Failure to Grow Up,Failure to Pay? Parents’ Views of Conflict Over Money With Their Emerging Adults

Abstract

Grounded in the theoretical frameworks of emerging adulthood and intergenerational ambivalence, parental concerns about their child’s attainment of adulthood was investigated as the focal predictor of the likelihood of monetary conflict between American parents and emerging adults. A national sample of 791 parents (51% female; 73% White) of emerging adults (18-29 years old) completed surveys. Results showed that 43% of parents experienced monetary conflict with their emerging adult, and one in five were “very concerned” that their child would not attain adulthood. Additionally, the odds of monetary conflict were 3.11 times higher when parents endorsed greater concerns about attaining adulthood (e.g., might never become fully adult). This association was the strongest beyond key demographic, parental well-being, and parent–emerging adult relationship factors. Findings help illuminate the basis of monetary conflict in emerging adulthood and indicate parents’ fears of “failure to launch” may have very real consequences, suggesting implications for financial socialization.

Keywords

parent–emerging adult conflict parental financial support intergenerational ambivalence parent–emerging adult relationships failure to launch

Although the American parent–child relationship typically moves toward increased mutuality and intimacy during emerging adulthood (Aquilino, 2006; Arnett, 2015), conflict still occurs. While the frequency of this conflict tends to be less than during adolescence (Whiteman, McHale, & Crouter, 2011) and most emerging adults report low, stable levels of conflict with their parents (Nelson, Bahrassa, Syed, & Lee, 2015), when parents and emerging adults do argue, one of the main topics of conflict is money. A seminal study by Renk et al. (2007) identified material possessions, including money, to be among the top three most frequent domains of conflict between parents and emerging adults. Qualitative research has also documented that parents and emerging adults often have divergent perspectives on the provision and use of money (Arnett & Fishel, 2013; Kenyon & Koerner, 2009). What remains to be investigated, however, is the basis of this monetary conflict. Because parent–emerging adult conflict can have future ramifications on both parties’ relational and individual outcomes (e.g., Silverstein, Lendon, & Giarrusso, 2012), it is important to assess what factors may or may not be related to its occurrence.

One factor that has gained attention in popular media (e.g., Ascher & Anderer, 2015) and clinical and developmental psychology (e.g., Burn & Szoeke, 2016) is parents’ fears of “failure to launch.” This phrase is used to describe emerging adults who are having difficulty transitioning to adulthood compared with same-aged peers (e.g., finding a stable job) and are highly dependent on their parents for emotional, functional, and financial support. While it is normative for American parents to provide financial support to emerging adults undergoing transitions (e.g., Swartz, Kim, Uno, Mortimer, & O’Brien, 2011), the sizeable cumulative amount of money provided across the 10-year span (ages 18-29 years) of emerging adulthood (e.g., Schoeni & Ross, 2005) may incite parental concerns about whether or not their child will grow up. Parents fear “that [their] accommodation will lead only to greater impairment” (Lebowitz, 2016, p. 89) can prompt confrontations of dependence and result in emotional conflicts. While clinical levels of failure to launch are not experienced by most emerging adults, being financially dependent on parents is a hallmark of emerging adulthood whereby the acquisition of self-sufficiency occurs via the gradual transition from parental- to self-dependence (Arnett, 2000, 2015; Tanner, 2006). As such, parents’ perspectives that their child is not making adequate progress toward self-sufficiency may lead to worries about the eventual achievement of adulthood (e.g., Pillemer & Suitor, 2002). Thus, the overarching goal of the current study was to investigate the association between parental concerns about attaining adulthood and the likelihood of monetary conflict between parents and emerging adults. To determine a valid estimate of this association, a host of key correlates of conflict, economic stress, financial support, and family functioning were first explored as factors that may explain monetary conflict.

Emerging Adults, Parents, and Money

Emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2000, 2015) is recognized as the distinct life stage that connects the end of adolescence and the beginning of young adulthood and is characterized by five key features: identity exploration, self-focus, instability, optimism/possibilities, and feeling in-between. Scholarship within and outside America has evidenced that delays in achieving traditional criteria for adulthood (e.g., marriage, parenthood) in the 21st century led to a qualitative shift in the experience of the twenties that now offers the ability to explore life opportunities before committing to adult responsibilities (e.g., Crocetti et al., 2015; Nelson et al., 2007). While this protracted passage to adulthood is considered normative, there is much heterogeneity in its experience across social class and race/ethnicity (Furstenberg, 2010). Neuroscience research has also recently documented substantial structural and functional changes in the emerging adult brain that do not consolidate until around age 25 years, which represent neural correlates of the more thoughtful, emotionally regulated, and planned decision-making behaviors exhibited by emerging adults (Taber-Thomas & Perez-Edgar, 2015).

Because emerging adults are in a transitory stage that can be instable and last up to 10 years, scholars argue that parents remain key socialization agents to facilitate emerging adults’ gradual gains in autonomy (e.g., Aquilino, 2006; Settersten, 2012). Inherent to this transition is ambiguity surrounding adulthood status as perceived by emerging adults and parents (Nelson et al., 2007). Furthermore, because the modern criteria for adulthood (i.e., accepting responsibility, making independent decisions, and becoming financially independent; Arnett, 2015) are multifaceted and not easily demarcated compared with historical criteria (e.g., marriage), there is little clarity regarding the time span and process required for each criterion. Hence, it is common and integral for parents to remain involved in and supportive of their emerging adult’s pursuit of the criteria for adulthood (e.g., Fingerman & Yahirun, 2015; Lowe & Dotterer, 2017). Parents are thus tasked with the balancing act of remaining connected while progressively removing support as their emerging adult gains autonomy. This difficult balancing act raises questions about parental authority and control during emerging adulthood, especially when parenting styles characterized by high levels of control and low levels of responsiveness have been linked to poor intra- and interpersonal outcomes (e.g., Nelson, Padilla-Walker, Christensen, Evans, & Carroll, 2011; Padilla-Walker, Nelson, & Knapp, 2014). Importantly, emerging adults who experience this parenting style also tend to receive considerable financial support from parents. Thus, it seems financial ties can complicate the family dynamics embedded in the process of gaining self-sufficiency and may trigger conflict between parents and emerging adults, notably about money.

While financial independence a key criterion for adulthood, few emerging adults have attained it. For example, 60% of a national sample of American emerging adults (ages 18-29 years) received financial support from parents ranging from “occasional” to “regular support for living expenses” (Arnett & Schwab, 2012). Obtaining financial independence takes time as many emerging adults pursue costly and lengthy tertiary degrees while others search for meaningful employment as they enter a job market starting at the bottom of the wage scale (Marshall & Butler, 2015). Thus, the financial well-being of emerging adults is often strained (Sorgente & Lanz, 2017) and parents frequently step in to help in times of crisis (e.g., serious illness) and transition (e.g., college attendance; Padilla-Walker, Nelson, & Carroll, 2012; Swartz et al., 2011). Generally, American parents provide on average $38,340 to their child from ages 18 to 34 years, which has increased since the 1970s (Schoeni & Ross, 2005), and most agree they have a responsibility to provide financial assistance to their adult child (Parker & Patton, 2013). Importantly, since the 1970s not only have families across the socioeconomic spectrum allocated more of their income to child expenses, particularly educational expenses, but families have also shifted their greatest spending from the adolescent to the young adult years (Kornrich & Furstenberg, 2013). These changes reflect parents’ willingness to invest to facilitate social and human capital during emerging adulthood, which is why financial support is considered a key mechanism for the intergenerational transmission of socioeconomic status (e.g., Schoeni & Ross, 2005; Settersten, 2012).

Despite the normative provision and withdrawal of financial support as emerging adults progress toward stability in adult roles (Hartnett, Furstenberg, Birditt, & Fingerman, 2013; Swartz et al., 2011), money is a top source of contention (e.g., Kenyon & Koerner, 2009; Renk et al., 2007). For example, a 50-year old mother interviewed in one study stated “I don’t think [my daughter] budgets her money well and she totally disagrees with me. She doesn’t really save money, she spends it all” (Kenyon & Koerner, 2009, p. 307). Conversely, an 18-year-old daughter noted that while she tries to budget by shopping at dollar stores and buying bargains, “no matter what, [her] mother will still look at it as spending money, even when [she does] need food to eat. This causes a lot of problems” (Kenyon & Koerner, 2009, p. 307). A large-scale survey study by Gaalen and Dykstra (2006) found that the second most common parent–child relationship typology, named “ambivalent,” was marked by both the highest levels of material assistance and conflict around this assistance. Importantly, the strongest predictor of the likelihood of belonging to the ambivalent type was age, whereby families with children aged 18 to 30 years were most likely to be classified as ambivalent. Altogether, while this research illuminates that the exchange and use of money can prompt conflict, much remains to be known about its basis. As such, the current study aims to identify factors related to the occurrence of monetary conflict and reasons that the gradualness of financial support may prompt parents’ concerns about their child achieving adulthood and incite conflict over money. Simply stated, when parents are footing the bill and they perceive their child is not making timely progress with attaining adulthood, tensions are likely to rise.

Intergenerational Ambivalence

Research and theory on intergenerational ambivalence in parent–adult child relationships provides further insights on the role of money in relations between parents and emerging adults (Birditt, Miller, Fingerman, & Lefkowitz, 2009; Connidis & McMullin, 2002; Lüscher & Pillemer, 1998; Pillemer & Suitor, 2002; Willson, Shuey, Elder, & Wickrama, 2006). Defined as the experience of both positive and negative feelings or cognitions in the parent–adult child dyad, intergenerational ambivalence results from an inherent competition between social norms promoting young people’s development of independence and the continuation of the intimate parent–child relationship, especially when young people are slower than expected in achieving independence. As Pillemer and Suitor (2002) stated, “when parents face such nonnormative circumstances, they are likely to experience mixed emotions, involving a desire to protect and assist the child, as well as a disappointment at the child’s situation and self-doubt regarding parenting” (p. 604). In the context of the current study, conflict over money is a logical consequence of the juxtaposition of parents’ desires to help their child weather the instability of emerging adulthood with parents’ mounting concerns for their child’s ability to reach adulthood in a timely manner. Indeed, adult-children’s financial dependence and problems have been positively related to parental ambivalence (Birditt et al., 2009; Pillemer & Suitor, 2002; Willson et al., 2006). Interviews with parents have also revealed that despite their willingness to provide financial aid, tension around monetary exchanges occurred especially when parents thought their child was stagnant in pursuit of independence, leading to the conclusion that “giving help prevented the parent from feeling guilt were he or she to abandon their child to unstable economic circumstances, but it simultaneously raised fears of having raised an inappropriately dependent adult as defined by mainstream norms” (Descartes, 2006, p. 146).

The Current Study

The overarching goal of the current study was to investigate factors that may be related to the likelihood of conflict over money between parents and emerging adults, with attention to parents’ concerns about their children attaining adulthood as a key predictor. Grounded in the theoretical frameworks of emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2000, 2015) and intergenerational ambivalence (Connidis & McMullin, 2002; Lüscher & Pillemer, 1998), it was hypothesized that parental concerns about attaining adulthood would be positively associated with the likelihood of monetary conflict. To strengthen confidence in the validity and accuracy of the estimate for this association, several key correlates of conflict, economic stress, and financial support across family relationships were initially assessed (e.g., Aquilino & Supple, 1991; Conger, Ge, Elder, Lorenz, & Simons, 1994; Fingerman, Miller, Birditt, & Zarit, 2009; Furstenberg, 2010; Papp, Cummings, & Goeke-Morey, 2009; Kim, Choi, Chatterjee, & Kim, 2012). These correlates fell into three categories including demographic, parental well-being, and parent–emerging adult relationship factors. First, we explored seven demographic factors, specifically parental education level, gender, race, and employment status, as well as emerging adult’s age, residential status, and gender. Second, we explored two parental well-being factors, specifically stress and mental health. Third, we explored three parent–emerging adult relationship factors, specifically relationship quality, parental expectations for reciprocity of support from their emerging adult, and frequency of financial support provided, given their links to family functioning (e.g., Aquilino, 2006; Silverstein, Conroy, Wang, Giarrusso, & Bengtson, 2002; Swartz et al., 2011). By initially investigating these correlates’ links to the likelihood of conflict over money, the current study was able to determine the extent to which parental concerns about attaining adulthood may explain monetary conflict beyond key factors that could otherwise account for this association.

Method

Participants and Procedures

Participants (Table 1) were 791 parents (M age = 51.67 years, SD = 7.60) of an emerging adult aged 18 to 29 years who were part of a larger, national cross-sectional study (N = 1,006; Arnett, & Schwab, 2013). The larger study broadly focused on parents’ perspectives on the third decade of life (e.g., their own vs. their child’s experiences), perspectives on family functioning (e.g., contact frequency with child), and reports on their own well-being (e.g., life satisfaction). The data collection for the overarching study, named the Clark University Poll of Parents of Emerging Adults, was conducted by Purple Strategies, a survey research firm. Three methods were used to obtain participants: landline telephone (37%), mobile phones (9%), and Internet panel (54%). The landline and mobile phone participants were obtained via random-digit dialing. The Internet sample consisted of members of a demographically diverse online panel assembled by the survey research firm. These three methods were used to obtain a diverse sample of 40- to 60-year-olds in the United States who were likely to have a child between the ages of 18 and 29 years. It was necessary to obtain the Internet sample given that rates of participation for those who are reached via landline are very low (Blumberg & Luke, 2013). All participants had complete data and no compensation was provided. The research was approved by the institutional review board of Clark University.

Table 1.

Differences in Study Variables by Parent–Emerging Adult (EA) Conflict Over Money Status.

Variable			Conflict over Money (n = 791)
Variable	Removed parents (n =215)	Sample (n = 791)	No (n = 449)	Yes (n = 342)	t or χ²
Demographic variables
Parent education level^a	2.16 (1.00)	2.48 (1.01)	2.54 (1.03)	2.39 (.98)	1.99
Parent gender (female)	119 (55%)	401 (51%)	225 (50%)	176 (51%)	0.14
Parent race/ethnicity (White)	144 (67%)	581 (73%)	332 (74%)	249 (73%)	0.13
Parent work status (>21 hours/week)^a	110 (51%)	514 (65%)	291 (65%)	223 (65%)	0.01
EA age^a	24.62 (3.08)	22.12 (3.22)	22.10 (3.29)	22.14 (3.13)	−0.20
EA residential status (not living at home)^a	156 (73%)	435 (55%)	254 (57%)	181 (53%)	1.04
EA gender (female)	98 (46%)	367 (46%)	216 (48%)	151 (44%)	1.22
Parental well-being
Stress^a	2.55 (1.76)	2.84 (1.71)	2.49 (1.67)	3.29 (1.66)	−6.61***
Mental health	1.85 (0.75)	1.94 (0.74)	1.82 (0.70)	2.11 (0.75)	−5.63***
Parent-EA relationship
Relationship quality^a	6.91 (1.67)	6.04 (2.21)	6.47 (1.93)	5.47 (2.42)	6.27^b***
Expected reciprocity^a	3.23 (0.84)	2.96 (0.92)	3.15 (0.84)	2.71 (0.95)	6.79^b***
Financial support^a	1.84 (0.97)	2.82 (1.16)	2.69 (1.23)	3.00 (1.05)	−3.78^b***
Concerns about attaining adulthood	—	1.59 (0.63)	1.37 (0.50)	1.89 (0.67)	−12.11^b***

Note. Data are presented as mean (standard deviation) or n (%). The referent group for each dichotomous variable is indicated in parentheses. The comparison group for each dichotomous variable was as follows: parent and EA gender = male, parent race/ethnicity = non-White, parent work status = less than 21 hours/week, and EA residential status = living at home.

The current study’s sample of parents had a significantly different (p < .05) mean level or proportion of the respective variable compared to the sample of removed parents (i.e., parents who reported “not applicable—he or she has achieved [adulthood]” to any of the concerns about attaining adulthood items). ^bThe Satterthwaite approximation was employed due to unequal group variances for the respective t tests.

p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Given the current study’s focus on parental concerns about attaining adulthood, parents who reported “not applicable—he or she has achieved [adulthood]” to any of the concern items were removed (n = 215). Differences in study variables between these two samples are reported in Table 1. The current study’s sample of parents was balanced with regard to mother (51%) and father (49%) participation. Parents’ average level of education indicated some form of postsecondary education (M = 2.48, SD = 1.01; college/occupational training program/2-year degree), and the distribution showed that 19% of parents had a high school degree or less, 35% had some college/occupational training/2-year degree, 26% had a 4-year degree, and 20% had a postgraduate degree. Most parents identified their race/ethnicity as White (73%), 11% identified as Latino/Hispanic, 11% identified as African American, 2% identified as Asian American, and 3% identified as other. Compared to national estimates of middle-aged Americans at the time the survey was conducted (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012a, 2012b), the current study’s distributions for parents’ education level and race/ethnicity were slightly biased toward higher levels of college education and White participants, respectively. Most parents reported working more than 21 hours/week (65%), and 35% reported working less than 21 hours/week. Regarding parents’ current relationship status, 72% were married, 6% were living with a partner, 4% were in a close relationship, 4% were occasionally dating, and 15% were not in a relationship.

Parents with more than one child in the 18- to 29-year age range were prompted to select one child who would be the focus of the survey and reported on that child’s demographics, specifically age, gender, and current housing status. The average age of emerging adults was 22.12 (SD = 3.22; range 18-29 years), 46% were female, and 55% did not live in their parent’s home.

Measures

Demographic Factors

Parent demographics were education level (1 = high school degree or less to 4 = graduate degree), gender (female = 0; male = 1), race/ethnicity, and work status (greater than 21 hours/week = 0; less than 21 hours/week = 1). Because 73% of the sample identified as White, parent race/ethnicity was collapsed into a dichotomous dummy variable (White = 0; minority = 1). Emerging adult demographics were age, residential status (not living at home = 0; living at home = 1), and gender (female = 0; male = 1).

Parental Well-Being Factors

Parental well-being was indicated by measures assessing stress and mental health. Stress was indicated by the total number of stressors parents reported currently experiencing (no = 0; yes = 1) from a list of eight stressors, specifically physical health, spouse/partner’s physical health, caring for elderly parents or in-laws, relationships with 18- to 29-year-old children, financial issues, relationship with spouse/partner, work issues, and caring for grandchildren. A total frequency count of stressors ranging from 0 to 8 was calculated so that higher scores indicated more stress. Although the internal consistency was low (α = .51), because the measure represented a total sum score for stress, regardless of type of stressor, it was retained. Mental health was indicated by four items (1 = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree): Overall, I am satisfied with my life (reverse scored), I often feel depressed, I often feel anxious, I often feel that my life is not going well (α = .80). Mean scores were calculated so that higher scores indicated higher levels of mental health problems experienced by parents.

Parent–Emerging Adult Relationship Factors

Parent–emerging adult relationship was indicated by measures assessing relationship quality, expected reciprocity, and financial support. Relationship quality was indicated by the total amount of positive changes parents reported experiencing in their relationship with their emerging adult since he or she was 15 years old (no = 0; yes = 1) from a list of nine changes, such as “We enjoy our time together more,” “We have more adult conversations,” and “He/she sees me more as a person rather than a parent.” These changes are grounded in literature documenting a transition to a more mutual and positive relationship from adolescence to emerging adulthood (e.g., Arnett, 2015; Whiteman et al., 2011). A total frequency count of positive relationship changes ranging from 0 to 9 was calculated so that higher scores indicated higher levels of relationship quality (α = .72). Parent’s expected reciprocity for support from their emerging adult (1 = strongly disagree to 4 = strongly agree) was indicated by 2-items (i.e., I am confident that my child will be willing to help care for me in my old age if I need help, and I am confident that my child will be willing to help me financially in my old age if I need help). Mean scores were calculated so that higher scores indicated higher levels of expected reciprocity (α = .85). The item “How much financial support do you provide to your child” indicated parental provision of financial support (1 = little to none to 4 = regular support for living expenses).

Parental Concerns About Attaining Adulthood

Parental concerns about attaining adulthood (1 = not at all concerned to 3 = very concerned) was assessed by three items, specifically parents’ concerns that their son/daughter might never find a stable job, is taking too long to become financially independent, and might never become fully adult. Mean scores were calculated so that higher scores indicated greater concerns about attaining adulthood (α = .82).

Conflict Over Money

Parents responded to the question “Is money a main topic of conflict with your child now” via two response options: “no” or “yes.” As such, conflict over money was a binary outcome variable (0 = no conflict, n = 449; 1 = conflict, n = 342).

Analytic Strategy

Given the dichotomous nature of the outcome variable, conflict over money, logistic regression was utilized. Specifically, a four-step logistic regression analysis was conducted to assess if parental concerns about attaining adulthood predicted the likelihood of monetary conflict above and beyond three groups of key covariates: Demographic (Model 1), parental well-being (Model 2), and parent–emerging adult relationship factors (Model 2). The sequencing of models was intentional to complement the increasing complexity of the groups of covariates assessed. This process facilitated a clearer understanding of how the introduction of progressively more complex factors may explain the likelihood of monetary conflict, beginning with individual (Model 1) and intrapersonal factors (Model 2) and concluding with interpersonal factors (Model 3). To determine if the addition of variables at each step contributed to predicting the likelihood of monetary conflict, the change in negative 2-loglikelihood was calculated.

Sensitivity analyses were conducted to assess if logistic regression results were similar for the total sample (N = 1,006) and the analytic sample (n = 791, which removed 215 parents who reported “N/A” to any of the concern items), given that parents may still have conflict over money with their emerging adult whom they perceive to be “fully launched.” First, the majority of removed parents did not report conflict over money (n = 149; 69%). Second, logistic regression results were similar for each model regarding the significance and strength of variables assessed. Importantly, the quality of the models via percent concordant was higher for the analytic sample compared with the total sample, indicating that the smaller sample, which included only parents who reported concerns about attaining adulthood, was more accurate with predicting the likelihood of conflict over money. Given these findings from the sensitivity analyses, and our article’s focus on parental fears of “failure to launch,” there is evidence to support the appropriateness and thus retention of our analytic sample.

Results

Descriptive Statistics

Descriptive statistics and correlations for all study variables are presented in Tables 1 and 2. The frequency distribution of parental well-being and parent–emerging adult relationship factors revealed, for instance, that 84% or parents experienced four or fewer stressors, 63% experienced low levels of mental health problems, 66% experienced six or more positive relationship changes, and 78% conveyed high levels of expected reciprocity from their emerging adult later in life. Regarding financial support for emerging adults, 42% of parents provided “regular support for living expenses,” 16% provided “frequent support when needed,” 24% provided “occasional support when needed,” and 18% provided “little or none.” For concerns about attaining adulthood, on average parents reported moderate levels of concern, and the distribution showed that 37% of parents were “not at all concerned,” 43% were “somewhat concerned,” and 20% were “very concerned” that their emerging adult might never become an adult. Importantly, 43% of parents reported monetary conflict.

Group difference analyses (i.e., chi-square, t test) revealed parents experiencing monetary conflict reported slightly higher levels of stress, mental health problems, financial support for their emerging adult, and concerns about their child attaining adulthood (Table 1). These parents also reported slightly lower levels of relationship quality and expected reciprocity. Correlation analyses showed the pattern and significance of links between demographic and parental well-being factors and parental concerns over attaining adulthood was similar across groups. Some associations between relationship factors and concerns about attaining adulthood were stronger among parents reporting monetary conflict (Table 2). For instance, the negative association between relationship quality and parental concerns was almost twice as large among parents reporting monetary conflict.

Table 2.

Correlations and Descriptive Statistics for Study Variables by Parent–Emerging Adult (EA) Conflict Over Money Status.

Variable	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9	10	11	12	13
1. Parent education level	—	.16***	−.10*	−.15**	−.03	−.16***	−.01	.04	.03	−.05	.05	.14**	−.06
2. Parent gender^a	.14*	—	−.07	−.13**	−.01	−.01	−.03	−.07	.03	−.11*	−.15**	.03	.03
3. Parent race/ethnicity^b	.04	−.09	—	.02	.09	.05	−.03	.10*	−.05	−.08	.07	.03	.10*
4. Parent work status^c	−.19**	−.14*	.02	—	−.07	.11*	.15**	−.06	.07	−.01	.01	−.15**	.01
5. EA age	−.06	−.04	.06	.17**	—	−.29***	.01	−.01	.04	.16**	.03	−.54***	−.08
6. EA residential status^d	−.12*	−.06	.02	−.01	−.01	—	.03	.01	−.06	−.27***	−.02	.35***	.15**
7. EA gender^e	−.11*	.05	.07	.01	.12*	.08	—	.01	.03	−.09	−.14**	−.05	.09
8. Parent stress	−.07	−.04	−.04	−.02	.05	.03	.05	—	.42***	−.11*	−.14**	−.01	.24***
9. Parent mental health	−.13*	−.16**	−.13*	.17**	−.01	.05	−.02	.33***	—	−.14**	−.08	−.01	.18***
10. Relationship quality	.05	−.06	.04	−.03	.07	−.23***	−.10	−.11*	−.11*	—	.36***	−.19***	−.29***
11. Expected reciprocity	−.06	−.11*	.13*	.07	−.05	−.08	−.05	−.08	−.10	.54***	—	−.06	−.32***
12. Financial support	.24***	.01	−.07	−.09	−.26***	.27***	−.04	.02	−.04	−.12*	−.04	—	.24***
13. Concerns about adulthood	−.01	−.05	−.01	.04	.11*	.23***	.09	.22***	.22***	−.45***	−.43***	.11*	—
M	2.48				22.12			2.84	1.94	6.04	2.96	2.82	1.59
SD	1.01				3.22			1.71	0.74	2.21	0.92	1.16	.63
Observed range	1-4				18-29			0-8	1-4	0-9	1-4	1-4	1-3
α								.51	.80	.72	.85

Note. M = mean; SD = standard deviation. Correlations below the diagonal reflect those for parents who reported conflict over money with their emerging adult (conflict over money status = 1; n = 342). Correlations above the diagonal reflect those for parents who reported no conflict over money with their emerging adult (conflict over money status = 0; n = 449).

Parent gender: female = 0; male = 1.^bParent race/ethnicity: White = 0, non-White = 1. ^cParent work status: greater than 21 hours/week = 0, less than 21 hours/week = 1. ^dEmerging adult residential status: not living at home = 0, living at home = 1. ^eEmerging adult gender: female = 0; male = 1.

p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Logistic Regression Analyses

Model 1, which tested if the set of seven demographic factors predicted the likelihood of conflict over money, was not significant (Table 3). Model 2 added the parental well-being factors, which predicted the likelihood of monetary conflict beyond the demographic factors, and correctly predicted about 65% of all cases. Both well-being factors were significant and positive, indicating that parents reporting higher levels of stress and mental health problems were 1.24 and 1.42 times more likely to experience monetary conflict with their emerging adult, respectively. Parent–emerging adult relationship factors (Model 3) predicted the likelihood of monetary conflict after controlling for the demographic and parental well-being factors, and correctly predicted about 71% of all cases. Each relationship factor was significant, indicating that parents reporting higher levels of relationship quality and expected reciprocity were .89 and .71 times less likely to experience monetary conflict, respectively. Parental financial support had the strongest association and revealed that the odds of monetary conflict were 1.34 times greater for every one-unit increase in parents’ provision of financial support to their emerging adult.

Table 3.

Summary of Logistic Regression Analysis Predicting Conflict Over Money Between Parents and Emerging Adults (EA; N = 791).

Variable	Model 1			Model 2			Model 3			Model 4
Variable	B	OR	95% CI	B	OR	95% CI	B	OR	95% CI	B	OR	95% CI
Intercept	−0.21			−1.59			−1.04			−2.65
Parent education level	−0.14	0.87	[0.75, 1.00]	−0.09	0.91	[0.79, 1.06]	−0.15	0.86	[0.74, 1.01]	−0.12	0.88	[0.75, 1.04]
Parent gender^a	−.01	0.99	[0.74, 1.32]	0.03	1.03	[0.76, 1.38]	−0.11	0.90	[0.66, 1.23]	−0.06	0.94	[0.68, 1.30]
Parent race/ethnicity^b	0.03	1.03	[0.75, 1.43]	0.03	1.03	[0.74, 1.44]	0.10	1.10	[0.78, 1.55]	0.01	1.01	[0.70, 1.45]
Parent work status^c	−0.08	0.92	[0.68, 1.26]	−0.09	0.91	[0.66, 1.25]	−0.08	0.92	[0.66, 1.29]	−0.09	0.91	[0.64, 1.29]
EA age	0.01	1.01	[0.96, 1.06]	0.01	1.01	[0.96, 1.05]	0.05	1.05	[0.99, 1.11]	0.02	1.03	[0.97, 1.08]
EA residential status^d	0.14	1.15	[0.86, 1.54]	0.13	1.14	[0.84, 1.54]	−0.19	0.82	[0.59, 1.15]	−0.32	0.73	[0.51, 1.03]
EA gender^e	0.14	1.16	[0.87, 1.54]	0.12	1.13	[0.84, 1.52]	0.05	1.06	[0.78, 1.43]	0.01	1.01	[0.73, 1.38]
Parent stress				0.22***	1.24	[1.13, 1.37]	0.19***	1.21	[1.10, 1.33]	0.13*	1.14	[1.03, 1.27]
Parent mental health				0.35**	1.42	[1.14, 1.76]	0.27*	1.32	[1.05, 1.66]	0.19	1.21	0.95, 1.54
Relationship quality							−0.11*	0.89	[0.82, 0.97]	−0.05	0.95	[0.87, 1.04]
Expected reciprocity							−0.35***	0.71	[0.58, 0.85]	−0.15	0.86	[0.70, 1.06]
Financial support							0.29***	1.34	[1.15, 1.57]	0.19*	1.21	[1.03, 1.43]
Concerns about adulthood										1.13***	3.11	[2.28, 4.24]
Overall model statistics
χ²	6.26			55.91***			110.80***			166.98***
df	7			9			12			13
−2LL intercept with covariates	1075.78			1026.13			971.24			915.06
χ² for change in −2LL (df_n, df_d)				49.65*** (2,791)			54.89*** (3,791)			56.18*** (1,791)
Percent concordant	55.1			65.3			70.5			75.8

Notes. OR = odds ratio; CI = confidence interval; LL = loglikelihood.

Parent gender: female = 0, male = 1. ^bParent race/ethnicity: White = 0, non-White = 1. ^cParent work status: more than 21 hours/week = 0, less than 21 hours/week = 1. ^dEmerging adult residential status: not living at home = 0, living at home = 1. ^eEmerging adult gender: female = 0, male = 1.

p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Model 4 added parental concerns about attaining adulthood, which predicted the likelihood of monetary conflict above and beyond the three groups of covariates. Importantly, parental concerns had the strongest association with conflict over money, indicating that parents and emerging adults were 3.11 times more likely to have monetary conflict as parents’ concerns about their child attaining adulthood increased. In terms of probability, parents endorsing greater levels of concerns had a 76% chance of experiencing conflict over money with their emerging adult. The full model also had the highest level of prediction accuracy (76%). Because the association between parental concerns and the likelihood of monetary conflict could vary across levels of the three relationship variables (Darling & Steinberg, 1993), moderation analyses were explored. No interactions were significant.

Discussion

Informed by the theories of emerging adulthood (e.g., Arnett, 2015) and intergenerational ambivalence (e.g., Connidis & McMullin, 2002), this study aimed to investigate factors related to conflict over money between American parents and emerging adults, with a focus on parental concerns about attaining adulthood as the primary factor predicting the likelihood of monetary conflict. Because previous work has aggregated across domains of conflict (e.g., Whiteman et al., 2011) and not explored why disputes over money are commonplace, this study made important contributions by homing in on exploring factors linked to the manifestation of monetary conflict between parents and emerging adults. Importantly, key demographic, parental well-being, and parent–emerging adult relationship factors were utilized as covariates to help clearly estimate the hypothesized positive link between parental concerns about attaining adulthood and the likelihood of conflict over money.

Descriptive results revealed a sizeable proportion (43%) of American parents experience monetary conflict with their emerging adult. This result aligns with previous research (e.g., Renk et al. (2007), but extends this work by specifically quantifying the instance of conflict over money in a larger, national sample of parents. Considering most research on conflict between parents and emerging adults has relied on emerging adult reports (e.g., Nelson et al., 2015) and that a holistic understanding of family processes requires considering the perspective of all family members (Minuchin, 1985), this finding represents an important contribution. Key descriptive results also revealed the majority (58%) of parents provided consistent financial support, which complements previous findings that parents continue to be a key source of monetary support during emerging adulthood (e.g., Fingerman & Yahirun, 2015; Parker & Patton, 2013; Schoeni & Ross, 2005). Additionally, about 63% of parents reported some level of fear that their emerging adult would not become an adult, as one in five parents were “very concerned” and two in five parents were “somewhat concerned” that their child would not attain adulthood. To date, the prevalence of this specific parental concern has not been documented. However, what is known about general parental worries does align with the current study (Cichy, Lefkowitz, Davis, & Fingerman, 2013), notably that on average, mothers and fathers “sometimes” worry about their adult son or daughter and that up to about 50% of parents rate their adult child as less successful than same-age peers in the career and relationship domains.

Overall logistic regression analysis results revealed the likelihood of monetary conflict was most strongly predicted by parental concerns about attaining adulthood, whereby parents reporting higher levels of concern had a 76% chance of experiencing monetary conflict. These findings supported our hypothesis and concur with research and theory on intergenerational ambivalence (e.g., Pillemer & Suitor, 2002), suggesting that parents’ concerns over their child’s progression, or lack thereof, toward adulthood may be a key factor explaining the basis of monetary conflict during emerging adulthood. Complementing this idea, researchers have found that mothers’ and fathers’ perceptions of their adult child’s lack of career and relationship success were associated with more negative emotions (e.g., disappointment, worry) felt toward their child (Cichy et al., 2013). Parental worries may also circulate on issues pertaining to their child’s financial knowledge, behaviors, and well-being, especially given the extensive debt of many emerging adults (e.g., Sorgente & Lanz, 2017). Reductions in conflict over money may thus occur when parents perceive emerging adults to be engaging in responsible financial behaviors, including saving and budgeting. As such, perhaps parents could be a key source of information and support for educating emerging adults about money. This idea is supported by research showing financial parenting promotes emerging adult’s psychological and financial well-being (e.g., Jorgensen & Savla, 2010; Serido, Shim, Mishra, & Tang, 2010; Shim, Barber, Card, Xiao, & Serido, 2010). For instance, Serido et al. (2010) found that positive links between financial parenting and emerging adult’s well-being were explained in part by emerging adult’s financial coping behaviors. Notably, parental financial expectations had a moderate positive effect on financial coping behaviors, suggesting that emerging adults will engage in more responsible financial behaviors when they perceive their parents expect them to. In combination with findings from the current study, family discussions on financial behaviors such as tracking monthly expenses, paying off monthly credit card balances, and spending within a budget may help improve emerging adult’s financial well-being and thus reduce the likelihood of conflict. Future work should investigate if financial parenting buffers and/or decreases monetary conflict.

Regarding the three groups of covariates explored as factors that may explain monetary conflict, all of the demographic factors were not significant. This is interesting, especially given emerging adult’s age has been negatively related to conflict and financial support (e.g., Hartnett et al., 2013; Whiteman et al., 2011) and residential status, specifically living at home, has been positively related to conflict and financial support (e.g., Aquilino & Supple, 1991). Both parent and emerging adult gender were also unrelated to monetary conflict, which matches recent research documenting a lack of gender differences in trajectories of parent–emerging adult conflict (Nelson et al., 2015) and supports burgeoning theoretical perspectives that gender differences narrow in emerging adulthood (Norona, Preddy, & Welsh, 2015). Results also revealed the second group of covariates, parental well-being factors (i.e., stress and mental health), were positively linked to monetary conflict, which aligns with models on family stress and conflict (e.g., Conger et al., 1994). However, only parental stress remained significant in the full model, suggesting that the more stressors parents report with juggling roles, responsibilities, and relationships, the greater the chances that this stress may spillover into the parent–child dynamic and spark conflict. This suggestion is grounded in a robust literature documenting the negative influence of role overload and role conflict across family relationships (e.g., Greenhaus & Beutell, 1985; Michel, Kotrba, Mitchelson, Clark, & Baltes, 2011). Since the current study assessed the main effects and not interactive effects of the demographic and parental well-being covariates, future work should test if variability in the strength and/or direction of links between these factors and monetary conflict exists. Regarding parent–emerging adult relationship factors, results showed all three were linked to monetary conflict, which aligns with previous research on the benefits of positive relationship quality, expected reciprocity, and provision of tangible support for parent–child relationships across emerging and young adulthood (e.g., Johnson, 2013; Kim et al., 2012; Fingerman et al., 2009). Only financial support remained significant in the full model, suggesting transactions may be part of the basis for monetary conflict. This connection is intuitive since parents are likely to monitor children’s utilization of financial support to ensure a return on their investment (e.g., Becker, 2009). In other words, the more money parents provide the more likely they may be to inquire about its use, which could also prompt conflict.

Altogether, our findings suggest that monetary conflict may be a relatively common experience during emerging adulthood in America and that parental stress, provision of financial support, and concern about attaining adulthood are key factors linked to experiencing conflict over money. In particular, parents’ worries that their child will not become an adult was most strongly associated with contention between parents and emerging adults over money. Future work is needed to replicate these findings. However, given the lack of research identifying predictors of monetary conflict during emerging adulthood, a time when parental financial support is normative in the United States (e.g., Swartz et al., 2011), our findings are an important contribution to understanding the manifestation of this domain of conflict.

Limitations and Future Directions

Despite the current study’s contributions, there were limitations warranting future research. Foremost, our data were cross-sectional, which prevented the ability to determine the temporal ordering of the variables understudy. Conflict over money may instead predict parental concerns about attaining adulthood, or a reciprocal association may exist. It is also possible that the strength of the association between these constructs changes over time. Future work should employ longitudinal designs to better understand the directionality and trajectory of links between parental concerns about attaining adulthood and monetary conflict across emerging adulthood. Data also consisted only of self-reports from a predominantly White, college-educated, American sample of parents. To overcome mono-reporter bias, emerging adult reports should be acquired to investigate if they reveal different associations. Similarly, because parents were asked to report on only one emerging adult child, it is unknown if results map onto siblings and it is unknown if parents’ preferences for the least or most favored child influenced results. While our national sample of parents was diverse, it underrepresented the perspectives of racial/ethnic minority parents (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012b). It is thus important to explore parental concerns and monetary conflict in more diverse populations, especially because the provision (or lack thereof) of financial support can be attributed to inequalities in structural factors (e.g., income, family size) that African American and Latino families are likely to experience (e.g., Berry, 2006). It is also important to investigate family processes related to financial independence in different countries. For instance, recent economic challenges in Europe have resulted in an increased proportion of coresidence among parents and emerging adults and later ages of home-leaving (e.g., Arundel & Ronald, 2015; Mendonça & Fontaine, 2013). Since parents and emerging adults need to share resources to acquire financial stability, conflict over money may not occur in this context. Future work should explore the generalizability of parental concerns for attaining adulthood and monetary conflict.

While measures for parental education level and the frequency of financial support provided to emerging adults were included, our study lacked numerical estimates for parental income and amount of financial support provided, both of which are important for operationalizing socioeconomic status (e.g., Bradley & Corwyn, 2002). Including more comprehensive and detailed measures for financial support and socioeconomic status is needed in future work to clarify how these key structural characteristics may account for variability in parental concerns and monetary conflict. Emerging adult’s employment and college student status were also not assessed, which are factors linked to the provision of financial support and the incidence of conflict with parents (e.g., Aquilino & Supple, 1991; Fingerman et al., 2009). The intersection of these statuses, such as unemployed versus employed students, may reveal differential links to monetary conflict and should therefore be included in future research. For instance, because unemployment is positively associated with parental financial assistance (e.g., Swartz et al., 2011), it is possible that these emerging adults are more likely to experience monetary conflict compared to employed students who work to support themselves. Similarly, including time-varying forms of employment, student, and housing status in future longitudinal research may also help detect developmental trajectories of financial independence. Last, the monetary conflict measure was binary which did not permit examining how the study variables predicted levels of the frequency and intensity of monetary conflict. Future work aimed toward understanding if parental concerns predict few, but emotionally volatile conflicts over money, or if parental concerns predict many, but emotionally temperate conflicts over money, would greatly contribute to scholarship on parent–child conflict during emerging adulthood.

Conclusion

In conclusion, results from the current study provide evidence to suggest that parents’ fears of “failure to launch” may have very real consequences, notably a high likelihood of conflict over money. While these fears are valid, especially considering the lengthy process of attaining independence, most emerging adults will achieve the self-sufficiency required for adulthood toward the end of their twenties (Arnett, 2015). As such, parents and emerging adults may experience less conflict by understanding that it is typical for financial independence and other key markers of adulthood to be obtained gradually. Furthermore, given the importance of parental socialization for emerging adult’s financial well-being (e.g., Jorgensen & Savla, 2010), monetary conflict may also be less likely to occur when parents offer guidance on strategies to acquire financial autonomy, model responsible financial spending and saving behaviors, and discuss financial decision making. As Arnett and Fishel (2013) note in their guidebook for parents of 20-year-olds

Giving grown kids a sensible survival kit of money strategies, being honest about your own financial situation and past money mistakes, and believing in your children’s ability to become self-supporting . . . will help create a solid footing for emerging adult’s financial independence. (p. 217)

In short, parental tips for financial topics may be a simple and helpful means to reduce conflict over money in emerging adulthood.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Support provided to first author by the President and Board of Trustees, Clark University. The research for the data presented in the paper, the Clark Poll of Parents of Emerging Adults, was also funded by Clark University.

ORCID iD

Katie Lowe

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