The Struggle of NZV 1 in Spreading the Gospel in Garut,West Java,Indonesia,in the Early 20th Century

Recently Garut is a regency city in West Java Province, Indonesia. Situated about 70 kilometers from the Provincial capital Bandung, Garut can be reached by a private vehicle through winding roads flanked by a range of hills jutting along the way. According to Garut Regency Demographic and Civil Registry Agency, in 2020 Garut is populated by 2,284,418 people, 99.77% of whom are Muslims, 0.16% Christians, 0.04% Catholics, and the rest are adherents of Hinduism, Buddhism, Confucianism, and various traditional beliefs (Anon, n.d.).

Although Garut is a small city situated in an interior area of Priangan, the city is recorded in history as a place where several important events took place. In 1919, for example, an incident broke out in Cimareme, where the local people, led by Haji Hasan resisted against the Dutch (Hajati, 1996). In 1949, the Darul Islam rebellion arose under the leadership of Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosuwirjo (van Dijk, 2014).

In the 19^th century, this small town had grown into a dynamic city in terms of the spread of Islam, economic and tourism development. Europeans had settled in Garut since the mid-19^th century, mainly for economic endeavors. It is interesting to note that although Europeans, particularly Dutch, had settled in the city since the middle of the 19^th century, it was only at the end of the 20^th century that Christianity was introduced there. The arrival of Europeans, especially Dutch people—most of whom were Calvinists—contributed very little to the spread of Christianity.

This article aims to prove how the struggle to spread Christianity in Garut in the early 20^th century was not easy. It was faced with many problems including lack of funding. This is different from the general view of most Indonesian people, who believe that Christian missions in Indonesia were backed up by the Dutch colonial administration. For example, Ekadjati et al., in their research report noted that “Although there were efforts from zending supported by the colonial government to spread Christianity in West Java, these efforts had few results” (Ekadjati et al., n.d., 31). This article consists of three parts. The first part deals with the development of Islam in Garut from the 19^th to the 20^th century, the second part with the arrival of European and Chinese people in Garut since the 19^th century, and the third part with the struggle of the Protestant Zending in Garut in the 20^th century.

The Development of Islam in Garut

The development of Islam in Garut could not be separated from the development of two Islamic centers in West Java, namely Cirebon and Banten. Islam spread from these two centers to the interiors of Priangan. From Cirebon Islam spread to Kadipaten, Majalengka, Darmaraja, and Garut. According to tradition, the Islamic mission in Garut was carried out by Sembah Dalem Pangadegan and Prince Arif Muhammad, who had a close tie with Cirebon. Both Islamic missionaries were buried in Cangkuang, Garut (Lubis et al., 2011, 19).

The rapid spread of Islam in Garut began in the mid-18^th century as proven by the existence of some old Pesantrens (traditional Islamic schools), such as Pesantren al-Flah Biru, (Kusdiana, 2014, 8) believed to be established in 1749 and Pesantren Keresek. Pesantren Keresek is the oldest existing pesantren in Garut Regency. Founded by K. H. Nurhikam, the pesantren is estimated to have been in existence since 1827 (Lubis et al., 2011, 44). The theory about the establishment of several pesantren in Garut area was supported by a report by a Garut Resident, which stated that in 1846, there was a famous pesantren in Limbangan, which had 100 students and was led by Kyai Nawawi (Breman, 2014, 229).

The route of Islamic missions during the Dutch colonial era passed through several interior areas. Such a route was chosen probably to avoid the Dutch-controlled trade routes connecting Java's port cities (Thohir, 2002, 96). Early Islamic missionaries mainly targeted the interior areas, where they established pesantren boarding schools as places to develop batches of converted students as Muslim cadres. It was common for Islamic missionaries to build pesantren in new settlements near a fertile rice field or plantation area. They opened new fields by clearing forest trees (Thohir, 2002, 96). Sufis introduced a self-supporting system (farming), utilized local culture, exerted their mighty spiritual (linuwih) power, and thus by doing so gained the respect of the people in the Priangan interiors including Garut. Respect for them is proven by the fact that until today people still sanctify and visit their graves.

The pesantren schools founded by these Sufis in Priangan interiors became an effective means of nurturing Islamic values among Priangan people. A similar practice was also found in a pesantren established by Syaikh ‘Abdul Muhyi in Pamijahan, Tasikmalaya (Thohir, 2002, 97). The slow but steady penetration of Islam had transformed the Priangan people's culture into a santri (Islamic scholars) culture. Garut was no exception. In the early 19^th century, the santri culture had developed well. It was a common practice among aristocratic families in Garut to send children to a pesantren and then to Mecca to perform haj pilgrimage. Such was the case with Moehamad Moesa, son of Raden Rangga Soerjadikoesoemah (vice-regent of Limbangan). Moesa himself was appointed as the hoofdpanghulu (head Islamic leader) of Limbangan in 1864 (Moriyama, 2013, 133, 135).

The new Islamic culture continued to develop in Garut. It was therefore not surprising that several national Islamic organizations had emerged in Garut. Islam had become a new force that ignited the spirit of resistance against the Dutch colonial rule. In 1914, the Sarekat Islam organization opened its branch in Garut, indicating that an Islamic political movement had been gaining ground in the city since the early 20^th century. Muhammadiyah expanded its influence in Garut in 1919 following the establishment of Madrasah Ibtidaiyah Lio (Lio Islamic Primary School), which was run by the Al-Hidayah Islamic study group. The Garut branch of the Muhammadiyah organization was officially opened on 30 March 1923 (Lubis et al., 2011, 274). Muhammadiyah developed rapidly and in 1928 it had opened some sub-branches in Tarogong, Kadungora, Leles, and Cisurupan, with a total membership of about 500 people (Lubis et al., 2011, 274).

The dynamic progress of the Islamic movement in Garut in the early 20^th century was also reported by an NZV missionary. Linderborn reported that in Garut there was a beautiful alun-alun (city square) with ornate banyan trees and a monumental mosque (met zijn mooie aloon-aloon met sierlijke Beringin en monumentale moskee) (Doorman and Nieuwen Kamp, 1930, 31; Linderborn, 1922, 7). Linderborn also noted that at that time the people of Garut had adopted a distinct Islamic religious life. They performed communal and daily prayers. The weekly Friday communal prayer, for example, was usually held at the main mosque in the Regency capital and had to be attended by at least forty people (Linderborn, 1922, 84). Mosques were built in almost all cities and towns in Priangan. As Linderborn described, “Mooie moskeeën vindt gij in Bandoeng, Garoet, Tasikmalaya en elders” (“You will find beautiful mosques in Bandung, Garut, Tasikmalaya, and elsewhere) (Doorman and Nieuwen Kamp, 1930, 31; Linderborn, 1922, 84).

The Islamic spirit of the Garut people in the 20^th century was also reflected in the increasing number of people who sailed to Saudi Arabia to perform haj pilgrimage, the fifth pillar of Islam. Linderborn also reported, “Garut and the surrounding area are teeming with hajis, who can be seen in large places and are recognizable by the turban or white cap and the long dress they wear” (Linderborn, 1922, 86). The increasing number of people who went on haj pilgrimage was caused by the following factors: (1) the increase in population and local people's welfare; (2) easier transportation; (3) the growing desire of the local people to see other parts of the world; and, principally, (4) the growing religious zeal (Linderborn, 1922, 86).

European and Chinese People's Arrival in Garut

In the mid-19^th century, Garut had become a crossroads of the world's cultures. Europeans started to come to Garut for two reasons: economy and tourism. Since the Limbangan Regency capital was moved from Suci to Garut in 1821, (Sofianto, 2001, 11) some Dutch entrepreneurs began to open tea plantation businesses in Giriawas, Cisaruni, Cikajang, Papandayan, and Darajat (Sofianto, 2001, 14). One of the most prominent Dutch entrepreneurs was K. F. Holle. Holle was born on 9 October 1829 in Amsterdam. In 1844 when he was fifteen, Holle sailed to Java with his family intending to cultivate tea (Janssen, 1888, 10). In 1857, Holle moved to a tea plantation area in Cikajang, Limbangan Regency (Garut) (Janssen, 1888, 11).

Rooseboom recorded that in the early 20^th century, about 300 European settlers were living around the city square, where they had formed their community (Rooseboom, 1908, 84). They resided mainly on Societeit Straat, Regent Straat, Station Road, and Groete Weg. Based on the 1930 census, the European population had grown to 491 people, 272 male, and 219 females (Anon, 1933, 114–15).

Following the arrival of Chinese immigrants in the late 19^th century when Priangan (Bandung, Sumedang, Garut, Tasikmalaya, and Ciamis) was opened for Chinese traders, many Chinese settlements appeared in Garut. The Dutch colonial administration started to issue permits for these Chinese traders in 1872. The Chinese immigrants in Garut came were mainly Hokkien, Teochew, Hakka (Khek), and Cantonese people from Fukien and Kwangtung Provinces (Sofianto, 2001, 18). The Chinese people in Garut also formed their community slightly further from European settlement areas (Rooseboom, 1908, 84). Based on the 1930 census, the total Chinese population was 1811 people, consisting of 1025 males and 786 females (Anon, 1933, 114–15). They made their living mainly from trade. Chinese immigrants played an important role in the development of Christianity in Priangan.

The Struggle of the Protestant Zending in Garut in the Early 20^th Century

Toward the end of the 19^th century, Islam had grown steadily in Garut. The turn of the 20^th century witnessed the emergence of several political, nationalist, and religious organizations. Europeans (Dutch, British, Italian, and German) had started to settle in Garut in the mid-19^th century to pursue economic gains by opening plantations. The arrival of these Europeans, particularly the Dutch, most of whom were Calvinists, (See Sukamto et al., 2020) did not contribute much to the spread of Protestantism in the area.

Although many European people had settled in Garut since the mid-19^th century, it was only toward the closing of the 19^th century that The Protestant Church of the Dutch East Indies (PKNI: De Protestantsche Kerk in Nederlandsch-Indië) began its worship activities. On 30 August 1897, Preanger Bode newspaper placed an advertisement announcing a worship service to be led by De Kerkelijk Gecommitteerde (The Ecclesiastic Committee). For Limbangan (Garut) area, the service was coordinated by R. F. N. Meijer.(Anon, 1897) In June 1901, when the Protestant Congregation leader in Surakarta J. H. Heckman ² fell ill, he was given a month's sick leave to Garut (Anon, 1901b; Anon, 1901c). Upon his recovery, he continued his service in Klaten, Boyolali (Anon, 1901d; Anon, 1902). In 1904, Heckman was transferred to Bandung ³ to manage the Protestant churches in Cianjur (Anon, 1904c), Tasikmalaya (Anon, 1904a), and Garut. On 30 October 1904, Heckman led a Sunday service in Garut (Anon, 1904b). Prior to that, a notification about the service appeared in De Preanger Bode newspaper until 5 October 1906 (Anon, 1906). In its 28 September 1907 edition, De Preanger Bode announced that there would be no service in Garut on 29 September.

Upon attending a service at the Church on 22 November 1905, Jonas Baleijn reported that the service was attended by about fifteen people, all of whom were Europeans (Baleijn, 1906). Baleijn's report implied that around that time there had been no attempt to preach the Gospel to the local people. This was also the case in Semarang, Surabaya, and Batavia. Instead of running a Gospel mission, the Indische Kerk aimed to maintain the existing congregations (Guillot, 1985, 6). Such a limitation might have been due to the following factors.

The Dutch were different from the Portuguese. In their enterprise to find the New World, the Portuguese received a holy mission under a papal bull issued by Pope Alexander VI, which authorized Spain and Portugal to colonize the lands they discovered. Another task underlined in the bull was to convert native peoples to Catholicism (Davenport, 1917, 71–78). As for the Dutch, their primary interest was economic gain (trade), not Gospel.

As already mentioned, Islam already had a strong influence in Garut in the early 19^th century. Not only had Islam helped shape Garut people's identity, but in the early 20^th century it had become a foundation for the emergence of such nationalist organizations as Serikat Islam and Muhammadiyah. This situation put the Dutch on an alert, ⁴ an awareness that an attempt to spread Christianity in the local community might cause some resistance from local Muslim leaders in Garut, which could threaten the Dutch economic interest To protect these economic interests the Dutch colonial government did not allow evangelism in an area where the majority of the population was Muslim. To regulate it, a policy issued for zending personnel who will work in an area must obtain permission from the Governor-General under Regeringsalamanak 123 1854 (Vriens, 1992a, 3). This was also stated by the Minister of Dutch colonies, Charles Ferdinand Pahud in 1854 as follows,

Based on these provisions, the three zending workers ⁵ who arrived in Bandung in 1863 did not get permission to work among the Sundanese. Both the colonial government and Holle kept their distance from the zending workers, even Holle encouraged Albers to leave Bandung (Albers, 2006, 105).

In Garut, it was the Chinese who carried out the Protestant mission. The Chinese, who had existed in Garut and formed their community in 1895, brought some important changes, particularly in the aspect of religion. Compared to the local population, Chinese people were more open to Christianity because of the educational services carried out by zending. This was one of the motivations for Chinese people to become Christian. The zending school that was originally founded by D.J. v.d. Linden in Indramayu in 1878 had 74 students, 67 of them were Chinese children (Coolsma, 1901, 91–92). The same thing the school which was founded by Coolsma in Buitenzorg in 1869 received a very good response from Chinese people, but none of the students came from the Sundanese community (Djalimoen, 1959b, 94).

As itinerant people, the Chinese frequently moved from one city to another to trade. Among these Chinese people was Thung Siong Hong, ⁶ who had lived in Sukabumi before, where he was converted and baptized. After moving to Garut, on 26 September 1899 Thung Siong Hong wrote a letter to Bouke Alkema, ⁷ requesting him to spread the Gospel in Garut. Thung Siong Hong himself had started his mission by opening a school with four candidates waiting to be baptized (Coolsma, 1901, 117–18).

On 2 October 1899 Alkema granted the request and started to preach before a large congregation. This was the first time that the Gospel was spread in Garut to both Sundanese and Chinese people (Coolsma, 1901, 118). To continue the missionary work in Garut, Alkema assigned his assistant, Abedmega, to move to Garut with his family (Coolsma, 1901, 118). At the end of 1899, thirteen people had converted and started to attend services routinely (Coolsma, 1901, 118). At the end of 1899, a missionary named Jacobus Johannes Muis ⁸ stayed in Garut while recuperating from his illness, but because he did not get any better, he returned to the Netherlands in 1900 (Coolsma, 1901, 118). The congregation in Garut was again organized by Alkema from Bandung. The congregation grew. On 4 June 1900, three Sundanese people were baptized. They were Enok, christened Marry, Oesman, and Miumah (Djalimoen, 1959a, 8). On 3 March 1901, some Chinese people, including Pio, Lim Kim Tjioek, Phoa Keng Joe, and Gouw Keng Nio, were baptized (Djalimoen, 1959b, 31).

In 1902, there were three missionaries (Alkema, Ruttink, and Iken) who were based in Bandung. They distributed work among themselves. The responsibility to organize the congregation in Garut was given to Hendrik Christiaan George Ruttink, who continued to live in Bandung despite his new duty (Djalimoen, 1959b, 19, 31). The daily work of organizing the school and congregation was handled by Abedmega. Services were held in a house that had been bought both to accommodate Abedmega and hold services. In May 1903, Alkema took a leave to the Netherlands. ⁹ Soon after, J. H. Blinde was transferred from Tasikmalaya to Bandung and the congregation in Garut was now under Blinde's responsibility (Djalimoen, 1959b, 31).

In 1899 ¹⁰ a Dutch named Christiaan Johannes Hoekendijk arrived in Jawa (Rooseboom, 1908, 167). At first, he assisted Aart Vermeer in Indramayu, but on 1 July 1905, he moved to Garut with his wife and two children. The people in Garut, however, were not like the people he had met in Indramayu. In Indramayu, Hoekendijk was warmly accepted. In Garut the people did not extend the friendly welcome that Hoekendijk received from Indramayu people, who needed his presence. In a book he wrote, Hoekendijk expressed the frustration he felt,

According to Hoekendijk, the situation was caused by fanatism among Garut people. He even said that even Europeans themselves considered it a daring folly to place a missionary among a fanatic community. The reaction of the Garut people was understandable for in the early 20^th century, Islam had developed well in the city. Furthermore, Hoekendijk also seemed to have a problem learning the Sundanese language (Hoekendijk, 1918, 6).

In his book, Hoekendijk also described the situation of his congregation as follows,

A similar view was also put forward by Djalimoen, who wrote in 1906, NZV's work in Garut and the posts around the city were undergoing a lot of ups and downs because (1) many members of the congregation—for it was common for people at that time to move from one place to another to find a better life—moved other places; (2) Abedmega, an assistant missionary assigned in Garut, also moved to Gunung Putri due to poor health and was replaced by Frans Sompotan from Indramayu and three kweekling (teaching assistants).

On 1 February 1906, a new church was opened in Ciwalen (Djalimoen, 1959b, 31). The church was built using funds raised from European visitors (Hoekendijk, 2006, 368). Some even donated their own or their wife's money (Hoekendijk, 1918, 24). There was no money contributed by the Dutch colonial administration.

Following Hoekendijk's arrival, Garut became a zendingspost ¹¹ (mission post), while Tasikmalaya, Ciamis, and Tarogong became bijspost, ¹² ancillary posts for missionary work coordinated from Garut. In spreading the Gospel, Hoekendijk took the following measures.

Opening a Clinic

In 1908, Hoekendijk opened an outpatient clinic in a small bamboo room behind the church (Djalimoen, 1959b, 33; Hoekendijk, 1918, 23–24), which opened every morning from 8 to 10 (Hoekendijk, 1909). Though reluctant at first, people started to come to the clinic. Even some prominent hajjis and high-level Muslim scholars came to seek medication at the clinic (Hoekendijk, 1909).

The opening of the clinic brought a significant impact on Hoekendijk's relationship with the Garut community. Hoekendijk even mentioned, “The fruits of the clinic are now obvious. I once treated a very sick patient in a house and if she recovered, I would always be accepted there as a friend” (Hoekendijk, 1909).

In 1914, after ten years of service in Garut, Hokendijk was transferred to Bandung and since then until 1920, the Garut congregation was served from Bandung. It was only in 1920 that another missionary arrived in Garut. The new missionary was L. M. van Noppen, who had previously been stationed in Cigelam (Djalimoen, 1959b, 33).

The efforts made by Hoekendijk to spread the gospel, especially through the establishment of schools and the establishment of polyclinics, received a fairly good reception from the Sundanese people. This is evident from the statement of the native population as reported by Rooseboom that through the children who were students of zending schools, many Sundanese people understood the message of the Gospel. Through the Hoekendijk health service, he had also been able to build good relations with the Sundanese community and even with Islamic leaders.

Hoekendijk's efforts, however, to spread the Gospel by taking a personal approach, establishing a school, circulating Christian literature, and opening a clinic did not bring satisfactory results. After working in Garut for almost three years, on 22 December 1907, Hoekendijk baptized three women for the first time (Djalimoen, 1959b, 32). Based on the data collected by van den End, the congregation did not grow maximally. As shown in Chart 1, the growth was even fluctuating.

OPEN IN VIEWER

Chart 1.

Garut congregation growth between 1899 and 1915 (van den End, 2006, 792–95; Sukamto, 2019).

This is due to several things, first, as mentioned above, that Islam in Garut has developed well since the mid-19th century. But, there was no physical resistance by Muslims towards both the Dutch colonial government and the NZV until the early 20th century. ¹⁴ The colonial government succeeded in taming the Muslim community through the institution of the penghulu. The Dutch colonial government official who responsible for Islamic affairs. The penghulu received salaries from the colonial government, became agents or collaborators of the colonial government to obtain information about Islam, and tended to be used as spies for the Islamic movement. Two examples of friendship between representatives of the Dutch colonial government and the penghulu were between Hadji Hasan Moestapa (1893–1854) with C. Snouck Hurgronje (Hisyam, 2001, 95) and Hadji R.H. Mohammad Moesa (1871–1887) with K.F. Holle (Hisyam, 2001, 97).

However, that does not mean there was no hidden resistance. Hidden resistance, for example, was in the form of stigmatizing the Dutch and Christian as kafir. ¹⁵ The term kafir was a term that had a very negative meaning in the archipelago during the Dutch colonial period. The term Dutch kafir not only describes feelings of hatred but also the assumption that the Netherlands was the enemy of the Muslims (Noer, 1982, 26). To prevent Sundanese people from entering schools established by zending, Islamic leaders declared that schools established by the Dutch were kafir schools that were not following Islamic teachings (Sofianto, 2001, 44). Local people usually avoid Europeans, even when Grashuis studied pesantren (centers of Islamic education) stated, “… finding out about these schools would be no simple task, especially as the subjects of one's inquiry tended to avoid Christian unbelievers” (Laffan, 2011, 112).

Second, Sundanese society is a society with a communal system and is deeply subject to Islamic leaders. As a communal society, religion is not only an individual matter but also part of the community, so religious conversion will bring negative reactions from the surrounding community. Those who converted to Christianity were considered kafir, unclean, and would usually be expelled from their families (van de Weg, 1925, 519–20). As a result of this pressure, some of those who converted to Christianity to avoid this pressure choose to move to another area or return (reconversion) to Islam, so that the number of Christians in Garut fluctuated.

Conclusion

From the above discussion, several conclusions can be drawn. First, the assumption that the spread of Christianity received support from the Dutch colonial government did not apply to the Garut context. Even the presence of Europeans, especially the Calvinist Dutch, did not influence the spread of Protestant Christianity to the local community. On the other hand, the European response was very negative. They consider zending jobs in Garut to be foolish. Holle even asked the zending to leave the Priangan area. The effort to spread Protestant Christianity was actually initiated by the Chinese people.

Second, the biggest obstacle to zending work was Islam. Before Protestant Christianity entered Garut at the end of the 19th century, Islam had developed very strongly. Even though at the beginning of the 20th century there was no direct resistance, but secretly the Islamic leaders fought back by building negative perceptions of both the Netherlands and Christianity by labeling them as kafir and unclean. This was exacerbated by the very communal system of Sundanese society. Religion is not only an individual matter but also part of the community, as a result when someone becomes a Christian, they get pressure from the surrounding community and would usually be expelled from their families. This situation forces Sundanese who had become Christians to have two choices, namely that they have to move to another area or return to Islam (reconversion).