Abstract
Inequality is a longstanding subject of sociological concern and is implicit in research on stratification as well as on poverty, wealth and the varying aspects of social position. Discourses on inequality are rediscovered and rehearsed anew over time and in changing contexts. Many of these debates are underpinned by normative perspectives on human motivation and the way that society functions, perspectives which themselves are subject to re-creation as different discourses come to dominate and shape people’s thinking (Foucault, 1972). It is observed that large inequalities in socioeconomic position are not only tolerated but even endorsed, and merit is seen as underpinning inequalities, even when the arbitrary nature of some rewards, such as inheritance, is acknowledged. Such contradictions have been explained in terms of psychological adaptation in the tendency to rationalize others’ success, but also to locate oneself in relation to others in such a way as to minimize the conflict between attitudes and personal reality.
Differentiation in inequality can be distinguished in terms of whether they are inequalities of opportunity, inequalities of outcome, inequalities of access or inequalities in entitlement, and are also differentiated as to whether they are just or unjust, avoidable or unavoidable, ‘natural’ or artificially sustained. The dominant ways of talking about meanings of injustice and equality involve breaking down some of the inherent contradictions in concepts relating to equality and inequality. Recognizing that inequalities are of fundamental importance to both the welfare of societies and the well-being of individuals is the rationale for revealing, analysing and attempting to understand them. This work by Lucinda Platt emphasizes why inequalities matter and what they mean to individuals. The introduction nicely sets out to describe uses of the terms equality and inequality, to disentangle them in relation to the underlying concepts and literatures from which they derive, and help to reveal how they are reworked in practice. In particular it highlights how commitment to equality may operate alongside the acceptance of wide inequalities between individuals or groups of people. It also aims to elucidate distinctions between equality and fairness, the internally contradictory notion of equal opportunity, the distinction between entitlement and desert and the distinction and interconnection between concepts of inequality and difference. One central issue is the consideration of inequality within society (or within groups) compared with inequality between social groups. While the implications are apparently rather different if a focus is on overall inequality rather than on inequalities between groups within a society – who themselves may have very different outcomes – the two are not in fact neatly separable.
It is highlighted that inequalities across social groups and their meanings in terms of life chances and differential opportunities and expectations require three important considerations. First is the effective description of such inequalities, so that their extent and nature are clear; the second consideration is the separation of ‘group’ differences from other characteristics associated with the group in order to define the extent to which relevant factors (age, qualification, etc.) might be shaping the inequalities; the third important task is to explore the points at which processes – for example, of social mobility, educational success, health and accumulation of income – operate differently across different social groups, or sets of characteristics reveal different patterns from straightforward single majority–minority comparisons and inequalities.
Linked to this discussion of relative differences or ‘group’ effect is the question of whether the inequalities ‘story’ changes as we look across groups and, in particular, at their intersections. As rightly pointed out by K Davis, ‘Intersectionality refers to the interaction between gender, race, and other categories of difference in individual lives, social practices, institutional arrangements, and cultural ideologies and the outcomes of these interactions in terms of power’ (Davis, 2008: 68). An intersectional perspective also encourages an approach to inequalities which recognizes how they have been historically located and formed over time (Bottero and Irwin, 2003) and needs to pay attention to the ways in which categories shift their meaning or become obsolete. Thus it is important to bring a contingent approach to the categories and inequalities of differences – differences themselves need to be understood relationally (Irwin, 2005).
At a pragmatic level, to expose inequalities and to enable an analysis which reveals the systematic disadvantage suffered through membership of a group or allocation to a particular category or intersection of categories, require that such categories are defined, named and relatively well bounded. Present work describes inequality across social groups, recognizing that these are not necessarily fixed or stable categories but that temporarily to ‘fix’ them is necessary to the process of identifying differences in material well-being that can be associated with them (McCall, 2005). Each chapter, as in the course of the author’s discussion, pays attention to the question of measurement. Furthermore, the consideration of groups as the basis of inequalities or as social groupings across which inequalities are played out does not presuppose that there is recognition of the group by individuals so allocated or that they identify with it.
No doubt, this book has an ambitious remit as it sets out to outline inequalities across nine different strands or domains. The first three are the traditional domains of stratification research and teaching: class, gender and ethnicity, alongside disability; followed by inequalities in education, in income, in housing, in health and age. It presents contemporary evidence on the extent and nature of the inequalities in these areas while enlarging on specific sociological debates that are of particular relevance or have an enduring contribution to make to the topic. It sets out to provide an impression of the scale of inequalities and the existence of relative inequalities and to highlight key points of intersection. In addition, there are a number of cross-cutting themes that are considered central to an effective understanding of how inequalities are distributed and how they can be interpreted. These themes comprise time and temporarily are important for understanding changes over historical time, differences in experience of those born at different periods, and how inequalities emerge or develop over individual life courses.
Following a description of class schemes and class distribution, Chapter 2 on ‘Class’ focuses on the debates surrounding political aspirations towards creating meritocracy. It also demonstrates the ways in which concepts can fundamentally shift their meaning when translated into the language of political imperatives. The discussion also picks up on some of the central concerns about the incomparability of certain aspirations to fairness with ‘equality’. It also takes into cognizance the phenomenon of social mobility by DV Glass (1954). Platt is of the opinion that the debates around social mobility apply to any situation where the assumption is that differences in circumstances at birth (or at various crucial points in life) should not affect the possibilities for realizing one’s potential. This is demonstrated by the use of the term in an employment-related context.
The chapter on ‘Gender’ gives an overview of women’s labour market inequalities. It links this to caring responsibilities and the ‘double burden’, providing a detailed discussion on inequalities in domestic work. Heterogeneity is thus another cross-cutting theme of the book; Chapter 4 provides a detailed discussion of the problem involved in defining ethnicity and explores the experience of minority ethnic groups. Chapter 5 on ‘Youth and age’ gives an overview of life course issues and trajectories before honing in on the particular topic of women’s inequalities in old age. Chapter 6 addresses the data on educational achievement. It concentrates on school performance, with a focus on debates about the underachievement of boys. It also addresses the complicated patterns of achievement revealed by an analysis of ethnic group and sex differences. Chapter 7 looks at income and wealth. Even though economic inequalities are seen as being fundamental to class and class stratification, class and income are not synonymous.
Chapter 8 treats disability and health together. While this may at first sight seem a surprising combination of two discrete topics, the chapter makes the case that it is an appropriate one. Although theoretically they are distinct, in terms of measurement the dividing line between ill health and disability is ambiguous in many contexts. Chapter 9 explores the role of geography and housing as powerful structural constraints in perpetuating inequality. At the same time, the unequal distribution of housing and concentration of residence across social groups is a form of inequality.
Owing to the vastness of the aspects of inequality the inevitable limitation of the book lies in overlooking individual thinking about one’s identities, subjective orientations and their bearing on the lived experience of inequalities. Though prominently UK-based analysis, the work is appealing and apposite for academicians and policy makers interested in issues of poverty, justice and inclusive development, in general, and an essential reading on social stratification among contemporary society, in particular.