Experiences of learners from child-headed households in a vulnerable school that makes a difference: Lessons for school psychologists

Abstract

The purpose of this study was to explore and describe the experiences of vulnerable learners from child-headed households through an ecological systems model that includes their homes, community, and school. Special emphasis was given to the role of school psychologists as change agents within the context of schools. This qualitative study included a sample of 98 5th to 7th grade learners in a vulnerable school. Data were collected through individual interviews, focus groups, and a questionnaire with incomplete sentences. The findings provide a vivid description of their living conditions, changing roles, community fears, and school experiences which inevitably affect their psychological well-being and propagate the need for effective school psychological services. Against all odds, the vulnerable school in this study reflects how it can make a positive difference in the lives of the learners simply through the display of love, attention, and care. Based on the findings several lessons, transcending national boundaries, are presented for school psychologists to be successful in assisting learners from child-headed households in vulnerable schools.

Keywords

change agent child-headed households ecological systems qualitative research school psychology school psychologist under-resourced school vulnerable

Child-headed families are increasingly becoming a reality in South Africa (Garson, 2003; Hlatswayo, 2004; Kapp, 2000; Sloth-Nielsen, 2003) largely as a result of parental death through HIV/AIDS. In fact, Ramsden (2002) predicts that by the year 2015 more than five million children will be orphaned. This high number is most likely to profoundly affect family life and the future of educational institutions in the country. Children are likely to struggle to meet their basic needs of food, clothing, and shelter. The lack of parental guidance, support, and love is undoubtedly going to leave an indelible mark on the psychological well-being of children from child-headed households (Biller & Solomon, 1986; Bradley & Whitesede-Mansell, 1997; Smith & Liebenberg, 2003). Lasser, Fite, and Wadende (2011, p. 54) note that it is the responsibility of parents ‘to ensure welfare, survival and development of the child’. According to Pillay and Nesengani (2006, p. 132) ‘children are dependent upon parents for socialization, provision of affection and education, and parents are still the primary caregivers responsible for their children’s social education and self-actualization’. Du Toit and Forlin (2009) indicate that when parents are absent from home then learners exhibit bad behavior in school because they do not benefit from disciplinary measures that would normally be implemented in the home. This is also alluded to by Moletsane (2004) who noted that parents are the primary caregivers responsible for instilling family and cultural values to children. As such one may argue that the absence of parents is likely to raise questions on the acquisition of values, beliefs, and practices of children. This argument is supported by research which has indicated that children who head families struggle with issues such as self-confidence, self-esteem, emotional stability, poverty, health, group sociability, and morality (Desmond, Richter, Makiwane, & Amoateng, 2003; Le Roux, 1994; Louw, 1998).

Educational institutions are most likely to be affected by the absenteeism and possible dropout of learners as many of them will need time to run households and take care of younger siblings. Research has found that such learners often do not go to school because they have to beg on the streets or find part-time jobs just to be able to feed their young siblings (Leatham, 2005). Some of these children resort to crime and even prostitution in order to earn money (Pillay & Nesengani, 2006). On a daily basis schools have to contend with learners who are hungry, exhausted, sick, and emotionally and psychologically affected. Studies have found that teachers grapple with the task of teaching such learners (Taggart, 2007). The situation is further aggravated by large class sizes and poor resources and facilities at schools. Also, most teachers have not been trained to deal with such learners and the magnitude of difficulties they are often present with. The plight of learners is often worsened by what (and probably by what does not) happen in the community such as the safety and security of learners.

The focus on families, schools, and community indicate that an ecological systems model is essential for understanding the lived experiences of learners from child-headed households (Bronfenbrenner, 1987; Donald, Lazarus, & Lolwana, 2002; Earls & Carlson, 2001; Haralambos & Holborn, 1995) since it provides an opportunity to explore the different but interrelated and interdependent contexts and systems that may influence their lives. Individual characteristics, time, contexts, change, social interactions, ecological, and cultural conditions all contribute to the experiences of the learners (Green, 2001; Grotevant, 1998). An ecological systems model highlights the interaction and interdependence between learners, parents, communities, and schools. They construct their realities through systemic interaction within their environment. As such they both influence and are influenced by the environment in which they live. However, what happens when parents are no longer part of the equation? More precisely, what are the experiences of learners in child-headed households? The researcher concurs with Ye and Fang (2010) that school mental health is part of quality education and school psychology. As such, he raises another question pertinent to this article: What role could school psychologists play in supporting learners from child-headed households? This study attempts to explore these questions by focusing on such learners in a vulnerable school. In the context of this study vulnerable learners refer to children who live in child-headed households and vulnerable school refers to an under-resourced school. In line with an ecological systems model the context of the school is presented.

School context

In order to understand the context of the particular school researched in this article, it is imperative to have an overall understanding of the South African educational systems and culture both prior and after the institutionalization of a democratic government in 1994. Prior to 1994, the Nationalist government operated under ‘apartheid’ which was meant to promote a system of separate development for different ‘races’ in South Africa but which was actually a disguise for maintaining gross inequality between blacks and whites in favor of the latter (Daniels, 2010). South Africans were divided into four main race groups, ‘whites’ who made up about 10% of the population, ‘blacks’ who made up about 75%, ‘coloureds’ who made up about 10%, ‘Indians’ who made up about 3% and ‘other smaller groupings’ (Daniels, 2010, p. 632). Each race group had its own education department resulting in 17 fragmented education departments since ‘blacks’ were further divided according to tribes and placed in areas called ‘Bantustans’. There was a major discrepancy in the educational funding of the different race groups, ranging from a per capita spending of $350 for a ‘white’ child to a mere $82 for a ‘black’ child. For an ‘Indian’ child it was $258 and for a ‘coloured’ it was $152 (Christie, 1991, p.110). The main intention was to keep ‘blacks’ educated in such a way that they would be ‘useful’ to an economic system headed by ‘whites’ and to ensure that they would not resist ‘white’ oppression. Predictably, this system of unequal education could not succeed in the long run as was evident in the years of intense strikes, boycotts, and political uprisings that inevitably led to the election of a democratic African National Congress (ANC) government in 1994. The first thing the ANC did was to dismantle the fragmented education departments and create a single education department based on the principles of equity, redress, and access (ANC, 1995, p. 4). However, this was no easy task and continues to be a struggle since ‘apartheid’ policies left a legacy of poverty-stricken families and grossly under-resourced schools that have shortages of textbooks, teachers, and educational psychological support (Engelbrecht, 2004; Engelbrecht, Oswald, Swart, Kitching, & Eloff, 2005). For example, Jimerson, Stewart, Skokut, Cardens, and Malone (2009) found that there were only 1178 registered school psychologists in South Africa serving more than 10 million school-age children. Despite the numerous progressive Acts and policies that emanated from the South African Constitution (Republic of South Africa, 1996a, 1996b) and the efforts of the National Department of Education (2001), aiming to bring more equality and inclusivity to historically disadvantaged communities there continues to be widespread inequality in the resourcing of schools.

One such under-resourced school is Bottlebrush primary (pseudonym) located in an area called Chatsworth that was previously designated only for Indians as part of the Group Areas Act that was enforced by the previous apartheid regime. After major floods in 1987 the Bottlebrush informal settlement developed next to the school boundary. As such the school was compelled to admit black learners even before the election of a new democratic government in South Africa. Currently the school has 862 learners from grade R (Reception year) to 7. The learner population is comprised of 797 Blacks, 61 Indians and four Coloureds. In terms of religious affiliations the majority of learners (794) are Christians, there are 20 Hindu, 26 Islam and 22 who belong to other faiths. Most of the learners speak Isizulu (796) whilst the remaining 66 speak English. The school has 22 teachers of whom 19 are Indian and three are black.

The school building is in a fair condition but there are no specialist rooms besides the science laboratory and the administration block. There are water and electricity connections even though there is often a struggle to pay the municipal costs. Some classrooms do not have electricity due to electrical faults that have not been repaired because of the lack of funds. The school is fenced off but this does not prevent the robberies and vandalisms that occur. Finance is a great problem at the school. More than 90% of the learners do not pay school fees due to their state of poverty. There are no funds to employ school psychologists, counselors, remedial therapists and sometimes there is no finance even to cut the grass. Most of the learners are orphans so support from parents is virtually nonexistent.

Research methodology

Research design

A qualitative research design was used since it was expected to provide a holistic and deeper understanding of the lived experiences of orphaned learners in a vulnerable school (Bless & Higson-Smith, 1995; Krefting, 1991; Merriam, 1998, 2002). It was also chosen because it is descriptive, exploratory, and contextual in nature. The study is descriptive since it attempts to accurately describe and explore the lived experiences of orphaned learners in their school, home and, community contexts (Henning, Rensburg, & Smit, 2004).

Sampling

Purposive sampling was used to select information-rich participants. The criteria for selection were that they should be: between 10- to 15-years-old from grades 5 to 7; able to converse and write in English; and orphans living in child-headed households. Participants whose profiles matched the specified criteria were then selected from Bottlebrush primary school.

Data collection

Data were collected through individual interviews with eight orphaned learners, four male and four females from two different grade 7 classes. Focus group discussions were held with grade 6 learners until the point of data saturation. A specifically designed questionnaire with incomplete sentences was administered with grade 5 to 7 orphaned learners. In total 98 learners completed and submitted the questionnaire (30 from grade 5, 63 from grade 6, and 5 from grade 7). The numbers are important since they show the high number of orphaned learners—there were 30 out of 106 learners in grade 5 and 63 out of 98 grade 6 learners who submitted the questionnaires despite the long strike action by teachers that disrupted learner attendance for more than three weeks. The poor response from the grade 7 learners was due to the fact that there was not enough time for them to complete the questionnaires because of the catch up programmes set by the teachers. In the grade 5 classes there were 15 males and 15 females. There were nine learners who were 10-years-old, 13 who were 11-years-old, four who were 12-years-old and four who were 13-years-old. In the grade 6 classes there were 20 males and 43 females (29 12-year-olds, 17 13-year-olds and 17 14-year-olds). In the grade 7 classes there were five 13-year-olds.

Aligned with Lincoln and Guba’s (1985) measures to ensure trustworthiness the following needs to be noted in this study: Credibility was established by my years of experience as an educational psychologist working with vulnerable learners as well as my experience as a researcher leading funded projects, such as the current one which is part of a larger study funded by the South African Netherlands Partnership for Alternative Development (SANPAD). Member checking was done by continuously verifying the accuracy of the collected data with the participants. The use of different data collection methods such as individual interviews, focus group discussions, and questionnaires allowed for triangulation. The use of actual words used by participants ensured confirmability.

Ethical measures

Written permission to conduct the study was obtained from the Department of Education and the principal and school governing body (SGB) of the school involved in the research. Each learner filled in an assent form. All participants were informed from the start of the study that their participation was voluntary and that they could withdraw at any point without penalty (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005). To maintain confidentiality no names of participants are mentioned in the study.

Data analysis

A qualitative content analysis as described by Henning et al. (2004) was used in the data analysis process. The researcher carefully read each interview transcript and questionnaire, in order to form an impression of the context in which the learners interacted. Notes were made in the margins of the transcripts and questionnaires identifying key findings. Possible categories were then analysed and recurrent themes were noted.

Results

Aligned with the ecological systems theoretical focus of the study the findings are discussed within the context of the home, community, and school of the learners from child-headed households.

Home

Data analysis revealed a rather bleak picture of the home and family context. Virtually all the participants expressed disillusionment of their physical living circumstances. This is evident in the words of a grade 6 learner in an individual interview: ‘We live in disgraceful conditions. I even feel ashamed to describe it’. This was supported by a learner in a focus group interview who said: ‘My house situation is unbearable. We have no windows and broken doors’. Another learner stated: ‘Our roof is falling down. When it rains we are so scared that we might drown’. More than 70% of the participants who completed the incomplete questionnaires complained about the lack of water and electricity. A common response was: ‘At home there is no water and lights. We have to walk long distances to get water’. Even in those areas where electricity was available many learners still did not have access to it because they were unable to pay for it: ‘There is (electrical) power in my area but there is nothing in my house. The people from the office they come and cut off the lights because we have no money to pay’ (grade 6, individual interview). Another learner from a focus group interview confirmed this: ‘You know they don’t care. I tell them I have no mother and father, no one works in my family to pay the lights, but they don’t listen. They just cut the power’.

Another problem highlighted by most participants was poor sanitation and unhygienic living conditions. This was corroborated in the words of a grade 7 learner in an individual interview: ‘The toilet is outside the house in the back yard. It is just a small wooden shed that is rotten. We use a bucket that overflows and the stink is just too much’. Another learner added: ‘There is urine and dirty water all over’ (focus group). Another learner raised concerns about health: ‘In school we are learning about malaria and TB (tuberculosis) and it worries me. I see where I live and I know we can get sick’. Some learners pointed out that they share communal toilets with other residents in the informal settlements and this makes the situation worst: ‘the people are not clean, they just mess the place’ (grade 6, individual interview).

The situation at home is further complicated by the fact that many of the learners do not have adequate furniture: ‘There are no beds in my house. We sleep on the floor with no blankets’ (grade 5, individual interview). Another learner added: ‘In winter we freeze and get sick and cannot go to school’ (focus group interview). One of the learners mentioned: ‘lucky we are five children. We squeeze up and keep warm’ (grade 6, individual interview). Many of the learners revealed that they had no tables or desks to do their school work as is evident in the words of one of them: ‘There is no table or chair to do homework’. Another learner stated: ‘My house is small and overcrowded. There is no place for a desk’ (grade 7, individual interview).

Virtually all the respondents indicated in the incomplete questionnaire that poverty was a serious problem. This is evident in some of the responses: ‘at home we are so poor’; ‘there is no food to give my small brothers and sisters’; ‘many times we go to bed hungry’. In the focus group interview it was said: ‘I have no clothes to wear. Sometimes I don’t go to school because my uniform is dirty. I only have one dress’. In an individual interview a learner commented: ‘when I use my dirty clothes to school, the children laugh and mock me and don’t come near me. They say I smell’.

Change of roles

For many participants in this study home life is also characterized by a change of roles. They are forced to take on adult responsibilities even when they are still children in need of adult care and supervision. Children as young as 14 are compelled to take on the roles of parents because they are orphans. This is aptly captured in the words of a 14-year-old girl: ‘I have to be a mother at home. I need my mother but I have to be her from the time she died’. Another girl added: ‘I have to cook, clean, bath my baby sisters’. One of the male learners also indicated his change in role: ‘I got to get the food and see that my small brothers and sisters are fine. I must see they go to school. I must see that no one touches them. All of this my father should do if he was here’. Another learner said: ‘I don’t like it now, I am a rogue. I have to steal so that I can feed my family. I joined a gang. They give me money for food and things but I have to do all the wrong things. If my father was here I will not do those bad things’. Some of the girls even resorted to prostitution in order to care for their siblings. This is evident in the words of a grade 6 learner: ‘Now I act like a big lady. I have to sleep with men so I have money to feed my brothers and sisters’. Sexual promiscuity and sexual assault has resulted in several pregnancies and HIV/AIDS infections: ‘So many girls, as young as 12 years, are pregnant. I even know of some girls who have AIDS’ (grade 7, individual interview).

The home and family situation has resulted in negative psychological consequences for virtually all the learners in this study. More than 95% of the respondents indicated in the incomplete questionnaires that they were very unhappy, sad, and angry about their situation at home. A similar finding was noted in the individual and focus group interviews. For example, one of the learners said: ‘I am so unhappy at home. My parents are dead and this makes me very sad but I am also angry to be in this situation’. Another learner stated: ‘Why did this have to happen to me. I miss my parents’. A participant from a focus group interview revealed strong negative feelings: ‘I am helpless and hopeless. Sometimes I feel useless. I know I am not coping with keeping my family together. I wish I was also dead so I would not go through all the bad things’. Safety also emerged as a prominent issue. Some of the participants lived in houses with broken doors and windows and this made them vulnerable to thieves and thugs: ‘I always have this feeling that someone is going to walk into my house and hurt us’ (grade 5, individual interview). Many of the girls feared being raped or sexually molested when they used the communal toilets that could easily be opened: ‘At night I try not to go to the toilet even if I am in need. I know I will be raped because it has happened to so many girls in my area’ (focus group).

Community

Most participants displayed a mixture of positive and negative feelings towards their local community. The positive feelings were largely due to the support that was given to the learners, especially in terms of food and clothes. This is seen in the following quotations: ‘Some people are nice; they give me food to eat when I am hungry’ (grade 5, individual interview). ‘When I have no clothes the people, they help me’ (focus group). More than 80% of the participants who filled in the incomplete questionnaire indicated that they were happy when they were supported by the community.

However, the negative feelings were quite overwhelming. Many participants revealed that they felt threatened by their community because of the lack of safety, violence, and crime. One of the participants in the individual interviews stated: ‘I don’t feel safe in my community. The people come for you when they know you are alone and there is no grown up person in your house. Sometimes we have to pretend that there is a big person in the house’. Another learner confirmed this when she said: ‘I don’t tell anyone that I have no parents because I know they will come for me. Sometimes I tell my big cousin to come and stand outside my house so people will think that he stays there’. One of the learners in a focus group interview noted: ‘Some people treat us like animals; they do not treat us like persons’. Several of the incomplete questionnaires revealed that there was ‘lots of fighting in our community’. One of the learners in the individual interview said: ‘where I live there is a lot of killing’. Another one stated: ‘the people rob and kill each other’. It appears that things get worst when there is substance abuse: ‘The men take drugs and then they get violent, they look for fights and run after the young girls’. One of the participants mentioned: ‘In the weekends the people are drunk and drugged and then we have to run for cover or they will beat us up or rape us’. The situation in the community was so bad that one of the participants interviewed believed that ‘things would be better if I did not live here’. In the incomplete questionnaires one of the participants stated: ‘I just hate it in my community. I wish I could get out of here and live somewhere else’. More than 70% of the participants who completed the questionnaire confirmed that they do not want to live in their local community.

School

One of the negative experiences at school that emerged from the findings was the bad treatment some of the participants faced from other learners, especially those that were living in better socio-economic circumstances. This is apparent in the words of a learner interviewed: ‘The children they don’t like us. They treat us bad’. Another learner said: ‘they hit me and tease me and tell me to shut up’. A participant in a focus group interview said: ‘I don’t like it when the children mock me. They say nasty things that hurt my feelings’. The analysis of the incomplete questionnaires confirmed that most learners (78%) had negative experiences with some of the other learners in the school.

Another negative experience was related to the poor physical conditions of the school. Some of the learners complained that some of the classrooms were not well maintained. This is captured in the words of a learner: ‘the classroom windows are broken and haven’t been fixed for a long time. During winter it is very cold. And we don’t have proper uniforms and this makes it worse’. Another learner complained: ‘the ceiling is falling down and it scares me. What if it falls on us?’. Many respondents also referred to the poor physical conditions of the school in the incomplete sentences.

The supply of school textbooks was also raised as a problem by some learners: ‘We don’t have textbooks. Sometimes we have to share or wait for teachers to give us photocopied pages’ (focus group interview). One of the learners in an individual interview indicated: ‘Sometimes I don’t do my homework because I did not have the text book that I needed’. Responses from the incomplete sentences also highlighted the lack of textbooks as a problem for learners: ‘At school I feel bad because I don’t have textbooks’.

Despite the few negative experiences at school an overwhelming majority (88%) of learners emphasized their positive experiences. The first positive experience was that at school they were given food and clothes. ‘At least when I go to school I eat some food for the day. When there is no school I starve’ (grade 6, individual interview). Another learner added: ‘I don’t like holidays and weekends because I get no food and clothes’ (grade 5, individual interview). A learner from a focus group said: ‘The people from the church, they give us food for lunch when we at school’. Another learner stated: ‘I get food in school but I take it home to feed my little sisters’.

The second positive experience was that at school they had friends. ‘I have friends at school that try to help me. At home I am lonely there is no one my age only my little brothers and sisters’ (grade 7, individual interview). Another learner mentioned: ‘some of my friends are just like me, have no parents. So we understand each other and try to help each other when things are really bad’ (grade 6, individual interview). Learners in the focus groups also confirmed this as indicated by the words of a learner: ‘You see all my friends here; we know what to do for each other. We don’t want other children to know we don’t have parents’. Many respondents indicated in the incomplete questionnaire that they try to hide the fact that they were orphans because others would take advantage of them.

The third positive experience was related to their emotions and psychological self as noted in the words of a grade 6 learner: ‘Coming to school takes away my sadness. I feel better knowing that I am not the only one going through tough times’. Another grade 7 learner pointed out that ‘he draws strength and courage just by being at school’. In the incomplete questionnaires 82% of the learners indicated that they were happy at school, 64% felt more confident, and 76% noted that school was what kept them going in life.

Virtually all the learners highlighted the fact that they felt safe at school. This is evident in some of their statements: ‘I only feel safe when I am in school’ (grade 5 learner); ‘At school no one hurts me, I know I am safe’ (grade 6 learner); and ‘I know that no one will touch me or rape me at school’ (grade 7 learner). This was confirmed by a girl in one of the focus groups: ‘At least I can use the toilets without fear that I am watched or going to be attacked. The doors are not broken at school’.

Linked to the positive feelings at school was the inspiration to learn and succeed in life. This is depicted in the following quotes: ‘I want to learn and pass school. I have to if I want to do better in life’ (grade 6 learner); ‘the only way I can get out of this dump is if I educate myself’ (grade 5 learner) and ‘I want a career, I want to become someone in life’ (focus group).

The final positive experience at school centered on teachers. Virtually all the participants praised most of their teachers whom they considered to be very helpful, caring, and supportive. This is illustrated in the following quotations: ‘I like my teachers. They are kind to me’ (grade 5 learner); ‘My teacher she is so nice. She explains things to me when I don’t understand’ (focus group); Most responses in the incomplete sentences also indicated that the learners were happy with their teachers, for example, ‘the teachers show me love’. The role of guidance teachers was highlighted by learners. A grade 7 learner said: ‘the guidance teacher is very important. She teaches us what is right and wrong’. A grade 6 learner said: ‘My guidance teacher is very nice. I can talk to her and I know she understands me. She tries to help me’. In a focus group one of the learners commented: ‘I wish all my teachers were guidance teachers. My teacher knows my problems and tells me how to care for myself and take good decisions. She’s not like the other teachers because she shows that I am important even if I don’t have parents and live in a squatter camp’.

Discussion

This section is structured as follows: First, each major finding (theme) is discussed in conjunction with literature and the theoretical underpinnings of this study; second, the role of the school psychologist is explored under each theme; and finally some recommendations for supporting child-headed learners and vulnerable schools are made. Even though the discussions are based on the findings of this specific study, they are not necessarily limited to South Africa since many of the issues raised, particularly around the role of school psychologists, are most likely to transcend national boundaries.

Personal and home level

The findings in this study indicate that learners from child-headed households mostly have negative experiences in their homes which are often characterized by abject poverty. This is supported by other studies (Crosby, 1993; Leatham, 2006; Lethale, 2008; Nesengani, 2006). Most of them live in very challenging physical conditions, for example their houses are dilapidated with no water and electricity and extremely poor hygiene and sanitation. They do not have desks to complete their homework and often sleep on the floor in overcrowded rooms. To compound matters, most of them starve and feel embarrassed to go to school with the same dirty uniform every day. As a result of their poverty-stricken conditions they are often sad, depressed, and angry and this is likely to affect their academic performance. Vaughn, Bos, and Schumm (2000, p. 317) found that poverty is harmful to one’s mental and physical well being and it is likely to impact on learners’ academic performance, especially when they cannot afford educational materials. More studies confirm that learners who do not have educational materials struggle to fulfil the objectives of school tasks (Andrews, Vernon, & Walton, 1996; Nesengani, 2005). However, it is imperative to note that poverty does not automatically determine success or failure in school (Au, 1993; Buckner, Mezzacappa, & Beardslee, 2003; Luthar, 2003; Ungar, 2004).

School psychologists have an important role to play with regard to poverty-stricken children and schools; poverty is an international phenomenon and even in the richest countries there are still marginalized groups that experience poverty. The researcher concurs with De Jong (2000) that school psychologists should play a role in developing health-promoting schools since schools are important sites for psycho-social development. From an ecosystemic perspective health promotion would mean taking the physical, mental, and social well-being of learners and other stakeholders in the school into consideration.

In the context of this study, school psychologists would have to advocate and lobby with a variety of stakeholders, such as government, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), community organizations, civic structures, and religious organizations to provide feeding schemes for learners both in and out of school to ensure that they do not go to school hungry and they are in a better position to learn. School psychologists could assist learners to apply for social grants from the Department of Social Welfare so that the learners have some financial assistance and have no need to resort to begging, stealing, and prostitution. Pressure can also be placed on government to ensure that the learners have proper housing, water, and electricity, good hygiene and sanitation. Also government should ensure that schools are well resourced in order to meet the demands of their local communities. A strategic focus on poverty alleviation is essential. Government should take a lead in this process and should be supported by businesses and other community agencies.

The dynamics of changing roles experienced by learners is an important finding in this study. Many girls expressed their discontentment with the notion of taking on the responsibilities of being a mother when they were still children themselves in need of a nurturing mother. They often struggled with balancing their motherly roles with that of being a learner. Vaughn et al. (2000, p. 317) corroborates this finding in their study where it was found that learners from poor homes are likely to perform poorly in school when they have added responsibilities such as caring for siblings or contributing to the family income. Gogolo (1998) also noted that parental support is one of the factors that determine learner’s school success. Other studies found that when children get away from parental influence too soon their self-esteem is affected (Fletcher, Steinberg, & Sellers, 1999; Iwanisec, 1996). This was also confirmed by Barry and Garbarino (1997) who found that children who have few positive role models perform poorly in school and have low self esteem.

With regard to the changing roles of learners, it is imperative that school psychologists support them through training and practical seminars in life skills, such as decision-making, conflict resolution, and parenting, but at the same time they should be given the opportunity not to lose their childhood. Specific focus should be on developing their self-esteem and psychological well-being through counseling services and support groups as part of school psychology.

Community level

At a community level the results indicate that the learners are deeply affected negatively by their experiences even though some help is provided in terms of food and clothes. They are afraid to let people know that they do not have any adults living with them because of intimidation and victimization. Often they are exploited by men who are intoxicated by the substances they abuse. The learners have to flee and hide away from these abusive men. Physical assaults, rape, murder, and robbery are some of the crimes they are faced with on a regular basis (similar results found by Govender & Killian, 2001). A study by Phasha (2008) found that learners are willing to talk to teachers and school psychologists about physical and sexual abuse. School psychologists should capitalize on this by creating a safe and supportive psycho-social learning environment for learners to succeed academically. They should organize seminars and workshops and even include lessons within the school curriculum that focus on all forms of abuse and neglect. School psychologists could also assist in setting up community policing forums to protect vulnerable learners and schools. Regular and visible police patrols may act as a deterrent to those wanting to abuse and exploit learners. It is essential for communities to have ‘safe houses’ to take care of children who need immediate support. The community involvement of the school psychologist is an overwhelming task but one may argue that it is critical since many of the problems in the community spills over into schools, so preventive measures in the community are most likely to improve the situation in schools.

School level

Finally, at the school level, some of the negative experiences pertain to the lack of adequate facilities and textbooks but an overwhelming majority of learners noted positive school experiences. The results indicate that many learners were happy to be in school because of their friends. In fact, some of them actually preferred being at school even during holidays and weekends mainly because of the feeding scheme. Learners also pointed out that they felt safe and secure at school. They could use toilets without fear of being attacked or raped. School psychologists should capitalize on the issue of safety and security to the benefit of learners. Now that they are at school, learning activities should be directed at keeping them there. Schools should become vibrant community entities. This means keeping them open for longer hours after normal school time and even during weekends and holidays so that learners would be encouraged to take their school work seriously. This suggestion is likely to assist learners with the problem of not having a desk to complete homework or working in overcrowded conditions. The issue of safety and security is also likely to be addressed since learners can be at schools and away from abusive people in the community.

The career aspirations of learners could also be positively nurtured since many of them believed that education was the only means to get out of their gloomy environments. Career counseling services should be provided by school psychologists and qualified career guidance teachers. The role of guidance teachers should be further strengthened since they are positively viewed by learners. The learners endorse the view that guidance teachers are driven by passion and care and as such not all teachers can teach guidance and life skills. However, it is quite possible for all teachers to exhibit some degree of love and care which is likely to be instrumental in keeping learners in school until they complete their schooling.

Conclusion: Lessons for school psychologists

A major limitation of this study was that data was collected from only one school with a small sample of grade 5 to 7 learners. Data collected from teachers, the school management team, school governing body, other family members, and the community would probably have added more value to the findings in this study. Nevertheless, the researcher was able to describe the experiences of learners from child-headed households in a vulnerable school which could be further investigated in a larger study. Even though qualitative research is not meant to draw generalizations, several lessons can be learned from this study that can have international value, especially for children and schools similar to the one in this study. Such lessons are more appropriately captured in the changing role of school psychologists that seem to be in demand in the 21st century. School psychologists, internationally, are viewed as change agents who can make a considerable difference in the lives of vulnerable children and schools. As such, the lessons to be learned from the current study are applicable to school psychologists.

School psychologists have to think and act from an ecosystemic perspective if they are to be of value to vulnerable children and schools. The interactiveness and interdependence of the home (family), community and school in improving the lives of children from child-headed households are paramount. Whilst specific interventions at the level of home, community, or school is needed, one may argue that the long term success of such interventions is most likely to be achieved through a holistic approach that endorses collaboration and intervention at multiple systems levels. School psychologists must be prepared to move beyond the boundaries of schools, into families and communities in terms of intervention programmes.

School psychologists have to promote healthy schools, that is, to establish a safe and secure environment conducive to teaching and learning. Health promotion also means developing good relationships amongst the different stakeholders and improving the organization of schools. Their active involvement in staff development would be essential, especially in creating an ethos of care amongst teachers so that they could display empathy, concern, and love for vulnerable children.

School programmes they design must be comprehensive, developmental, and collaborative in nature that are responsive to the changing social, political, economic, and psychological issues facing schools, communities, families and children (Paisley & McMahon, 2001).

School psychologists must take multicultural contexts, social justice competences, and diversity into consideration (Bartolo, 2010; Benedetto & Olisky, 2001). South Africa, like many other countries, has a multicultural society with a diverse range of children in terms of race, sexual orientation, religion, (dis)abilities, family composition, and socio-economic status. As such, school psychologists have to be culturally competent and culturally responsive if they are to be of assistance to diverse learners (Lee, 2001).

The final lesson is that school psychologists have to play multiple roles as a result of the numerous social problems in society, such as HIV/AIDS, poverty, crime, and substance abuse. In South Africa, and I suspect in many other countries, the roles of school psychologists are driven by social issues. As such they have to be teachers, remedial therapists, counselors, social workers, and even parents to many learners. Often this could lead to burnout because they cannot be everything to everyone. The solution to this problem is in the last lesson, that is, they must be able to build strong collaborative partnerships for change (Farrell, 2010; Prilleltensky & Nelson, 2002) both internal and external to the school. For example, they should build relationships with teachers, school management teams, school governing bodies, government, community organizations, religious bodies, and non-governmental organizations to improve the situation of child-headed learners through feeding schemes, improved safety and security, health clinics, etc.

These lessons were the result from research that explored and described the experiences of child-headed children in a vulnerable school at three different ecosystemic levels, namely, the home (family), community, and school. Special emphasis was placed on the role of school psychologists as change agents within the context of vulnerable schools. To round off, the researcher would like to comment on the vulnerable school involved in this study. Even though Bottlebrush primary school was severely under-resourced, the support provided by teachers and the ability of most of the school staff to go the extra mile was most commendable. This shows that even vulnerable schools can make a positive difference in the lives of vulnerable learners. All that is needed is a positive attitude and the willingness to make a difference which is an important aspect of school psychology. The teachers in Bottlebrush primary showed the learners love and tried to teach them in the ways they knew best and this made the difference in the lives of learners from child-headed households who just needed love and attention and someone to show them that they care. Inevitably, this improved their psychological well-being and created the impetus for them to strive forward in life. If a vulnerable school can make such a difference then a well-resourced school could also do so, if not more. This thought raised the spirits of the researcher since he was able to see that not all is lost as the number of orphans in South Africa, and internationally, escalates.

Footnotes

Jace Pillay, is a Professor in the Department of Educational Psychology at the University of Johannesburg in South Africa. Previously, he was a School Counselor, School Psychologist, Head of School Psychological Services and Vice Dean in the Faculty of Education at the University of Johannesburg. His research interests are in the field of educational and community psychology with particular focus on diversity issues, such as racism, anti-bias practices, human rights, and values education. Currently, he chairs two major research projects focusing on the psycho-educational experiences of learners from child-headed households and the ecology of practice of school counselors and guidance teachers. He has published several articles in both national and international journals, with the most recent ones in Education as Change, 14(3), 2010 and Journal of Educational Studies, 9 (2), 2010. He has also contributed to book chapters and the editing of a community psychology book and has presented at both National and International conferences. Address: University of Johannesburg, Department of Educational Psychology, PO Box 524, Auckland Park, 2006, South Africa. Email: jacep@uj.ac.za

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