Abstract
Children who grow up with exposure to intimate partner violence (IPV) experience disproportionately greater cognitive, psychological, and emotional impairments when compared to their peers. Increasingly, research has provided evidence of the long-lasting effects of IPV exposure throughout the life course. This study uses data from four waves (baseline and Years 1, 3, and 15) of the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (FFCWS) to examine how IPV exposure affects adolescents’ dating behavior and relationship quality at Year 15. Results indicate that those adolescents with exposure to physical violence at Years 1 and 3 were more likely to be in dating relationships at Year 15 than those without (effect size = 0.40), and for adolescents who were in a dating relationship at Year 15, IPV exposure, particularly exposure to physical violence, significantly reduced relationship quality (effect size = −0.24). These findings call for early screening of IPV exposure among mothers, children, and adolescents, as well as interventions to support victimized mothers and promote healthy adolescent relationships.
Keywords
Introduction
Approximately 6% of children up to 17 years old have witnessed an assault between their parents within the past year (Finkelhor et al., 2015). The disaggregation of this data reveals that an even greater portion of infants (7.1%) and young children (9.2%) have witnessed violence between their parents (Finkelhor et al., 2015). As child welfare professionals and others continue to engage in discourse regarding the implications of victimized mothers’ involvement in the child welfare system, there has been a rise in scholarship on the effects of early childhood exposure to intimate partner violence (IPV) on children. In fact, exposure to IPV is starting to gain recognition as a distinct form of child maltreatment (Kimber et al., 2018). Recent expansions to the definition of violence have also ushered in the production of knowledge on forms of IPV beyond physical abuse and psychological abuse. For example, scholars have begun to consider how exposure to economic abuse may affect children’s developmental outcomes (Huang et al., 2015; Koutselini & Valanidou, 2013; Sternberg et al., 2006; Stylianou et al., 2013). Longitudinal studies that examine the intergenerational transmission of the effects of IPV have indicated that IPV-exposed children may experience effects throughout the life course: later childhood (Harding et al., 2013; Howell et al., 2016; Huang et al., 2015); adolescence (Cisler et al., 2012; Chen et al., 2020; Howell et al., 2016; Huang et al., 2020); and adulthood (Kimber et al., 2018).
IPV exposure may disrupt the successful completion of developmental tasks, like prosocial skill development. This includes learning to be cooperative, having self-assertion and self-control, and showing empathy (Carlson et al., 2019). As early as pre-school age, children who have been exposed to IPV were found to have less social competence compared to their non-exposed peers (Fantuzzo et al., 1991; Wolfe et al., 1985). Poor social competence among IPV-exposed children appears to permeate throughout adolescence (Carlson et al., 2019). Scholarship on the effects of IPV exposure have indicated that adolescents who were exposed to IPV during early childhood may be more likely to be involved in teen dating violence (TDV), indicating their propensity for poorer quality—and even harmful—relationships (Karlsson et al., 2016; O’Keefe, 1997; Temple et al., 2013). Missing from the literature, however, is a longitudinal analysis that investigates the relation between early IPV exposure and teens’ dating behaviors and relationship quality, which may be seen as precursors to the escalation of relationship violence. This study thus utilizes four waves of a nationally representative longitudinal dataset, collected over the course of 15 years, to investigate whether exposure to IPV in early childhood affects adolescents’ dating behaviors and dating relationship quality.
Literature review
The effects of early childhood exposure to IPV
The extant literature on early childhood exposure to IPV has made significant strides in understanding the effects of IPV exposure on child and adolescent development. For instance, mechanism studies have explored the cognitive processes by which IPV-exposed children appraise and understand the violence that they have witnessed (DeBoard-Lucas & Grych, 2011; Överlien, 2017). Semi-structured interviews conducted with children ages 7 to 12 revealed that many children may understand IPV incidents through cause-and-effect, focusing on why violence may occur and the subsequent consequences of violence (DeBoard-Lucas & Grych, 2011). In another study, researchers interviewed an older sample of children and adolescents, ages 8–20 years old, and found that the participants actively used coping strategies to mitigate growing tensions, prevent violence, and manage the fallout of IPV incidents (Överlien, 2017). Participants shared about trying to distract their mothers’ partners, comfort their mothers, and even to “take revenge” against the perpetrator. Both studies exemplified children’s active engagement in attempts to process—and sometimes intervene in—the IPV to which they have been exposed. Beyond this, the results of these studies point to the cognitive processes that may lead to the development of psychopathology and sociobehavioral issues as children grow.
IPV-exposed children display disproportionately higher rates of impaired behavioral, emotional, social, and cognitive functioning, relative to their non-IPV-exposed peers (Koutselini & Valadinou, 2013; Sternberg et al., 2006). Children with early childhood exposure to IPV engage in aggressive and antisocial behaviors more frequently (Moylan et al., 2010; Sousa et al., 2011), as exhibited by a youth participant in Överlien’s (2017) study who described acting violently and destroying his stepfather’s property to “get even” with him after harming the participant’s mother. IPV-exposed children also have higher rates of depression and anxiety (Garrido et al., 2011; Överlien, 2010) as well as of behavior disorders (Miranda et al., 2011). They have also been shown to experience greater symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). For example, children exposed to IPV have been shown to experience great distress in the presence of inter-adult conflict (DeJonghe et al., 2005), supporting the concept of relational PTSD (Scheeringa & Zeanah, 2001), or the co-occurrence of trauma symptoms in a caregiver and their child when the caregiver cannot successfully self-regulate their emotions and behaviors. Similarly, Bogat et al. (2006) found that 44% of the infants in a sample of mother-infant dyads exhibited at least one trauma symptom. These psychosocial effects can also manifest in later outcomes such as substance use, engagement in delinquency, and violence perpetration and victimization (Huang et al., 2015; Överlien, 2017; Ruel et al., 2020; Schiff et al., 2014).
Early dating and relationship quality: precursors of teen dating violence
Involvement in TDV, including both victimization and perpetration, has been studied widely in adolescent populations with various kinds of adverse childhood experiences. For example, studies have found that TDV occurs most frequently among adolescents who have witnessed interparental violence (Karlsson et al., 2016; O’Keefe, 1997; Temple et al., 2013) and those who have experienced child abuse and neglect (Wekerle et al., 2009). Meanwhile, fewer scholars have studied relationship conditions that may precipitate TDV, like self-rated relationship quality (Linder et al., 2002; Orpinas et al., 2013).
TDV represents an extreme form of harmful interpersonal processes. By contrast, early onset of dating behaviors and poor relationship quality may come across as less immediately concerning. Yet, both may give way to future problems such as smoking and drinking (Fidler et al., 2006; Orpinas et al., 2013), TDV involvement (Linder et al., 2002; Orpinas et al., 2013), and delinquency (Seffrin et al., 2009). In a longitudinal study by Orpinas et al. (2013), relationship quality, measured by respondents’ perception of whether they are in a caring relationship, was lower among adolescents who reported increasing trajectories of dating violence. Furthermore, adolescents who report a high level of involvement in dating relationships are more likely to associate with delinquent peers and, in turn, engage in delinquency themselves (Seffrin et al., 2009). Other outcomes associated with early dating include alcohol use (Martin et al., 2007) and low self-esteem (Simmons et al., 1979), which have been found to be predictive of TDV involvement—both perpetration (O’Keefe, 1997; Temple et al., 2013) and victimization (Bolívar-Suárez et al., 2021; Maas et al., 2010; Smith et al., 2018a).
In sum, early dating behaviors and poor relationship quality are associated with a considerable number of risks that often precede TDV victimization and perpetration. By contrast, evidence points to a positive correlation between romantic relationship quality and happiness (Demir, 2007). Based on previous research, it is evident that the age at which adolescents begin dating and their perceived relationship quality can have great influence on their development and future outcomes. However, the literature on dating and relationship quality among IPV-exposed adolescents is scant.
Early childhood IPV exposure and adolescent dating
Given that early childhood IPV exposure can disrupt the development of healthy parent-child relationships and attachment (Beeble et al., 2007; Sousa et al., 2011), adolescents with such exposure may be at greater risk of being in dating relationships of poor quality. Past research has indicated that attachment style can be an important predictor of romantic relationship quality. Both anxious attachment and avoidant attachment, for example, are detrimental to cognitive, emotional, and behavioral indicators of relationship quality (Li & Chan, 2012; Saavedra et al., 2010). Those with avoidant attachment tend to experience less relationship satisfaction, connectedness, and support (Li & Chan, 2012). Such individuals have been found to engage in less relationship-focused disclosure with their partners (Tan et al., 2012). Meanwhile, those individuals with anxious attachment experience greater relationship conflict (Li & Chan, 2012), a predictor of female-perpetrated TDV in high school students (O’Keefe, 1997), but less is known about antecedents of dating behaviors and relationship quality in a broader sense.
Theory
Applying Herman’s (1992) trauma theory, we hypothesize that those adolescents who were exposed to IPV in early childhood will be more likely to be in dating relationships at age 15 and will be more likely to report low quality relationships. Herman’s (1992) seminal work on trauma succinctly states that trauma “calls into question basic human relationships” (Herman, 1992, “Disconnection,” para. (1)). Damage to relational life, according to trauma theory, is a manifestation of the primary effects of trauma on an individual’s systems of attachment. This creates a sense of alienation or disconnection that permeates an individual’s relationships, ranging from familial bonds, friendships, romantic partnerships, and even “abstract affiliations of community” (Herman, 1992, “Disconnection,” para. (4)). With respect to early childhood IPV exposure, IPV between a mother and partner creates an environment of disrupted and unstable relationships. As such, a child’s feelings of safety and intimacy may be challenged. Especially amid caretakers, such as a mother or parents, the lack of safety and connection can create developmental conflicts, including disrupted development of the self, shattered belief in safety and community, and other psychological vulnerabilities (Herman, 1992). Together, these can limit the progression of healthy and positive relationships. Even so, a survivor of trauma may seek out intimate relationships to gratify a deeply rooted need for protection and care (Herman, 1992). Indeed, a past study found that stress in family life, marital unhappiness, and child-mother emotional distance were indirectly associated with earlier dating through early menstruation (Kim et al., 1997; Kim & Smith, 1998). This aligned with Belsky et al.’s (1991) hypothesis that early childhood stress is associated with childhood behavioral symptoms, early onset of puberty, and early and less discriminate sexual activity. While emphasis has been placed on the link between family conflict and early engagement in sexual activity, however, the onset of dating behavior remains largely understudied. As such, conceptualizing IPV exposure as a traumatic event which can cause significant childhood stress, we hypothesize that IPV-exposed children are more likely to seek out intimate relationships at age 15 in response to “the fear of abandonment and exploitation” (Herman, 1992, “The Child Grown Up,” para. (2)). We also hypothesize that due to disruptions to the ability to form meaningful social relationships, IPV-exposed children may report lower quality dating relationships.
Relevance and significance
To our knowledge, researchers have yet to examine the dating experiences of IPV-exposed children, as the long-term effects of childhood IPV exposure constitute an emerging field of study. Past research has already highlighted that childhood exposure to family violence and IPV may predict TDV involvement (Karlsson et al., 2016; O’Keefe, 1997; Temple et al., 2013), but broader adolescent dating experiences remain understudied, despite the significant and negative relation between relationship quality and TDV. This study examines the complex relations among different types of IPV exposure (i.e., physical, economic, and emotional) and dating in adolescence, while controlling for several covariates. Using four waves of data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (FFCWS; Reichman et al., 2001), this study examines the effects of IPV exposure at Years 1 and 3 on dating and dating quality at Year 15. These results can be applied to the work of those who are involved in clinical practice, law enforcement, policy, and child welfare, among others.
Data and method
Data
The data for this study came from the FFCWS, which provides comprehensive information on family characteristics and the well-being of children over the course of more than 15 years. Data collection took place in 20 large U.S. cities, defined as those cities with populations of 200,000 people or greater, via stratified random sampling. Interviewers collected baseline data at the time of the focal child’s birth between 1998 and 2000. At baseline, data were collected from 4898 mothers. Subsequent follow-up surveys were conducted when the focal child was 1, 3, 5, 9, and 15 years old. This paper utilizes data from baseline and Years 1, 3, and 15 (see Reichman et al., 2001 for detailed research design).
4365 mothers, out of the 4898 at baseline, were interviewed at Year 1, and 4231 were interviewed at Year 3. At Year 15, data were collected from focal children and their parents. Dating behavior and relationship quality were self-reported by the focal children at Year 15. Thus, we include data reported by the focal children in our analysis. Out of 4898 baseline cases, 3444 children answered the surveys at Year 15.
The use of a longitudinal dataset allows us to properly account for temporal sequencing of the independent and dependent variables. IPV exposure, our main independent variable, was based on mothers’ reports of IPV victimization at Years 1 and 3. The dependent variables, dating behavior and relationship quality, were based on adolescents’ self-reported dating behaviors during the Year 15 interview. Given that IPV exposure, dating behavior, and relationship quality are the variables of interest in this study, cases with missing information on any of these variables were excluded. 30 adolescents did not answer questions about dating behaviors in the Year 15 survey. At Year 1, 758 mothers did not provide information about exposure to IPV, and at Year 3, 378 did not provide information about exposure to IPV. Excluding these cases, our final analytic sample consisted of 2510 adolescents. Rates of missing information for other variables were below 5%. To predict missing information, we performed multiple imputations, imputing five datasets, assuming that missing observations were missing at random (MAR).
Measures
Dating Behavior in Adolescence (Year 15) was measured by three metrics. The first asked respondents if they had ever dated someone. When reporting our results, we call this variable dating history. The question reads as follows: “Have you ever dated someone? Remember, by dating we mean when you like someone and she or he likes you back. It doesn’t have to mean going on a ‘formal’ date.” The second question asked whether respondents were in a dating relationship at the time of survey: “Is there someone you are currently dating?” In our results, we refer to this variable as current dating. Respondents who answered affirmatively to this question were then asked about their relationship quality: “In general, would you say that your relationship with your partner is excellent, very good, good, fair, or poor?” We coded the answers from 1 to 5, reflecting poor to excellent relationship quality, respectively.
IPV (Years 1 and 3) was measured in three dimensions: physical violence, economic abuse, and emotional control. At Years 1 and 3, interviewers asked mothers to report their experiences with IPV. Three items were used to measure physical violence. Mothers were asked about whether their partners “slapped or kicked” them, hit them “with [their] fist or a dangerous object,” and “tried to make [them] have sex or do sexual things [that they] didn’t want to do.” Due to low prevalence of sexual violence in the sample (less than 4%) and the high correlation between sexual violence and physical violence (r = 0.41), sexual violence was treated as a type of physical violence. Economic abuse was measured according to the following items (Huang et al., 2013), which asked whether the mother’s partner engaged in these behaviors: “tried to prevent you from going to work and/or school” and “withheld money, made [respondent] ask for money, or took [respondent’s] money.” Emotional control was measured by whether the partner engaged in the following two behaviors: “insults or criticizes [respondent] or [respondent’s] ideas” and “tries to keep [respondent] from seeing or talking with [respondent’s] friends or family.” When violence occurred at Year 1 or Year 3, occurrence of violence, a binary variable, had a value of 1. Otherwise, it was assigned a value of 0. We assessed level of violence by adding together the occurrences of each type of violence at Years 1 and 3. The levels of physical violence, economic abuse, and emotional control each ranged from 0-s. Total level of violence was calculated by taking the sum of all types (range 0–6).
IPV (Year 15) was measured by one question to mothers: “Have you and your current partner or biological father of the child had a physical fight in front of child in the last year?” Affirmative answers were assigned a value of 1. Otherwise, this variable had a value of 0. The Year 15 survey of FFCWS did not use the same IPV measures as those used in Years 1 and 3, thus limiting our ability to capture the occurrence of other IPV types when the focal children were about 15 years old.
We include both mother and child socioeconomic characteristics that have been shown to be associated with various child behavioral outcomes, including TDV, in previous research. For child characteristics, we include sex (0 = girl, 1 = boy), age (Year 15), race, and temperament (Year 1). Maternal perception of the focal child’s temperament was measured using a 6-item scale which asked mothers to respond with the degree to which each statement described their child: “child tends to be shy, often fusses and cries,” “is very sociable” (reverse coded), “is easily upset,” “reacts strongly when upset,” and “is very friendly with strangers” (reverse coded). Mothers could respond from 1 (not at all like my child) to 5 (very much like my child), and higher scores indicate a more difficult temperament. The score for the entire scale was measured by taking the average of all responses. Maternal and family characteristics included mother’s age (at baseline), race, educational attainment (at baseline), and relationship status (at baseline). Educational attainment was a categorical variable with the following three categories: less than a high school degree, high school degree, and college and above. Relationship status with the child’s father at baseline was measured in four categories: not romantically involved; visiting (meaning the father did not reside with the family but was romantically involved with the mother); cohabiting; and married.
Analytic techniques
We hypothesize that adolescents’ dating history, current dating, and relationship quality at Year 15 are influenced by IPV exposure at Years 1 and 3, IPV exposure at Year 15, the child’s characteristics, and their mother’s characteristics. First, we conducted descriptive analyses to assess occurrence and level of exposure to IPV during early childhood (Years 1 and 3), IPV exposure (Year 15; occurrence only), and dating behaviors (Year 15), along with the child’s and mother’s socioeconomic characteristics. This was followed by multivariate regressions with dating history, current dating, and relationship quality at Year 15.
The framework underlying this study posits that dating outcomes in adolescence are determined by IPV Exposure at Years 1 and 3, IPV exposure at Year 15, and socioeconomic characteristics of the adolescents and their mothers. The specification of the analytic model is represented by the following equation
Results
Descriptive statistics
Characteristics of key variables.
Note: * Only those dating at the time of the survey were asked this question (N=685).
About two-thirds (66.8%) of mothers reported having experienced IPV at either Year 1 or Year 3. Specifically, 14% experienced physical violence, 27% experienced economic abuse, and 64% experienced emotional control. On a 0 to 6 scale, the average level of IPV experienced by mothers was 1.5. The average levels of physical violence, economic abuse, and emotional control were 0.2, 0.4, and 0.9, respectively. At Year 15, about 5% of the mothers reported that they had physical fights in front of their children in the last year.
Regression results
Dating during adolescence
Logit regression estimates of dating at Year 15.
Note: N=2510. * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001.
Robustness tests of IPV on dating at Year 15.
Note: N=2510. * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001.
Relationship quality
Regression estimates of relationship quality at Year 15.
Note: N=685. * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001.
Robustness tests of IPV on dating quality at Year 15.
Note: N=685. * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001.
Discussion
This study examined whether IPV exposure during early childhood is related to adolescent dating and relationship quality while controlling for several covariates. The results of analyses using a large longitudinal dataset indicated that being in a dating relationship at Year 15 is not significantly associated with early exposure to IPV, but results from robustness tests showed that exposure to physical violence had a particularly strong and positive effect on adolescents’ likelihood of dating at Year 15 (effect size = 0.4). Other indicators that were predictive of dating at Year 15 included age, which was positively associated with dating, and mother’s educational attainment, which had a negative association with adolescent dating. Relationship quality was negatively related to IPV exposure and was lower among adolescents who were exposed to physical and economic abuse. In all, the results of this study suggest that IPV-exposed children, particularly those who were exposed to physical violence, are more likely to be in a dating relationship at Year 15. While dating itself is not inherently a risky behavior, our results show that adolescents who have been exposed to physical IPV during early childhood tend to report dating relationships that are poorer in quality, which, according to our literature review, may predispose them to greater TDV involvement. In fact, in results not shown, there was a positive association between reporting poor relationship quality and TDV involvement. At the time of writing this article, we are working on another paper which uses the FFCWS dataset to examine the relation between early childhood IPV exposure and TDV involvement. Results showed that early IPV exposure is related to TDV involvement, including both perpetrating dating violence and being a victim of dating violence.
Poor romantic relationship quality has been found to be associated with a number of severe outcomes: alcohol and drug use (Fidler et al., 2006; Orpinas et al., 2013), TDV involvement (Linder et al., 2002; Orpinas et al., 2013), and delinquency (Seffrin et al., 2009). This raises concerns for the healthy development of adolescents who have been exposed to IPV during early childhood, as close relationships, such as romantic relationships, during adolescence and early adulthood are integral to the promotion of healthy development and well-being (Brown, 1999; Connolly & Goldberg, 1999; Furman & Shaffer, 2003; Furman & Wehner, 1994). In fact, contrary to the common and dismissive conceptualization that adolescent dating is merely “puppy love,” theories about adolescent romantic relationships posit that involvement in a dating relationship accomplishes certain developmental tasks and holds a key role in the development of identity, sexuality, and close peer relationships (Furman & Wehner, 1994). Other scholars have theorized a normative trajectory wherein adolescents progressively become involved in a long-term committed relationship after gradually building up sexual and emotional intimacy with past partners (Brown, 1999; Connolly & Goldberg, 1999). Indeed, adolescent relationships are also strongly associated with relationship quality in young adulthood (Madsen & Collins, 2011; Seiffge-Krenke, 2003). Those adolescents who reported better quality dating relationships at age 16 demonstrated healthier relationship processes, such as conflict negotiation, later during young adulthood (Madsen & Collins, 2011).
The life course has dramatically changed in current generations of emerging adults, with young people typically marrying at later ages than past generations (U.S. Census Bureau, 2020). Half of all adolescents have been in dating relationships by age 15 to 16 (Carver et al., 2003; van Zantvliet et al., 2020), leading most individuals to have anywhere from 10 to 12 years of romantic experience prior to marriage now. This, taken with the fact that IPV-exposed children are more likely to be involved in poor quality relationships, which can predispose them to later TDV experiences, suggests that IPV-exposed youth may experience considerable disruptions in their development during this time and subsequently struggle to develop intimacy with and trust in others (Herman, 1992).
The findings of this study point to the existence of long-term effects of childhood exposure to IPV, whether that violence takes the form of physical or economic abuse. This is consistent with trauma theory (Herman, 1992) and adds to the existing evidence supporting persistent effects of early IPV exposure, including teen depression symptoms (Chen et al., 2020; Huang et al., 2020) and late childhood delinquency (Huang et al., 2015). Using a representative longitudinal dataset, this study points to the intergenerational transmission of IPV effects, whereby children of victimized mothers may develop parallel experiences of negative romantic relationships. The potential mechanism for this relation may be explained by trauma theory (Herman, 1992), which posits that childhood trauma challenges feelings of safety, intimacy, and connectedness and, in turn, results in negative behavioral, health, and relational outcomes. Our study illustrates a negative relational outcome—poor dating quality—of childhood IPV exposure, but a future study may empirically test a trauma theory-informed mechanism to uncover mediators between IPV exposure and dating quality.
The presence of significantly lower quality relationships among those adolescents who were exposed to severe IPV suggests that they may also be at risk of TDV involvement, although further research is required. Even so, this is concerning, considering that some studies have found that relationship violence in adolescence is linked to adult IPV, indicating the potential cyclic nature of IPV (Cutter-Wilson & Richmond, 2011). This necessitates early screenings and rigorous interventions to detect possible exposure to IPV and to mitigate later socioemotional and behavioral problems. Prenatal and perinatal care appointments should include routine screenings to identify individuals experiencing IPV and to make the appropriate referrals for community domestic violence agencies (Bailey, 2010; O’Reilly et al., 2010; Sharps et al., 2007). Healthcare providers must receive training and acquire the knowledge to be able to identify signs of abuse, as well as to create a nonjudgmental environment in which victims may feel safe to disclose their situations (Elliot et al., 2002).
School-based prevention programming remains the most popular form of TDV prevention in this age group. Such programs can educate adolescents on healthy interpersonal skills to encourage positive and caring relationships (Adler-Baeder et al., 2007; Antle et al., 2011; Close, 2005; Foshee et al., 2005; Tharp, 2012; Wekerle & Wolfe, 1999). While prevention programs have been both universal and targeted (Wekerle & Wolfe, 1999), our study suggests that IPV-exposed children are particularly at risk of having worse relationships, indicating a need for more targeted interventions for this vulnerable population (e.g., Antle et al., 2011). It is also worth emphasizing that programs and policies for IPV-exposed children and adolescents should remain strengths-based, supporting the resilience of children and adolescents, as well as leveraging already existing community- and family-based supports (Nguyen et al., 2012).
Finally, a discussion of our study’s results is incomplete without acknowledging the implications of the findings with respect to the racial composition of our analytic sample. Nearly half (46.7%) of the analytic sample was Black, which approximated the 47.5% of Black respondents in the original FFCWS sample. Applying key tenets of QuantCrit (Garcia et al., 2018), it is necessary for us to interrogate the assumed neutrality of numbers and their role in “promoting deficit analyses that serve white racial interests” (p. 151). One reason for this pitfall is that racism, as a central, complex, and deeply rooted aspect of society, cannot be easily quantified (Garcia et al., 2018). This is evidenced in our statistical model, which uses the variable of “race” rather than one called “racism.” Indeed, it is not race that is necessarily driving our results, but likely the systemic oppression of racial groups and especially of those who hold multiply marginalized identities, such as Black women (Crenshaw, 1991). Over three decades ago, Kimberlé Crenshaw (1991) called attention to the intragroup differences among women with respect to race and among Black Americans with respect to gender. However, recent scholarship has underscored that Black women continue to experience greater rates of physical IPV (Black et al., 2011; Smith et al., 2018b), greater mental health burden (Lacey et al., 2021b; Stockman et al., 2015), and greater barriers to supportive services (Lacey et al., 2021a). In consideration of this, interventions must also be cognizant of the systemic factors (Pickover et al., 2017) that increase Black women’s risk of victimization, their children’s risk of exposure, and the mental health burden that both mothers and their children must subsequently carry.
These results must be interpreted within the context of a few limitations. First, due to sample attrition, the final sample only included about 51.2% of the original sample, which may limit the generalizability of our findings. Second, many of our variables relied on self-reports. These include mothers’ experiences with IPV and all variables related to dating. Thus, these variables are subject to reporting errors. Given that many of these variables involve sensitive and stigmatized subjects, both mothers and adolescents may not have answered truthfully, and results may have been affected by social desirability bias. Third, the FFCWS was not designed to collect in-depth data on IPV and therefore did not include rich measures of different types of IPV. The narrow measures may underestimate the prevalence of IPV within the sample, biasing the estimates produced by our analyses. In addition, the items used to measure economic abuse may be related to concepts of coercive control and entrapment, warranting future studies to apply a more comprehensive scale that encompasses economic control, economic exploitation, and employment sabotage (Stylianou et al., 2013). Furthermore, while FFCWS is a longitudinal study, limitations of the publicly available dataset prevented us from being able to track the outcome variable over multiple timepoints. At the time of writing this article, the most recent wave of data comes from Year 15. The dating variables had just been added to data collection during this wave. Although fieldwork for Year 22 data collection began in 2020, it is not yet available.
Finally, a few limitations related to sociodemographic information must be mentioned. It is well-documented that LGBTQ+ individuals (Decker et al., 2018) and individuals with disabilities (Mitra et al., 2013) may be particularly vulnerable to dating violence victimization, which warrants the future examination of dating quality among IPV-exposed LGBTQ+ adolescents and adolescents with disabilities. We did not include gender identity, sexuality, and disability in our model. It is therefore essential to recognize the underlying assumptions of heteronormativity and able-bodied participants in the current model.
Despite these limitations, this paper increases our understanding of the effects of exposure to IPV on children’s long-term behavioral outcomes. We provide evidence to support frequent prenatal and perinatal IPV screening, along with appropriate follow-up safety measures and referrals, and the implementation of programming to promote healthy interpersonal skills and relationships among adolescents with early childhood exposure to IPV.
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Open research statement
As part of IARR’s encouragement of open research practices, the author(s) have provided the following information: This research was not pre-registered. The data used in the research are available. The data can be obtained at:
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