Practice of Faith under COVID-19: Exceptional Cases

Muslims and COVID-19

There are significant populations of Shia people in South Asia, where I originally come from. South Asia has religious and family ties with Iran. In both India and Pakistan, the Shia Pilgrims returning from Iran tested positive for COVID-19 in significant numbers. Both India and Pakistan quarantined these pilgrims. In Pakistan, Emont reported about 5,000 pilgrims housed in less than ideal conditions (i.e. often packed together). Of these, about ‘2600 pilgrims who completed their two-week quarantine left. Few were tested. . . .’ In Sindh province, Emont reported, ‘out of 274 pilgrims tested so far, 140 people are infected’ (Emont, 2020).

In Iran, the officially declared cases of the novel coronavirus (Cov-SARS-2) infections by 26 February 2020 were said to be 139. A Financial Times report has raised questions regarding figures from Iran since official reports range from denials to more conservative figures (Bozorgmehr et al., 2020). MSN reported a figure of 1,685 dead by 23 March 2020 (MSN, 2020). According to a report from inside Iran, ‘more than 9600 Iranians have died’. Beyond the denials, an insider’s video shows a large number of dead bodies in bags lying on the floors of a Qom (a centre of religious education and pilgrimage about 87 miles south of Tehran) morgue ‘because there was no place to place them’ (MSN, 2020). It has a casualty figure of 60–70 every day and over 1,300 were reported dead; in Tehran about 1,250 were buried by 18 March and a report speaks of a contract to dig 1,000 new graves (Iran Probe, 2020). The same report estimates over 100 officials including religious leaders have dead though not all reported as having died of CV. People were said to be afraid of talking about these deaths on the ground for fear of punishment meted out by a well-established Islamic state: ‘any comments (regarding Coronavirus) outside the approved channels are a breach of national security and the nations’ interests’ (Iran Probe, 2020).

Incompetence, lack of timely and honest campaign, and the culture of shame in being identified as having been infected with the novel coronavirus (some reportedly hid the information for a month) may have all played a part; but behind it all was also the sense of religious obligations and confidence in the power of faith to keep the coronavirus away from the faithful. Reportedly, ‘the first cases were traced to the holy city of Qom’. This was largely attributed to the local religious festivals that occur around the shrine dedicated to Fatimah Masumeh (the sister of the 8th Shia Imam Reza (789–816 CE) and the daughter of the 7th Imam Musa al-Khadim (745–799 CE)). What makes this shrine even holier is the fact that the three daughters of the 9th Imam Muhammad al-Taqi (811–835 CE) are also buried here. It is not unusual for close relatives including women belonging to the families of the Imams to be venerated by thousands of Shia believers from all over the world. This sense of religious obligation and the attendant need for intercession, forgiveness and healing underpins the pilgrimages. People huddle together and kiss the shrine as part of the practice. There is also a strong hope of such proximity making it easier for the visitors to ensure admittance into paradise. Expectedly, therefore, the shrine is crowded with people of all ages and gender around the year. Many find ways to stay on or near the premises not only for participating in ritual prayers at the mosque but also performing other rituals such as ablution, use of perfumes, going around the tomb as it if were the Ka’ba etc.

Iran took too long to close religious facilities, a task made more difficult not just because of the religious sentiments of the pilgrims but also a misplaced confidence in faith and practice encouraged by the religious state. A report speaks of the Shia hardliners storming the shrine and protesting against the order to shut them down when such orders were finally released. Local Imams even went against the government’s advisory to shut down the shrines (MSN, 2020). 11 February 2020 marked the anniversary of the Islamic revolution of 1979. The order to delay the announcement reportedly came from the top. In fact, a minister reportedly said that while an advisory regarding disallowing public gatherings was made ‘. . .as the official in charge’, he chose not to ‘accept any of these (recommendations)’ (Iran Probe, 2020). The lack of official action especially to control pilgrimage within and from outside is said to be a major factor in the scale of the infections.

A study from one of Iran’s universities suggested that if this was not taken seriously, a large number of people could die (MSN, 2020). Unlike in Iran, in Saudi Arabia, the Ka’ba was shut down (a rare event). This year’s Hajj in July is likely also to be postponed. If this happens, it will be the first closure of the shrines since 1798 (Chulov, 2020). Qom is a comparable religious destination for Shia pilgrims from around the world and a centre of Shia learning with a large international religious student population including those from China (Bozorgmehr et al., 2020)). An Iranian report suggests that quarantine advisories were resisted first by the ayatollahs here. It finally brought an ‘omnipotent and omnipresent’ Islamic state to a stop and this included the ‘Friday sermons, pilgrimages, visits to mosques, gatherings of mourners, seminars by the ayatollahs and the state organised street parades both religious and political’ (Sadrzadeh, 2020). As a sort of symbolic resistance from a fringe group of Iranians abroad, a report shows an airport scene from the Persian Gulf where a crowd is seen ‘demonstrating against the arrival of 300 mullahs from the city of Qom’; they are said to be running away from CV and ‘seeking refuge on the warm island’ (Sadrzadeh, 2020). However, no one within Iran is able to publicly raise questions.

It has been acknowledged in the reports so far that ‘when the coronavirus arrived in Iran, political blinders, false assurances and religious practices contributed to the spread of COVID-19’ (MSN, 2020). A report suggests a top Iranian government source as saying, ‘it is one of the enemy’s plots to spread fear in our country and close down the country’ (Ward, 2020). The first reaction in Iran was that the novel coronavirus was part of fake news; that this news was constructed by the enemies seeking to discredit Islam and Iran. It is not surprising that Qom of all places, the very centre of Shia scholarship and spirituality, became the hotspot of the novel coronavirus infections. No one in Iran expected the novel coronavirus to take hold in this haven of holiness. It was considered impossible, even unthinkable and ‘an insult to faith, God and conscience – [this] could only have been invented by the enemies of the Islamic Republic. Despite denials and the clerics’ ‘holier than thou’ attitude, Iran’s Qom was at a time on a par with Wuhan province in China. (Sadrzadeh, 2020) Their attitude to the rest of the world especially the West was: ‘Who cares about the world’s health? They are infidels, Jews’ (MSN, 2020). Many believers recorded themselves licking the gates of the shrine in Qom; this licking was done ‘supposedly to clean off the coronavirus’. One man is seen declaring that ‘this way, I have removed the viruses. You can come and pray safely’ (MSN, 2020).

Another case involves one of the largest Islamic preaching movements in the world, Tabligi Jama’at (TJ). In mid-February, one of its international gatherings took place in Malaysia. An estimated 16,000 participants attended this conference; in a short time after this, 513 cases were linked to this gathering and this was two-thirds of Malaysia’s 790 cases up to this time (see Emont, 2020). There were attendees including preachers from regions where the virus was endemic and they became regional super-spreaders. This religious meeting in Malaysia became a source of the novel coronavirus infection in at least six countries including India as the attendees returned. According to a report published by The Print, over 600 cases of the novel coronavirus infections were linked to this conference alone in Malaysia; in Brunei, about 70; and in Thailand, 10 among others (Gupta, 2020).

Many of the preachers from Malaysia and elsewhere also participated in the international ijtema (religious congregation) at the markaz of TJ (the spiritual headquarters) in New Delhi. This began on 3 March (about six cases had been reported which steadily increased to over 12,000 by 16 April) (MoHFW, 2020). The first case of novel coronavirus infection had already been reported in India on 30 January and this was widely believed to have originated in China. This religious congregation went under the radar since, arguably, the union government of India was busy with Trump’s visit to India (24–25 February 2020) and the novel coronavirus infection was not deemed to be a priority. It is unclear when the conference ended. The central government’s guidelines for a nationwide lockdown was issued on 22 March and TJ says it followed the guidelines. On 30 March, the area was sealed by the police force in Delhi controlled by the union government and not by the state government. While some attendees had indeed left before the lockdown was announced, over 1,000 attendees including 250 foreigners stayed on and were stranded. This event also had Indian travellers from about 15 states and so some cases around the country could arguably be traced back to this event. The number of those that had left the conference was said to be 389 (BBC, 2020a). About 300 cases of the novel coronavirus infections have reportedly been linked directly to this event so far (BBC, 2020b).

A large number of media reports have been looking for a reason for conflict in TJ’s religious enthusiasm. They have been both rightly critiqued (e.g. a Muslim religious doctor calls for the banning of TJ; see Punjab Kesari, 2020) and defended by Muslims (so e.g. TJ quarantine has been characterised as a ‘hate quarantine’; see BBC, 2020b). However, the television channels in India serving the Hindutva agenda and the BJP leaders lost no time to ‘scapegoat Muslims for COVID-19’. Some BJP leaders described TJ’s conference as ‘an Islamic insurrection’, while others called it ‘Corona terrorism’ and still others (e.g. a BJP MP) ‘called for the use of sedition laws’ to punish ‘disaffections against the government’ among the Muslims (Danyal, 2020). This highlights the perceptive increase in the ‘saffronisation’ (Hindu theocracy) of India now under the BJP-ruled central government.

Christians and COVID-19

Commentators have spoken about some churches aiming at an emboldened manifestation of the intent to create not just a ‘Christian nation’ but ‘a Christian Theocracy’ (Conner, 2015). In this sense, there are parallels between Trump’s Christianity and Modi’s Hindutva. It is not surprising that Trump and Modi have got along so well after nearly 70 years of non-alignment and anti-Americanism in India. In America, the call for a Christian theocracy involves an inordinate use of the Old Testament. This intent has involved, according to a piece, ‘God’s favourite run for Office’ where the president of the United States assumes the role of a ‘warrior for Christianity’ and declares ‘Christianity will have power’; it involves the idea of ‘Dominionism’ (Rousas John Rushdoony’s idea); an America ‘ruled by Christians and governed by biblical law as a means to bringing about God’s Kingdom on earth’, ‘punishing sinners’ and ‘training up a generation’ to live as Christian subjects (Conner, 2015). This is no less disappointing than India under Modi’s Hindutva as it not only emboldens some to acquire inordinate amount of power to push their brand of religion over all besides undermining a democratised and diverse version of the faith to play its role in self-correction and act with true wisdom.

Crises often highlight gaps and expose dysfunctionalities. We know, under the novel coronavirus infections sweeping the world, churches in Italy had initially opposed their closure though the good sense prevailed and it was overturned. Christians here as also elsewhere generally adapted to the novel coronavirus well: ‘as coronavirus empties churches, Italian priest fills pews with photos of parishioners’ (Allen, 2020). In much of the world Christians made use of the online platforms to remain connected with believers, but there have been exceptions.

Hall, reporting for the Independent, speaks about eight US states having ‘granted exemptions for churches from coronavirus lockdown measure’ (Hall, 2020). The United States is a federal country and this means that the state governors have a big say in what goes on in their region. Many evangelical Christian leaders in the United States ‘identify the coronavirus as an agent of Satan’ (Hall, 2020). This theological position is endorsed by the members of these churches who see the novel coronavirus as a spiritual challenge, a battle with an invisible enemy. This position makes it difficult if not impossible for the members to ‘retreat’ and obey social distancing advice because the narrative of the battle leads them to believe not only that they would be preserved by God but that retreat would mean personal or corporate disloyalty to God and at worst a defeat of God. A ‘showdown with coronavirus this Easter’ (Hall, 2020) was these churches’ way of publicly declaring their loyalty to God who had allowed this evil in order to test their faith or that the evil was expanding and the Christian soldiers had the task of fighting for God and defeat it. Reportedly, they were ‘buoyed by Donald Trump’s optimism’ about opening up the country that is ‘raring to go’. We know that Trump himself decided to join in the worship led by the Baptist pastor and a Trump supporter, Juffress. It is known that Juffress has been a controversial religious leader accused of dividing the nation rather than uniting it. He has been particularly accused of making needless comments against the Catholics, Muslims, Mormons and gays. Although some evangelical churches revised their position and reset their sense of call and purpose (as was the case also with Juffress), many others remained adamant and resolved to face ‘a test of faith’ (Hall, 2020). Hall reports Tony Spell, a pastor of a mega church (Life Tabernacle Church in Louisiana), saying, ‘Satan and a virus will not stop us. . .We are not afraid. We are called by God to stand against the Antichrist creeping into America’s borders. We will spread the Gospel’ (2020). The same report speaks of the pastor disobeying the order against more than 50 people gathering (he was expecting over 2000 to attend his service). He is in the company of many others like John Greiner of the Glorious Way Church: ‘We can’t do what God called us to do on livestream’(2020). Jon Duncan from the Evangelical Cross Culture Centre in California held his meeting on ‘the curbside outside the church’ (since the church had been locked by the owner): ‘God command us to meet and that’s what we’re going to do Easter’. The report also speaks of Rodney Howard-Browne of the Florida megachurch who was arrested for convening a meeting of about 500 people; he said: ‘never close’ (2020).

A Kenneth Copland Ministries video shows the preacher preaching to an empty church (and people joining online) crying energetically as if rebuking a living entity (as his four assistants flanking his two sides and one of them with a Bible open in hand) – he says, ‘COVID-19’ and the people respond, ‘COVID-19’ twice before he performs what appear like a staged exorcism. He blows air out with a loud noise (and his assistants follow him). He then shouts (and other follow): ‘and blow, the wind of God on you. You are destroyed forever (as he looks into the camera jabbing his index finger into it) and you will never be back. Thank you, our God. Let I happen. Cause it to happen’ (KCM_Vid., 2020). His ministries website has a separate section on ‘Against coronavirus COVID-19’ and it promises KCM being ‘determined to help’ the faithful to ‘have a faith response to standing against coronavirus!’ The website uses the language of warfare, fearlessness and victory against the novel coronavirus as if the virus were a living entity. It teaches people how to apply ‘the basics of faith to COVID-19’ (KCM, 2020).

Commentators have spoken about these churches’ position as an emboldened manifestation of the intent to create not just a ‘Christian nation’ but ‘a Christian Theocracy’ (Conner, 2015). In this sense there are parallels between Trump’s Christianity and Modi’s Hindutva. It is not surprising that Trump and Modi have got along so well after nearly 70 years of non-alignment and anti-Americanism in India. In America, the call for a Christian theocracy involves an inordinate use of the OT. This intent has involved, according to a piece, ‘God’s favourite run for Office’ where the president of the United States assumes the role of a ‘warrior for Christianity’ and declares ‘Christianity will have power’; it involves the idea of ‘Dominionism’ (Rousas John Rushdoony’s idea); an America governed by Christians and based on the Bible. (see Conner, 2020).

A report in the Independent showed that ‘churches remain packed as pastors are arrested’. The pastors’ ‘lobby for exemptions to coronavirus lockdown orders’. Pastors even sue ‘for religious liberty exemptions’ (Riotta, 2020). Their resistance is supported by recourse to the notion of secularism. They have argued that as believers they exist within a different domain and are not bound therefore by laws that contradict their right to worship God in freedom. Their leaders are demanding that God’s people or his elect are allowed to worship as they see fit. The image of the Israelite resistance to Pharaoh, their personal sacrifice for their need to worship God in freedom inspires them. This is as ‘thousands of people die across the country from COVID-19’ (Riotta, 2020).

South Korea has been hailed as a fine example of how the state and its people can collaborate to stem the growth of a virus such as novel coronavirus. But there has been more than one mishap involving religious groups. Steger’s report argues how in February 2020 it appeared as if a religious society like South Korea was going to be a centre of a ‘rapidly spreading contagion’ (2020). By February, South Korea had the largest number of infections outside China. Half of all the case, however, were at this point linked to a Christian sect; there were some cases also linked to a church in Busan and another called Myeongseong church in Seoul (80,000 members).

A Christian sect in South Korea has been infamously named as the ‘super-spreader’ by many media reports. The main church belongs to this group is based about 150 km south of Seoul in Daegu. It is known as the Shincheonji (New Heaven and new Earth) Church of Jesus and has about 200,000 members. This church has a branch in Wuhan, which was opened just a year ago. A secretive sect, the church was established in 1984 by Lee Man-Hee. It meets almost all of the criteria of a New Religious Movement: purportedly offering a new religious response to issues faced in the modern world (without completely severing links with a traditional/ancient root); offering countercultural solutions to questions as an alternative to mainstream Christianity; centred on a charismatic/authoritarian leader; shows a clear demarcation between the insiders and outsiders etc. Man-Hee is considered by the insiders an immortal prophet sent by Jesus Christ and/or indeed Jesus Christ himself. As a prophet sent by Christ or Christ himself, he is the only one who is able to interpret the Bible, which is a holy book of signs. It represents a new religious form of conservative Christianity and like most religious gathering, it involves people in confined spaces (see more on the movement in Kim and Bang, 2019). Their decision to continue meeting in this way went against the South Korea’s effective attempts at checking the spread. One particular case here has been highlighted. A 61-year-old woman here appeared on the scene with symptoms of the novel coronavirus infection and became the infamous ‘Patient 31’. In between her first test, which came back negative, and the second, she was at large for 10 days. During this time, she was freely mixing with others in her church. She was found to have the novel coronavirus infection at a time when South Korea believed it had beaten the virus. Her contacts were checked out and she was found to have attended two large gatherings each with more than 1,000 people. The investigations revealed a rapidly escalating number of cases reaching a 1,000 in a week. The church members, in line with their leader’s order, decided not to get tested. Kasulls, reporting on this case, notes that it ‘caused anger, divided public opinion and spurred conspiracy theories’. The people and the government rightly took it seriously and filed a formal complaint against the congregation in which the church was accused of ‘murder’ since by the date of this report ‘more than 4800 new cases were diagnosed with the virus’ (Kasulls, 2020). In South Korea, the city of Daegu became a place with about 70% of confirmed novel coronavirus cases in the country, heavily impacting local life.

Streger quotes Kyung Hee, a professor in Seoul, who describes South Korea as a ‘Zealous Christian state’. According to her, ‘many Korean Christians have an “evangelical mindset” and their religious activities, like attending worship sessions and outreach multiple times a week, and their unwillingness to curb those activities, may have led to the large-scale spread of the contagion’. This happened because the ‘members were told not to be afraid of sickness and focus only on converting more followers’ (2020). Jun Kwang-Hoon, the chief of the Christian Council of Korea and a popular pastor, is ‘known for his fervent conservatism and criticism of the left-leaning national government’. He has been expressing his view also on the novel coronavirus and also was defying a ‘ban against large gatherings’. On a Sunday after the ban, Kwang-Hoon organised a service with about 2,000 people. One of his rallies, despite the ban, was organised to challenge the government of Korea in Seoul on 22 February. In this rally, he spoke to the crowd about God and that ‘it is patriotic to die from illness. . .those who suffer from illness will be healed if they attend the rally’ (Han-Na, 2020). The attendees on their part believed that ‘the bans on public protests were just another form of political suppression’ (Steger, 2020). This was widely seen as an action by the church that ‘seriously violates the safely of society’ (He-suk, 2020). This religious resistance was against a secular government curbing freedom to worship God. The resistance was led by Kwant-hoon who also called for the resignation of the president and a national repentance (So-hyun, 2020). The Korean government’s crackdown on ‘church for violating anti-outbreak measures’ need to be seen in this context. (He-suk, 2020)

‘Saffronising’ India

A lot has already been written on the ‘saffronisation’ of India under the BJP, which, with a contrived Hindu theocracy, is seeking to overshadow all forms of diversity and erase its unique tradition of Indian secularism. The Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh (the most populous state of northern India) is a Hindu yogi (Yogi Adityanath) and a founder of an extremist Hindu group, the Hindu Yuva Vahini. He is a self-declared right-wing politician appointed to as the Chief Minister of politically the most important state of India. We know Yogi planned a week-long celebration in Ayodhya, the site of the 16th^t century mosque (built by the Mughal emperor Babur [1483–1530]) demolished by the BJP-led zealots in 1992. The celebration planned by Yogi was called off at the last moment because of the Prime Minister’s ‘peoples’ curfew’. Yogi, however, went ahead with his ‘official’ visit to Ayodhya and participated in a low-key religious event despite the union government’s ban. Its effects in terms of novel coronavirus infections will remain undeclared when compared to South Korea or Punjab because this is also a state with the maximum government control of the media and the police. We know that Yogi attended the Hindu Ram Navami (birth of Rama, a god in Hinduism) event on 2 April in Ayodhya on the first day of the nationwide lockdown. He even tweeted the photographs of the event and said, ‘the first stage of the grand Ram temple was accomplished and that the idol of Ram was placed at the temporary structure’. At this public ceremony, he personally donated a check of 11 lakh Indian rupees (about £14,000) towards the construction of the temple. This was a ‘violation of the Union Home Ministry guideline’ but oddly the Chief Minister ‘appealed from the Ayodhya site to follow lockdown boundaries’. This showed that even though the places of worship were closed to the ordinary public, the same rules did not apply to religious and political leaders and those invited by them to such events (The Wire, 2020).

Absolute religious power often sadly also accompanies brazen anti-intellectualism and irrationality. A message from the Hindu Mahasabha’s chief ¹ says, ‘for curing coronavirus, global leaders must drink cow’s urine.’ This rather bizarre advice is not just something they are recommending for others but are publicly performing in religious rituals called panchagavya where a cocktail of cow dung, cow urine, milk, curd and ghee is communally consumed by sycophants from the BJP/RSS. It is done complete with a ‘yagna and prayers to the cow and the virus’. This sacred mixture is poured into kulhad (earthen cups) and consumed as hundreds watch in much the same way as celebrities are watched consuming cocktails of jungle products in ‘I am a celebrity, get me out of here’; the only difference is that the devotees of the cow show no disgust at imbibing the ‘miracle liquid’. They believe it will keep the novel coronavirus away and cure those with the disease. The novel coronavirus is believed to be an incarnation of a god/goddess sent to ‘punish those who eat non-vegetarian food’. The ritual is meant also to seek ‘forgiveness from the virus on behalf of meat eaters’. The ceremony marks this community’s pledge that ‘Indians will never eat meat again.’ This is also a practice that is recommended for daily consumption to keep the disease away: ‘They (leaders) are ashamed of the gift gods have given us. Cow’s urine is an elixir. Every person should drink it’ (Hindustan Times, 2020).

As those assured of divine protection or healing from the virus, such believers break the state and union governments’ lockdown rules with impunity. The state apparatus and the media simply ignore such religious events with mass gatherings but highlight minority religious events out of proportion (as e.g. TJ in Delhi). A Muslim gathering is seen to be a conspiracy by the Muslims and Pakistan to infect the Hindus with the novel coronavirus, but the Hindu gatherings are seen as healing events. This is the sort of belief system which made Yogi Adityanath lead the shifting of the Rama idol to a temporary structure despite the countrywide lockdown in place (Rashid, 2020). This follows the controversial Supreme Court verdict giving the Hindus the right to construct a Rama temple over the Babri mosque I referred to before. As a revered sadhu in political power, Yogi takes his confidence in faith combined with arrogance up a notch when in a meeting of administrators in his state he was seen shouting at an official whom he blamed for the spread of the novel coronavirus in a city in his state. He blamed the official for not fulfilling his ‘responsibilities’ and for ‘passing the buck’ (Pandey, 2020).

A non-BJP Hindu writes: ‘The essential approach of Hinduism has always been alone-time and introspection. When it comes to lockdowns, mandirs may be as expendable as bankers and auto-makers. The universe certainly doesn’t want us to die for them. Or [to] kill [for them]’(Meghani, 2020). Thankfully, the majority of Indians follow Hinduism and not Hindutva and the majority of the temples remain firmly shut. Reportedly, three temples in a southern state organised large gatherings of people, which the state apparatus was reluctant to disallow. In an interesting report on ‘God in the time of Coronavirus,’ Meghani writes about prayers rising amid lockdown and despite the majority of the temples being shut (Meghani, 2020). The BJP found ingenious ways in which to construct alternative mandirs. So, for example, when the Prime Minister called for the ‘junta curfew’ (people’s curfew), the call was followed with little or no exception. However, as soon as the curfew was ‘lifted’, the people poured out of their homes on the streets ‘clapping and banging pans’ in response to the Prime Minister’s call to talibajao (clap). Many saw this as being a magical event and even a religious ritual to banish the goddess/god of the novel coronavirus (Meghani, 2020).

Prime Minister Modi’s attempts at pushing Hindutva through even in this dark hour also involved another seemingly innocuous communal ritual; this was requested professedly in support of the country’s united resolve against the novel coronavirus and of its creaking health infrastructure. He said: ‘we must all go through this darkness together. . . to overcome this darkness; we must unite to spread the light. . .make this darkness of coronavirus meet the light we all spread’ (Ghosh, 2020). The diyajalao appeal, like thalibhajao was met with muted critique on the social and internet (free) media. One of Twitter’s themes in critiquing this was ‘hashtagdocNeedGear’. This is understandable, but there is a hidden or masked religious intent, which came to light after a large number of unsuspecting Indians obeyed his call. It involved the ‘astrological significance of the number 9’. Modi made his appeal exactly at 9 a.m. on 3 April to stand at open spaces of their homes on 5 April with light to ‘collectively battle the spread of Covid-19’ (The Wire, 2020). So was announced at 9 a.m. the lighting of the lamps at 9 p.m. and for 9 minutes! (The Hindu, 2020). The date, 5 April, was not too far off the ‘supermoon’ and was likely selected (and not the day of Chaitra Purnima on 7–8 April and the first full-moon according to the traditional Indian lunar calendar), because it was a Sunday and this meant more people could participate. Jai Madan, a young astrologer, revealed that number 9 is not a coincidence. Number 9 is astrologically linked to the planet mangal (Mars) – 9 p.m. and for 9 minutes signify the ‘double effect of mangal’. ² The aim therefore was to use the collective power of ritual to magically keep the coronavirus away. If this act is accompanied with the recital of the sacred mantras (the sacred sound), it is believed to enhance the effect of the action (through the combination of the light with sound). There are clearly rules regarding how the diya must be lit; what kind of diya (preferably oil lit and certain kind of oil with camphor) in order to effectively reduce the impact of rahu (darkness) (Madan, 2020).

Lack of space does not permit the inclusion of cases from other so-called ‘Indian religions’. Just one case might suffice from a Sikh sect. Sethi reports a ‘preacher who was Punjab’s 1st Covid-19’ ‘super-spreader’, a term used above is applied to those who contribute to conveying the infection to a ‘large number of people’ (Sethi, 2020). This religious leader, along with two others, are known to have defied the quarantine advisory. The preacher’s name was Baldev Singh, aged 70, who had recently visited Italy and Germany as part of his religious tour among believers abroad. The preacher (kirtani) returned with his two assistants on 7 March. He was advised to stay indoors in self-isolation. He continued to attend religious ceremonies even after symptoms appeared on 10–12 march with thousands of pilgrims attending the Hola Mohalla in Anandpur Sahib. He became Punjab’s ‘first confirmed coronavirus fatality’. He visited homes to give sermons with video proofs of this visits. Reportedly, 23 cases from Punjab (from the total of 33) were found to be directly connected to the preacher who passed away on 18 March. His two followers who had travelled with him continued the defiance of the advisory and freely mixed with people in their villages and outside. Most members of the families of these men were found to be positive as well. In particular, 150 people were identified who had come in very close contact with them. Fifteen villages were ‘sealed’ as the people from here visited one of his assistants (himself a patient by now). The government made appeals to these villages to declare if they had been in contact and it was feared the total of numbers ‘could be in several thousands’ (Sethi, 2020).

Conclusion

I did the research for this paper and wrote it consciously as a religious person. It took some effort for me as a religious person to open my eyes for evidence that challenges my own narrative about religions. The cases I presented in this paper offered, therefore, a critique of the otherwise deserved appreciation of religions in general and Christianity in particular. It was easy to find these cases that range from Iran (a functioning Islamic theocracy), from India and the United States (arguably aspiring theocracies – Hindu and Christian, respectively) and South Korea, which is rather an equal mix of religious and non-religious affiliations. ³ Countrywide studies post the coronavirus crisis will reveal how the world fared through it and if religions really played any sort of significant negative part. The references to state ideologies inspired by religion and their impact on the crises such as CV seems to be a promising area of in-depth studies.

Here, however, my aim was to highlight accessible evidence, however marginal, of how sometime religion and its practice can play a negative role. Most religions manage to serve as problem-solving contexts in varying degrees for those who subscribe to them. Even in cases of theocracies, the rulers and the doctors of religion sometimes manage to find solutions for excesses and create space for diversity. I find myself agreeing with those theoretical insights on religions and religious rituals, which suggest these as a means to coping with stresses, crises and disruptions or when faced with overwhelming helplessness, as crutches for maintaining social order or stability.