fellow men, a place where the first sense of uneasiness about being in a foreign place subsides and a place where they form relations with both people of their nationality and local people. Omar (38 years old, Iraq) came to Duzce in 2013 upon UNHCR’s referral. He described his encounter with his co-nationals in Cedidiye Square as follows:

I came to the bus station in Duzce. I found an Iraqi there. I told him I’m looking for a house. He said that I could find a house in the city center. I came here [Cedidiye Square]. I found all the Arabs in the square; they always speak Arabic. I was so glad. And then suddenly I saw my friend in the square, and we immediately hugged. (Omar, 38 years old, Iraq)

However, these gatherings in cafes in the city center are less used by Afghans. Except for going to and from their workplaces, Afghans stay at home for recreational activities to avoid the gaze of both the local people and the police. Ahmet (39 years old, Syria) who came to Duzce in 2014 reflected on this:

Do you know the tea houses in front of that mosque? That's where Syrians, Iraqis, and Arabs gather all the time. My friends do not visit places like tea houses or coffee houses, they’d rather go to one of their houses. They can't do anything for fear of getting scolded. That's why we don’t stay there. (Ahmet, 39 years old, Syria)

People constantly communicate and interact with others in society and react positively or negatively according to their interpretation of the actions of other people (Poloma, 2012). This process of interaction exists not only in the form of one’s active response to the actions of others but being unresponsive can also be interpreted as conscious active action. In these cases, forced migrants who do not respond to harassment also consciously act. Research shows that sub-Saharan African migrants often remain silent in the face of the violence they are subjected to “so as not to cause trouble,” even when they have the physical strength to counter the threats (Coşkun and Sarıalioğlu, 2021: 87). Deniz et al.’s (2016: 143) study on Syrians also concludes that forced migrants practice the tactic of remaining silent when insults are directed at them. The study documented the use of a similar tactic. Ahmed, a young Afghan boy, explains:

I get upset, I get angry, but I don’t respond, I don’t say anything. I keep doing what I’m doing at the moment. For example, if I’m wiping the tables, I keep wiping them. I stay calm and mind my own business because I don't want to argue; I need to work. (Ahmed, 17 years old, Afghanistan)

To deal with discrimination, male forced migrants adopt tactics such as remaining silent and ignoring the insult, changing the subject of the conversation, leaving the place, speaking Turkish on the street, hiding their identity and being invisible to avoid harassment and ill-treatment in public spaces and workplaces. Although these tactics seem to be passive behavior, they can prevent asylum-seeking men from trouble and sometimes help in their interactions with locals and employers.

Discussion and conclusion

This study focuses on Syrian, Iraqi and Afghan migrants who migrated to Duzce in 2011 due to the war, internal conflict and economic difficulties in their home countries. This study emphasizes the marginalization and exploitation that these male forced migrants experience in their daily lives and the tactics they apply to combat this situation. The perception of male forced migrants as the “other, foreign and dangerous” fosters negative judgments, attitudes and actions against them. The discourse of threat directed at male forced migrants is shaped by the normalized ideas of military service and masculinity.

The legal status of male forced migrants also affects their vulnerabilities even as they meet the labor demand for jobs unwanted by locals in Duzce. They work without social security and thus become vulnerable to exploitation. Access to social support mechanisms and temporary ID cards is important in shaping migrants’ living conditions. This is common among young Afghans, and this creates difficulties in their social life and workplaces. The lack of documentation limits their freedom of movement, and they are often fearful of being caught by the police and deported. Many young Afghans work on farms as shepherds or as agricultural workers which shield them from public view. Without a temporary ID card, Afghans cannot access health services and social support. Compared with Syrians and Iraqis, Afghans are worse off in terms of living conditions; they live in groups in old buildings in the town center. The three groups face different stigmatization generating different discourses. Young single Afghan men are perceived as a threat to the existing social order and family life while Syrian men who live with their families are usually subject to marginalization over different gendered assumptions. Syrians are accused of leaving their homeland and fleeing the war. All three groups face similar discrimination and difficulties in daily life and they develop similar tactics such as not responding to harassment, not speaking Arabic, trying to hide their identity by introducing themselves as Turkish or locals, working for daily or weekly wages, positioning themselves as hard workers and establishing positive relationships with locals. Many male forced migrants are forced to live in precarity under the strict control of the state and in uncertainty under the threat of deportation. The lack of support mechanisms for male forced migrants leaves them with no choice but to increase solidarity among themselves and develop tactics to combat these issues.