Abstract
This article describes the evaluation of a project designed to provide in-service training for teachers in rural schools in Outer Mongolia in techniques of independent and co-operative learning. Difficulties faced by Mongolian teachers in implementing a new national standards based curriculum were identified by the Mongolian State Education University responsible for teacher training. In conjunction with an EU funded UK team of educators, a Master’s degree course was established based upon principles of reflective practice and action research. Sixty-eight teachers from two Mongolian rural provinces completed the course, which mainly took place at intensive summer workshops supported by interim visits to schools by the Mongolian and UK tutors. The project was evaluated by means of a form of illuminative evaluation utilizing the SPARE wheel model of Burden and Williams (1996). This is based upon a socio-cultural view of learning which emphasizes in particular the importance of relating educational interventions to the social and historical context in which they occur. It is argued that applied educational/school psychology would benefit from more large-scale involvement of this nature in global educational systems.
Keywords
If school psychology is going to have a worthwhile and significant impact on a truly global scale, careful consideration will need to be given to the nature and function of its potential contribution to educational systems situated within a wide range of different cultural contexts (Cole, 1996; Reagan, 2000). In many respects, this may well come down to a matter of focus. Valuable examples are provided by Nastasi and her co-workers in their exploration of the meaning of psychological well-being in children and families in different countries and the role that schools can and do play in fostering this (Nastasi, Moore, & Varjas, 2004; Nastasi et al., 2007). In a similar vein, the identification of children’s rights as they are perceived and made manifest globally has been an important focus of research within the International School Psychology Association (ISPA) (Burden, 1993; Hart, Pavlovic, & Zeidner, 2001; Jaconsen & Schlegel, 2001). Other examples can be found in school psychology publications of ways of implementing inclusive practices within schools (Anderson, Klassen, & Georgiou, 2007; Engelbrecht, Oswald, & Forlin, 2006; Farrell, 2004), and in the development of international training courses in crisis intervention (Brock, Lazarus, & Jimerson, 2002; Jimerson, Brock, & Fletcher, 2005; Sandoval & Lewis, 2002).
Underlying each of these sets of examples is an implicit psychological theory of learning and its counterpart, education. If school psychologists are to provide a truly worthwhile educational service, they need to understand how schools function within the specific education systems in which they are embedded, together with the strengths and weaknesses of various teaching methodologies. It is no longer enough, if it ever has been, to focus entirely upon the functioning of individuals on various tests of learning potential and attainment (Kelly, Woolfson, & Boyle, 2008; Klassen, Neufeld, & Munro, 2005; Reschly, 1997, 2000). The underlying premise upon which this article is based is that all applied psychologists should be aware of, and where possible make explicit, the learning theory which underpins their practice and research. At the same time they have a responsibility to evaluate their interventions from a similar perspective.
The project and its evaluation described here was carried out within the framework of socio-cultural theory (Kozulin, 1998; Kozulin, Gindis, Ageyev, & Miller, 2003). Briefly, within an educational context, this presupposes that all learning is the result of dynamic interactions between teachers and students by means of a meditational process, involving psychological tools such as language and other symbol systems, around a series of activities usually referred to as ‘the curriculum’. This process occurs within a nest of overlapping contexts—physical, psychological, sociological, cultural, and historical (Moll, 1991). Only by recognizing the contribution of each of these aspects to the learning process can we come to fully understand how and why some individuals or groups learn more or less successfully than others. Any intervention scheme designed to improve learning therefore needs to take into account the five main factors of teacher, student, (formal and informal) curriculum, activity, and context, and to seek to evaluate the specific contribution of each of these factors to the project outcomes.
Allied to the notion of dynamic interactions within continually shifting contexts are assumptions about the nature of the research process within ‘real life’ settings (Burden, 1997; Robson, 2002). Simple linear cause-effect models cannot take into account the complexity of a socio-cultural view of learning. An alternative approach that will be drawn upon here is that of illuminative evaluation (Burden, 2008). Drawing upon the ideas of Parlett and Hamilton (1987), who suggested that the purpose of project evaluation was to throw light on what was taking place throughout the project, rather than seeking to control as many variables as possible, Burden and Williams (1996) constructed their SPARE wheel evaluation model. (See also, Burden & Nichols, 2000). The acronym SPARE represents different aspects of the data gathering and decision-making process in any research or project evaluation (The Setting, Plans, Action, Reaction, and overall Evaluation). The notion of a Spare Wheel was meant to convey that the process was cyclical rather than linear, and that this particular tool was something that every applied psychologist could carry around with them.
In examining the Setting, the aim of the evaluator should be to construct a ‘rich picture’ of what Parlett and Hamilton (1987) term the ‘learning milieu’, by describing in as much detail as possible the historical, cultural, and political factors contributing to the current context of the project. In an educational context, this might well lead to a consideration of the awareness of changing perspectives on the nature and purpose of schools and schooling. Here it should be possible to determine the source of any impetus towards change, as well as identifying potential supportive forces and barriers. In considering Plans, the task of the evaluator is to determine exactly how it is intended that the proposed changes are to be brought about by those committed to them. It is important to consider here also what would be likely to constitute successful outcomes and how these might be measured. However, it is almost a truism to state that no plans ever work out in quite the manner intended. For this reason it is essential during the Action phase that the evaluator keeps detailed records and observations of exactly what takes place on an ongoing basis. As well as arranging for the implementation of any agreed assessment procedures, the evaluator needs to record here how and why things go wrong as well as what works. At the same time, the evaluator needs to find ways of recording the Reactions of as wide a range of stakeholder participants as possible. What is the overall level of commitment to the planned changes? What changes have occurred other than those anticipated, and what are the possible reasons for these? The Evaluation stage runs through the whole process because it is ongoing rather than terminal, formative as well as summative. Because evaluators taking this kind of approach are continuously reflecting on what they see and hear, they should be involved in ongoing dialogue with key stakeholders about the sense that they are making of their observations. Any final report should not contain major revelations or surprises that have not been discussed previously.
The present study
The project to be described here, and its illuminative evaluation, arose out of a discussion between the authors about the possibility of carrying out a research and development project in a developing country, supported by funding from one of the European Community’s funding streams. As the second author (WT) had previously been involved in the organization of several such projects, it was decided to draw upon the knowledge thereby gained to apply for financial support from the European Tempus fund in order to offer in-service education to practicing teachers in rural schools in Outer Mongolia. Details of these plans, subsequently funded to the tune of €285,000 over a three-year period, and the reasons for this specific application, are described in detail below. The project itself was highly complex, with a wide range of anticipated and unforeseen outcomes. (A full description of all aspects of the Outreach Project is available from the authors on request.) However, the purpose of this article is to demonstrate how psychological principles and theories, as described above, came to play a significant part in the shaping of the project and its subsequent evaluation. Although the success of the project depended to a great extent upon the collaborative contributions of colleagues from a number of different disciplines, including pedagogy, curriculum studies, sociology, information technology, and disability studies, in this instance the lens through which it will be seen is that of applied psychology as the project leader (RB) was an educational psychologist. The model to be used for this description will be the SPARE Wheel.
Setting
Mongolia is a large landlocked, sparsely inhabited country of some 3 million people, covering a land mass two-thirds the size of Western Europe. Caught mainly between the two great powers of China and Russia, it has long sought to maintain its independence as a buffer state, operating as a former voluntary member of the USSR and, since 1990, as an independent democratic republic. Following the breakup of the socialist system in the early 1990s, a new free market economy has brought both benefits and pitfalls. Those aspects of society most obviously susceptible to rapid marketization resided principally in the congested, polluted capital, Ulaanbaatar, which housed over a quarter of the population and continued to exercise a certain attraction from the countryside.
In the late Soviet period rural education and medicine had been well subsidized. However, that practice was seriously diminished as the independent republic struggled to reconcile the rigours of the market and popular expectations from democracy. The tough herdsmen and their families living in one of the harshest climates on the planet are historically well-adapted to survival. They have little absolute need for money and can subsist on the product of the horses, sheep, goats, yaks, and camels they herd. Their astonishingly adaptable gers, which can be dismantled for transport in a couple of hours, protect them successfully from temperatures ranging from −35℃ to +40℃. However, dependence upon rural husbandry was severely affected by a series of severe winter events and droughts in the late 1990s. In particular, there were two winters in each of which nearly two million animals died. The consequent loss of livelihood drove many more of the rural population into the capital, where they set up extensive ger settlements on the outskirts.
About a third of the population of Ulaanbaatar now comprises such settlements. It is a city without the infrastructure to sustain them and whose population has increased to around one million, a third of the population of country. Actual poverty has been increased by these events. Over 36% of the population, of whom 38% are below the age of 16 and only 4% above 65, currently live below the poverty line ($0.75 per day). Ulaanbaatar is located in the centre of the country at an altitude of 1500 m above sea level. There are few other towns with more than a few thousand people, the largest of which act as administrative centres of provinces known as Aimags. These are typically the size of Austria with populations of around 70,000, and are divided into Soums (districts) and further into Bags (parishes). There are virtually no permanent roads throughout the country outside of the capital and few reliable maps. Soums are often cut off from each other, therefore, for months at a time, particularly during harsh winters when icy surface can cover the plains for hundreds of miles. There is only one railway track, a branch from the Trans-Siberian line connecting with Beijing via Ulaanbaatar. Thus, maintaining communication networks across the country can pose enormous problems.
Outside of the capital, education is generally undertaken in ‘complex’ schools that combine kindergarten, primary, and secondary education in one set of buildings serving a whole Soum district comprising very wide areas of countryside. Consequently most of these schools, have dormitories for the children from the more remote areas. The collapse of the Soviet system-support and the subsequent economic downturn has led to the removal of subsidies for these dormitories, which in turn has led to lower levels of attainment and an increased dropout rate for children prior to the official leaving age of 16 years (Del Rosario, 2005). Although most of the schools are closed from mid-June until early September the nomadic culture has also meant that a significant proportion of herders’ children miss some schooling during the brief summer months to help their parents with their livestock. (This is beautifully illustrated in the Mongolian film The Cave of the Yellow Dog).
The impetus for what came to be termed the ‘Outreach’ project came from recognition within the Mongolian Ministry for Education, supported by a number of reports by international agencies that the country’s education system was in need of drastic reform. They identified ‘interactive’ and ‘pupil centred’ learning as important. Indeed, a two-year EU funded project, ‘Interact’ (1999–2000), also coordinated by Exeter University, UK, eponymously acknowledged and addressed those concerns, working with the dynamic English Language department and very small Educational Studies department at the then Mongolian State Pedagogical University. The university has since be renamed The Mongolian State University of Education under a new rector. It was from lessons learned during project ‘Interact’ that the project described in this article grew.
This and our own subsequent experience of rural schools identified widespread practice that remained entirely teacher-directed and heavily didactic. All classrooms were set out with three rows of desks, with each row being allocated a child monitor responsible for the orderliness of the children in the row and who bridged the gap between the differential status of the student and teacher. This pyramidal structure of the classroom reflects what Steiner-Khamsi and Stolpe (2006) refer to as ‘democratic centralism’—arguing that this was a common feature of socialist life and the’ micro-collective’ of the Mongolian classroom.
Although more than a quarter of the population is unemployed, jobs do exist within the fast growing service industries, particularly for those with appropriate knowledge and skills. Unfortunately, the education system, dominated for so long by rigid socialist dogma and an outdated knowledge-based curriculum has failed to prepare the potential workforce with the required skills for survival.
A recent report, compiled for the benefit of the World Bank (2008), pointed out that the skills needed to enhance the ability to perform as entrepreneurs or workers in the private sector include, but are not limited to thinking skills (critical and creative thinking), behavioral skills (perseverance, self-discipline, team-work, the ability to negotiate conflict and manage risks), special knowledge (including numeracy and literacy) and vocational skills (a mix of specific knowledge and skills to perform jobs that rely on clearly defined tasks). (World Bank, 2008, p.13)
The opportunity to meet with the Rector of the Mongolian State University of Education, situated in the country’s capital, Ulaanbaatar, where the vast majority of Mongolian teachers are trained, confirmed that this was indeed the case—but that he and his colleagues had a strong commitment to change. He also concurred with a further comment in the World Bank Report (p. 30) that ‘The implementation of student-centred learning will take time and will require substantial investments in pre- and in-service training’.
Successive governments have recognized the need for educational change, but have tended to present edicts and new regulations without apparently thinking through the consequences or the requirements necessary to make them work. For example, in 2008 it was suddenly announced that from September of that year full-time education would be available from the age of six, thereby extending the curriculum over 12 years. The existing teaching workforce was not consulted about this change, teacher training institutes were given only a limited opportunity to prepare either untrained teachers or the new curriculum, and the enormous resource implications were only minimally touched upon.
In 1998 a new standards-based curriculum had been introduced in an attempt to break away from an educational system largely aimed at the transmission of outdated information along traditional subject lines. The old system assumed that all children across the country would be following the same textbooks at more or less the same pace. Rote learning was the norm and all examination success and access to higher education was founded upon this. Yet again, however, there was little attention given to how these new standards were to be reached. Teachers trained under the old regime had no idea how to run their classes to encourage individualized learning or collaborative group work amongst their pupils.
As the World Bank report comments ‘While these standards are consistent with the acquisition of skills that are needed for work and life, the enacted curriculum and teaching practices are not very consistent with these goals’ (p.15). And further, The curriculum continues to be too theoretical and focused on traditional academic subjects, while teaching continues to be teacher-centered rather than interactive, as well as to encourage memorization rather than critical and creative thinking and individual learning rather than team-work. (p. 16) The major problem for the curriculum reform exercise is that few educational professionals in Mongolia have had direct personal experience of either teaching and learning for very young children or for the introduction and use of the new methodological approaches such as student-centred learning, small group and individual learning, project work and the development of problem solving and higher order thinking skills. As a result, there is a tendency for the new curriculum and syllabuses (and the associated development, production and provision of teaching and learning materials) to be more informed by theoretical rather than practical experiences. (p. 58)
The next step was to seek the involvement of interested and appropriate academics at the Exeter School of Education (SELL) who would be prepared to travel on a fairly regular basis to Mongolia to work with rural teachers for little remuneration, and to provide input for Mongolian tutors on return visits to England. The response was very positive and eight representatives from Exeter visited Mongolia over the three-year period of the project, two of whom visited on a six-monthly basis to work with teachers in selected provinces. Mongolian tutors travelled to England to work for significant periods in SELL on three occasions and once to Denmark.
We were concerned not to make the mistake of many similar projects by flying in, imparting brief inset inputs and flying out again. One of our major aims was sustainability. Accordingly we negotiated with MSEU to work mainly with a selected group of teacher educators in an attempt to empower them to act as the main trainers and sources of support for the province teachers. As a further incentive, MSEU was prepared to offer a series of credits to all teachers producing written records of the work they carried out during the Outreach Project leading ultimately to a Master’s degree for those submitting an acceptable dissertation. Such accreditation provides both status and extra financial remuneration in Mongolia.
Plans
In consultation with the Rector of MSUE, a needs analysis was carried out which led to the endorsement of the project’s main aim and to five related objectives for the Outreach project. These were: Main aim: To design and establish a functioning and sustainable modular in-service programme of professional development of up to master’s degree level for serving teachers in Rural Mongolia. Objectives: To upgrade the methodology and content of teacher education; to strengthen the role and responsibility of MSUE in providing professional advocacy and expertise in teacher education; to develop the professional qualities of teacher educators at the University; to improve the quality of curriculum content and teaching methodology in selected schools; and to introduce modular, credit based advanced courses for teachers, leading to a professional master’s-level degree.
It was decided to provide teachers in two rural provinces (aimags), Khentii and Tuv with the opportunity of taking part in the project. There would be open enrolment for about 80 teachers and input sessions were to take place at annual summer courses based at the main high school in each district (soum) and at the university in Ulaanbaatar. These courses were to be centred upon four modules leading up to a final practical dissertation which had to be based on an action research project carried out in each candidate’s school.
It was planned for the modules to follow a developmental sequence, starting with reflection on and evaluation of their own practice, assessing their students’ knowledge and skills, planning, implementing, and evaluating new ways of working, and finally taking a wider perspective by considering aspects of the learning environment, considering the quality of teaching and learning, working with parents, and developing a whole new curriculum.
Action
Our first task was to gain the acceptance and trust of those with whom we would be working. A self-selected group of five faculty members from the University of Exeter’s School of Education and Lifelong Learning travelled to Ulaanbaatar in the middle of winter 2004 to meet with a group of 17 teacher trainers who had been carefully selected by the University Rector as current and potential future leaders within the university. The fact that none spoke English and few had had any teaching experience in schools meant that all negotiations and discussions had to be interpreter-mediated, thereby making them lengthy and protracted, at least in the early sessions. We were faced with the additional problem that the group’s expectation was that our function was to simply instruct them in the basic techniques of group work and child-centred learning and then do the same with a selected body of teachers.
Instead we negotiated a more pyramidal structure whereby we would work alongside the tutors in developing their pedagogical knowledge and skills and they in turn would act as facilitators to a volunteer group of teachers working in the two rural aimags of Khenti and Tuv. Those teachers would in turn be expected to act as facilitators within their districts following the attainment of their Masters degree in Education. Thus, we deliberately resisted requests at this stage to provide formal input sessions geared to our own particular areas of expertise, but sought instead to facilitate open-ended discussions and to model ways of working collaboratively, but not necessarily perfectly harmoniously, around themes that the tutors themselves identified. These sessions were held twice annually at the Mongolian State University and once each year in Exeter, which the tutors’ group visited for periods of two weeks.
We quickly learned that it was not enough to expect the Mongolian tutors to start from scratch and build a curriculum without some form of informational input from their Western ‘guides’. Each member of the UK team therefore selected a relevant topic to introduce (e.g. the purpose and function of schools, questioning techniques, motivational issues, reflective practice, action-research) and modelled an interactive learning process. At first we were unsure how much the tutors were gaining from what to them was an unfamiliar and unorthodox way of working because initial feedback was minimal. However, as soon as the first summer conference began, it became clear that the tutors had been fast learners and were rapidly gaining in expertise in facilitating small group teacher interaction. This also meant that we often had to be ready to help them organize different ways of the teachers feeding back their reflections to each other (e.g. by means of jigsaw techniques).
Each summer conference began with the teachers sharing their experiences of reflecting on their current practice and attempting different ways of working, having already written this up in order to obtain credits towards the MA. The Mongolian University tutors marked these assignments, graded them for their efforts to implement what had been agreed at the previous conference and used them as a basis for further discussion.
Reaction
Once the university tutors grasped that we were placing the onus of their own and the teachers’ development on them; they began to respond enthusiastically in their own way. Mongolians do not by nature express overt enthusiasm. Until we came to understand this, we were unsure as to how our messages were being received. But then we discovered that after our input sessions had finished, the tutors (and later also the teachers) would work long into the night discussing what we had said and demonstrated, and deciding how they themselves could best act collaboratively and as facilitators for the teachers to whom they had been assigned. At the end of the project, the Rector of the University wrote, My University is a principal beneficiary of the project, for we have established a skilled, dynamic group of educationalists across the curriculum. They are able to influence policy within their own departments and across the range of subjects both inside the university and in schools.
The teachers’ reactions gathered at the end of our final conference clearly indicated perceptions of personal development on the part of many of them in their understanding of and their confidence in attempting new ways of working, and in their satisfaction in the outcomes. As one teacher commented, We were concerned about the educational reforms in Mongolia because we didn’t know how to accomplish them. Now we can see a clear pathway. Previously, as teachers we gave lessons like ‘1 + 1 = 2’; now we realise we should make changes. We should demand of our learners not only correct answers, but to think differently and to share our different opinions with others. We understand that the main goal of teachers’ work is to engage with learners, and the important thing is to bring children up with good ethics and good morals. We thought that teachers just gave lessons, but now we realise that teachers should learn alongside their children. Teachers should not just think that they are educating their children, but that they are educating themselves and that they should learn from one another. Education should develop through collaboration between teachers, schools, local organisations and parents. We have learned how to listen and develop respect for others.
Evaluation
Drawing together our findings from the four key aspects of the SPARE wheel process, a much fuller and arguably more helpful picture emerges of the Outreach Project than would have been possible by more conventional means. First, by focusing so explicitly upon the cultural setting within which we would be working, we were able to avoid many of the mistakes of other ‘culturally imperialistic’ projects and provide an input to the Mongolian education system that was perceived as meaningful and useful to the main stakeholders, the Mongolian university tutors and school teachers. It is this emphasis upon understanding and describing the setting in as much detail as possible that epitomises illuminative evaluation and differentials it from more ‘straightforward’ action research. In this instance we were thereby able to ensure that organizational change was brought about from within rather than imposed from without. Second, we were able to draw upon previous official documentation and our discussions with the University Rector and his colleagues (the 17 course tutors) together with their knowledge of the setting of the schools in drawing up our aims and planning our input. At the action stage, however, we were constrained by barriers of language, time, and distance. We were never completely able to overcome the language barriers on both sides. This meant that without our expert interpreter and her assistants we were ‘lost’ as to what was being said and done. Communication barriers were not only confined to the structure of the two languages. The Mongolian culture is very different from the British and deeper misunderstandings were often apparent. What we initially interpreted as indifference was in fact deep reflection leading to much private discussion and creative new ways of working.
The commitments demanded on both sides were enormous. No extra time was allocated by either university for work on the project. The Exeter team gave up their vacation time to travel to Mongolia and depended upon uncompensated goodwill of their colleagues to work with the Mongolian tutors and arrange school visits when they came to Exeter. The Mongolian tutors were even more hard pressed, working long hours and travelling hundreds of miles over and above the call of duty to keep the project alive. No extra time or remuneration was made available to them for this work; but no word of complaint ever reached our ears.
Resources were limited within Mongolia because of the nature of the terrain, the lack of funding available to schools, and the misappropriation of the country’s natural resources. The teachers themselves were nevertheless extremely enthusiastic from the start, to a level way above one that would ever be expected in most Western countries. They were excited and enormously grateful to both the tutors and the European consultants for their input and support—literally killing the fatted sheep and arranging mini-festivals in their visitors’ honour. They were also prepared to travel unhesitatingly and uncomplainingly across a barren landscape devoid of anything representing a road for eight-to-ten hours to attend the summer conferences.
Understandably, the initial reactions to our input were often confused and driven by the tutors’ and teachers’ previous experiences and implicit assumptions about the teaching/learning process. However, as their trust in us developed and their personal confidence grew and was reinforced by the successful production of modular assignments based upon their reflections on new practices, so did their shared enthusiasm and appreciation. This led to the production of a newspaper chronicling their experiences, which was distributed to schools throughout the country.
Of the original 84 teachers beginning the project, 68 had successfully completed their Masters dissertations one year after our final joint conference and were reported to be taking responsibility for acting as mentors to other teachers in their provinces to help them change their practices. At the time of writing, the overall evaluation of the project can justifiably be seen as highly positive. The intention that our work should be collaborative was realized. That it also seems to be sustainable, as we hoped, is largely thanks to the evident judgement of the teacher educators and the participant teachers that the process was worth considerable extra work. Moreover, we must acknowledge the wisdom of the Mongolian university and the two local authorities in recognizing that these efforts deserved both formal recognition and opportunist exploitation. Such flexibility is rare in bureaucratic organizations.
Discussion
What is the relevance of our Mongolian Outreach Project for school psychology? What psychological resources have been drawn upon and what has been learned? It is in seeking answers to such questions that we may be able to address the issue raised at the beginning of this article about its international provenance. If we consider each of the five main areas covered by socio-cultural theory, as indicated in our introduction, it should become possible to identify these psychological indices. Firstly, if a paradigm shift is to be made from a traditional transmission approach to teaching to one which is learner-centred and transformative, the psychological notion of mediation in accordance to which the teacher acts as a facilitator, rather than an instructor, needs to be fully understood. Acquiring such understanding is not a cerebral process. It requires modelling of the elements of the mediation process, as illustrated by Feuerstein and his co-workers (Feuerstein, Klein, & Tannenbaum, 1991). At the same time, the curse of cultural imperialism needed to be avoided. Our psychological aim was one of empowerment, such that the people with whom we worked entered upon a true journey of discovery which would enable them to decide for themselves whether this was a worthwhile journey for them and, if so, how they could develop the skills, strategies, and confidence to continue with it once the project had formally ended. Here we were drawing upon fundamental aspects of humanistic psychology (Shor & Freire, 1987; Vella, 1995), as well as a particular form of psychological consultancy (Wagner, 2008). In this we were also drawing unashamedly upon the insights of those such as Michael Fullan (Fullan, 1993; Fullan & Watson, 1998) about how to bring about effective change.
The need to rethink the very nature of the curriculum itself has been identified by the important World Bank Report. In this suggestion are echoes of the very changes that are currently being introduced into the English National Curriculum in the form of the ‘cognitive’ curriculum (Burden & Williams, 1997; Costa, 1991; Wilks, 2005). The ‘thinking schools’ movement in England and Wales is dedicated to building a school curriculum which has as its foundation the necessary skills and dispositions identified by the World Bank as essential for worthwhile engagement in an entrepreneurial society. The identification of these thinking and behavioural skills is very much the province of developmental psychology (Case, 1985; Lewis, 1989; Tan & Seng, 2005). They are also essential if the human rights of children are to be met in countries such as Mongolia (Altangerel, 2007).
The issue at stake here centres upon our conceptualization of the very nature of school psychology. If the profession does not find ways of adapting to changing circumstances within education systems, then it is in danger of becoming ever more marginalized, or even dying out altogether (e.g. the current APA debates on the applicability of the term ‘school psychologist’). In England and Wales, Local Authority responses to the ‘Every Child Matters’ legislation has posed a serious threat to the autonomy of applied educational psychologists and has made a range of demands on the skills expected of child and family centred professionals. At the same time, the abandonment of the requirement for educational psychologists to have trained and practiced as teachers runs the risk of limiting their educational experience and fundamental contact with schools. It is not difficult to envisage a profession moving even more closely towards a role akin to that of clinical child psychologists. If the term ‘school’ or ‘educational’ is to be retained, then the argument of this article is that an understanding of the similarities and differences between educational systems, first hand knowledge of the nature of the school curriculum at different levels, and how to identify effective meditational pedagogy are absolutely essential together with the skills of ‘real world’ evaluation. Knowledge about individual differences in children is important, but in itself is not enough to constitute an effective school/educational psychologist, nor are individual focused assessment skills. It is the judicious combination of a wide range of knowledge and skills from the twin disciplines of psychology and education that makes the profession of educational/school psychology so unique.
