“No [Right] Way to Be a Black Woman”: Exploring Gendered Racial Socialization Among Black Women

Racial Socialization and Gender

Research has established that racial socialization is a key parenting practice that fosters positive development in Black youth and young adults, and one that helps protect youth from experiences of racism (Bynum, Burton, & Best, 2007; Harrison, Wilson, Pine, Chan, & Buriel, 1990). The dominant theoretical racial socialization frameworks do not differentiate children and youth by gender; scholars focus largely on preparing children and young adults to cope with racial bias and promoting cultural pride (e.g., Hughes et al., 2006; Lesane-Brown, 2005; Stevenson et al., 2002). However, a growing body of research demonstrates that the gender of the child influences the types of messages that parents give (T. L. Brown et al., 2010; Butler-Barnes, Richardson, Chavous, & Zhu, in press; Caughy, Nettles, O’Campo, & Lohrfink, 2006; Priest et al., 2014; Thomas & King, 2007; Varner & Mandara, 2013).

Studies suggest that parents not only deliver different messages in general based on a child’s gender, but that children receive different types of racial socialization messages based on their gender. For example, African American girls report receiving more messages about cultural pride and fewer messages about racial bias, while African American boys report receiving more coping with racial bias messages and fewer messages about cultural pride promotion (Bowman & Howard, 1985; Burt & Simons, 2015; McHale et al., 2006; McNeil Smith, Reynolds, Fincham, & Beach, 2016). In one study of African American mothers and their adolescent children (ages 14–17), mothers of daughters were more likely to communicate plans to advocate on behalf of their daughters and less likely to provide strategies on how to respond to racial dilemmas than mothers of sons (Smith-Bynum, Anderson, Davis, Franco, & English, 2016). These findings indicate that gender is a factor in the racial socialization process and that further investigation is warranted to deepen our understanding of gendered racial socialization experiences for individuals in Black families.

To our knowledge, there is only one published study that examines how (and from whom) Black women learn about skin color (Wilder & Cain, 2011). Utilizing five focus groups with Black women between the ages of 18 and 40 (N = 26), the authors highlighted the continued existence and negative effects of colorism in the lives of Black women, maintained, in part, by Black families. The authors also drew awareness to what they call the “race paradox” within Black families: “Although many participants’ families engaged in racial socialization practices to celebrate Blackness and to protect them from the realities of racism, families also engaged in practices of color socialization that simultaneously denigrate darkness” (Wilder & Cain, 2011, p. 597).

Black Women and Colorism in the United States

One topic that may be a direct or indirect component of racial socialization—particularly for women—is the importance and relevance of skin color and hair. Colorism is a global ideology that denigrates darker skin and tightly coiled hair, two unmistakable physical traits associated with African heritage (E. A. Adams, Kurtz-Costes, & Hoffman, 2016; Awad et al., 2014; Burke, 2008; B. Greene, 1994; M. E. Hill, 2002; Hunter, 2007; Patton, 2006; M. S. Thompson & Keith, 2001). Studies conducted over decades and across multiple fields of study have demonstrated that colorism has measurable consequences for Black women in the United States (Choma & Prusaczyk, 2018; Drake & Cayton, 1945; Fischer & Shaw, 1999; Golden, 2004; Haizlip, 1994; Parham, 1989; Thomas, Hacker, & Hoxha, 2011; Townsend, Thomas, Neilands, & Jackson, 2010).

On average, women with darker skin colors have poorer mental health, physical health, self-esteem, and lower socioeconomic status than their lighter skinned counterparts (E. A. Adams et al., 2016; Mathews & Johnson, 2015; Sweet, McDade, Kiefe, & Liu, 2007). Studies also have shown that women with lighter skin fare better in the mate selection market, securing higher status spouses than their counterparts with darker skin (Drake & Cayton, 1945; Hughes & Hertel, 1990; Keith & Herring, 1991). Natural hair has largely been considered to be unprofessional, unattractive, and unfeminine, and is associated with various negative socio-professional outcomes (e.g., lower incomes, harsher workplace conditions; B. Greene, White, & Whitten, 2000; J. C. Hall, Everett, & Hamilton-Mason, 2012; Mic, 2018; C. Thompson, 2009; White, 2005).

During the late 1960s and 1970s, the “Black is Beautiful” era ushered in a temporary reprieve from the dominance of colorism among Black Americans in the United States (Goering, 1971; Neal & Wilson, 1989; Okazawa-Rey et al., 1987). The advantages afforded to lighter skinned people weakened during this period. Substantive numbers of Black Americans, and notably women, began wearing Afros rather than chemically straightening their hair. Black Americans with darker skin complexions faced less inter-racial and intra-racial discrimination during this period (Udry, Bauman, & Chase, 1971). However, some disadvantages still remained. While Black men with dark skin generally experienced an increase in upward mobility, Black women with dark skin did not.

Skin Color and Hair Messages Within Racial Socialization

Skin color and hair are two phenotypic features that people reference to determine a person’s race (T. D. Brown & Dane, 1998; Maddox, 2004); however, there is little empirical research examining how conversations about race include messages regarding one’s hair and skin color. In a study of Black families with pre-teen children (N = 767), Landor and colleagues (2013) found that boys with darker skin reported receiving mistrust messages more frequently from their parents than did boys with lighter skin colors. Girls’ skin color was unrelated to the frequency of these same messages. Children of parents with lighter skin received more messages advocating promotion of mistrust from their parents if they were boys rather than if they were girls. In contrast, children of parents with darker skin colors promoted more messages of mistrust with their daughters than with their sons. While one’s parents' skin color is not our primary factor of interest, Landor and colleagues’ (2013) findings provide evidence to support the phenomenon of gendered racial socialization.

Recently, Bailey-Fakhoury (2014) focused on hair in a study exploring gendered racial socialization processes among mothers seeking to promote a positive racial identity in their elementary-age daughters attending a predominantly White school. Specifically, mothers used an imaging strategy to teach and show their daughters how to embrace their Black features. They highlighted the versatility of their child’s hair and exposed them to images of other Black girls and women with similar hair through pictures of family and friends and the media.

At least two racial socialization measures focus on instilling cultural pride by teaching children to not be ashamed of their appearance including their skin color (Lesane-Brown et al., 2008; Stevenson et al., 2002). These studies demonstrate that parent–child communication about racial issues includes messages about physical features. And these studies highlight the gendered nature of these conversations; thus, they illuminate the relevancy of explicitly examining physical attributes within gendered racial socialization processes.

Theories of Gendered Racial Socialization

We combined a traditional racial socialization theoretical approach (Hughes et al., 2006) with intersectionality theory (Crenshaw, 1989) in order to frame the experiences of racial socialization among Black women (e.g., see D. L. Brown et al., 2016). Intersectionality theory re-conceptualizes classic feminist theory to include the experiences and concerns of Black women. Further, intersectionality scholars emphasize, not only the simultaneous contributions of multiple social locations, but also the oppression inherent in each of them (Collins, 2000; Settles, 2006). This is important as theory on racial socialization usually only focuses on racial oppression and often does not consider other oppressions including those related to being a girl or a woman.

Integrating gender with existing racial socialization theory allowed us to consider both race and gender and how these identities simultaneously contribute to Black women’s distinct lived experiences. With this framework, we were also able to consider how the interlocking systems of gender oppression and racial oppression shaped our participants’ understanding of the messages that they received regarding their physical characteristics from their families and others (Capodilupo & Kim, 2014).

The Current Study

Using an intersectional framework and previous research as guides, we explored the gendered racial socialization experiences regarding messages of skin color and hair in Black women. We examined how these attributes contribute to Black individuals’ racialized experiences and, as such, how these messages about hair or skin color exist within racial socialization processes (e.g., different skin colors or hairstyles may elicit different racial socialization messages). Only a few studies to date have explored this phenomenon in depth (Bailey-Fakhoury, 2014; Landor et al., 2013; Ward, 1996; Wilder & Cain, 2011). We utilized grounded theory methodology (LaRossa, 2005; Strauss & Corbin, 1998) via semi-structured focus groups to answer two research questions: (1) What messages do Black women receive about skin color and hair from family members? and (2) How do Black women manage and make sense of these messages?

Participants

We used data from a larger study focused on the gendered racial experiences of Black young adult men (n = 30) and women (n = 29; Smith-Bynum, 2013). We analyzed the women’s data for the present study. The eligibility criteria for the larger study included the following (a) self-identified as African American, (b) 18 years of age or older, and (c) an undergraduate student. As noted in the Procedure section, several prospective participants who responded to the study advertisements had immigrant backgrounds. The sample participants in the current study represented a variety of ethnic backgrounds: African American (n = 19), African (n = 7), Caribbean/West Indian (n = 2), and Afro-Latino (n = 1). Three women were first-generation immigrants. Participants ranged from age 18 to 22 years (mean age = 20), and a majority were in their senior year of college (see Table 1).

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Table 1.

Participant Demographic Information.

Pseudonym	Self-Reported Ethnic Identification	Generational Status	Class Year
Nicole	African American	—	Sophomore
Sara	African American	—	Senior
Unique	African American	—	Senior
Jessica	Nigerian	First generation	Senior
Kendra	African American and acknowledges Caribbean roots	≥Third generation	Senior
Mary	Nigerian	Second generation	Senior
Amber	Nigerian	≥Second generation	Sophomore
TT	African American	—	Senior
Rita	Haitian	First generation	Junior
Faith	Identified as both African American and African	≥Second generation	Junior
Ann	African American	—	Junior
Laura	African American	—	Junior
Sasha	Nigerian	Second generation	Senior
Latonya	African American	—	Junior
Amy	Caribbean	Second generation	Senior
Beloved	Africana	First generation	Senior
Jane	African American	—	Sophomore
Kaylana	African American	—	Senior
Liz	Afro-Latino	Second generation	Sophomore
Toby	African American	—	Sophomore
Nan	African American	—	Senior
Nicole	African American		Sophomore
Sarah	African American	—	Sophomore
Brittney	African American	—	Junior
Jade	African American	—	Senior
Diane	African American and acknowledges Caribbean roots	—	Freshman
Michelle	African American	—	Freshman
Rachel	African American	—	Senior
Corin	Identified as both African American and Nigerian	≥Second generation	Junior

Note. Names listed here are pseudonyms selected by each participant. Generational status is based on the information shared about immigrant background and place of birth during the focus group and/or during the recruitment and screening process.

^a Beloved indicated that her family was African, but she did not specify her family’s country of origin.

Procedure

Data Analysis

The transcription team consisted of the authors and three trained undergraduate research assistants who received course credit for their efforts. Transcribers listened to each digital audio recording of the interviews verbatim. Prior to analysis, the first author reviewed transcribed data and cleaned all data of the transcripts as necessary. The data were analyzed using a grounded theory approach (LaRossa, 2005). Milliken and Schreiber (2001) assert that in grounded theory, “the researcher’s job is to investigate the socially constructed meanings that form the participants’ realities and the behaviors that flow from those meanings” (p. 180). The goal of grounded theory is to understand phenomena based on the personal accounts of participants’ experiences and their interpretations of their experiences (Charmaz, 2006).

There are three distinct yet overlapping processes of analysis involved in grounded theory: open coding, axial coding, and selective coding. The coding team consisted of an African American woman (first author), a second-generation Haitian American woman, a second-generation Liberian American man (third author), and a Biracial Chinese-White woman. The first and third authors conducted the open coding by allowing the codes to emerge inductively as codes were being identified. There was no preset coding scheme beyond focusing on experiences pertaining to the constructs of interest—skin color and hair—responses to the prompts (Questions 4 and 5) or comments regarding skin color and hair that emerged at other times within the discussion. We used NVivo software (version 9) to organize and analyze the data.

The open-coding analysis entailed a repeated reading of the transcripts, identifying concepts, and generating initial codes. The team met to discuss initial codes generated during the open-coding phase and evaluated the similarity and the consistency of the meaning of the codes. The team also discussed codes produced by each of the two single coders and determined whether to include or discard them (i.e., inter-rater agreement; Campbell, Quincy, Osserman, & Pederson, 2013). The team organized agreed upon codes under potential themes after reviewing codes in relation to one another (i.e., axial coding; Charmaz, 2006). The team completed the final stage, selective coding, which entails defining the core theme or category in order to develop a storyline. This process yielded an overarching story line of the reconciliation of messages regarding one’s appearance (i.e., skin color, hair).

Data Quality

The research team devoted substantial efforts to establishing trustworthiness, which is a crucial marker in demonstrating the merit of qualitative research and ensuring that the data are of high quality (Krefting, 1991; Lincoln & Guba, 1985). We sought to achieve trustworthiness by demonstrating credibility (i.e., establishing confidence in the truth of findings), transferability (i.e., assessing whether the finding could be applicable to other contexts, situations, times, and/or populations), and dependability (i.e., assessing whether the finding would be consistent in the event the inquiry were replicated in a similar context).

The semi-structured interview format allowed for dialogue between the interviewer and the participants; this format provided the opportunity for participants to evaluate the truth in the conversation and to correct the interviewer if there was a misunderstanding about a participant’s experience. This common method, member checking, was used to establish credibility (Krefting, 1991). We also used a time sampling strategy, which enhances credibility and transferability of strategies for ensuring trustworthiness. We accomplished this by interviewing individuals in different times of the academic year (i.e., summer vs. fall) and on different days of the week and times of the day. We also used triangulation of investigators (Krefting, 1991), which involved having different team members analyze the data to prevent selective perceptions, illuminate blind spots in an interpretive analysis, and understand multiple ways of seeing the data.

Positionality and Reflexivity

In line with grounded theory methods, the research team considered how their positions and backgrounds might have influenced the study. This process is termed reflexivity (W. A. Hall & Callery, 2001; Mauthner & Doucet, 2003; Watt, 2007). We accounted for two types of interactions: (1) researcher influence on research design and decisions and (2) researcher–participant interactions during data collection (Gentles, Jack, Nicholas, & McKibbon, 2014). After an assessment of how much time was needed per question, the research team decided to shift the pacing of the focus group protocol. After the first two focus groups, we realized that by the time we reached Questions 4 and 5 there was not sufficient time left for the participants to fully share their responses. During those first two groups, facilitators provided participants with the opportunity to stay longer if they wished to continue sharing. Then the research team agreed to adjust the pacing of the protocol for future groups to better ensure that participants would be able to more comprehensively share their experiences regarding hair and skin color.

We were also mindful of the researcher–participant interactions and how these interactions influenced the construction of the data (W. A. Hall & Callery, 2001). It is likely that participants assessed who led the conversations with consideration for the researcher’s age, gender, race/ethnicity, and so on (Gentles et al., 2014). The first author, an African American woman, served as one of two co-facilitators for all of the focus groups with the women. The third author, a second-generation Liberian American man, facilitated six of the seven groups with the first author. The fifth author, an African American woman, co-facilitated the seventh group with the first author. At the time of the study, the facilitators were all in their mid-20s, except the third facilitator who was in middle age. Both women facilitators have light brown skin, and the man has dark brown skin. One woman facilitator (the first author) wore a natural hairstyle, the second wore a relaxed hairstyle, and the man wore a wavy buzz cut.

Occasionally, participants referenced one of the facilitators to help explain themselves. For example, the first author’s skin complexion was brought up and used as a point of reference: “She was light-skinned like you.” In some cases, the participants shared information about natural hair that the male facilitator was not familiar with. The women readily shared definitions when deemed relevant. Facilitators also monitored participant verbal and nonverbal responses, and subsequently asked pertinent follow-up questions for clarification or inquired further about unanticipated responses.

Theme 1: Shades of Black

Participants in several focus groups shared that their skin color is the subject of family and societal judgment and debate. Their narratives echoed the longstanding burden of colorism that African American women have faced for generations (C. Thompson, 2009). Whether they ascribed to it or not, almost all participants (n = 23) conveyed that the colorism hierarchy that placed light skin at the top existed. Messages about the hierarchy came most often from mothers and aunts.

Many women stated that a common notion that their families conveyed to them was that lighter skin is more beautiful and better than darker skin. Participants reported that family messages associated lighter skin color with more respect and better opportunities. Participants also revealed the different things that their parents encouraged them to do, or not to do, in order to maintain a preferred complexion (i.e., lighter). Beloved recalled that in the summertime her mother would ask her to stay inside more:

My mom, she would just be like don’t stay in the sun too long. When I was growing up…I loved playing basketball…me and my brother would be outside every single day. My mom…she be like you’ve been getting a little bit darker, you should stay inside a little bit.

It appeared that some conversations around skin color evoked negative feelings for some women. Ann reported feeling great discomfort when her mother, whom she described as having a darker complexion than she had, associated her skin color as being good and pretty. Nan recalled that her aunts, whom she described as “very dark skinned,” felt animosity toward her mother because her mother was of a lighter complexion. Nan’s aunts told of their belief that her mother had a better life because of her skin color. She quoted one aunt as saying, “Well you know it’s harder for a darker sister out here in the world, and a light skin sister…they don’t know our struggle at all.’”

Some participants described a family narrative in which no particular skin color had been articulated as more valuable or preferred over another (n = 5). Reflecting back on her childhood, Jade recalled that her mother did not indicate a preference for a particular Black skin color. Her mother endorsed anything that would promote pride in the skin color of Black people:

Growing up my mom always made sure to get me not Barbie, but Kristy, the Black Barbie, and uh (laugh) she always made sure like with books I had or whatever, that other was always like, a, she tried to give me stuff where there was a Black character.

Non-Black peers also appeared to endorse colorism. Sara recounted a time she found herself stuck after a White roommate made a comment about the skin color of a new member in their all-women fraternity:

[My roommate] was talking about her “little,” “Oh, my ‘little’ has light skin. She just lucked out genetically because [my little’s] [biological] sister has very dark skin.” Every single person looked at me and was like “oh well are you going to say something.” [Internally] I’m like “WHAT did you say??” but I didn’t say a word.

In contrast to the frequently reported messages about perceived problems due to having darker skin, or perceived privileges due to having lighter skin, there were reports of problems as a result of having a light skin tone. Specifically, some light-skinned women reported having their identity redefined by others (e.g., peers, neighborhood members). Michelle shared that people would insist that she was mixed-race, even after she explained how she identified herself:

People will demand, “No, you don’t know what you’re talking about. You’re mixed, your half.” I’m like “No I am actually African American, I’m Black.” I get that a lot, people telling me what I am…I’m like how are you gonna tell me?

Theme 2: The Politics of Hair

The majority of the women described having to make decisions regularly about how to wear and style their hair based on messaging from the broader society about mainstream definitions of pretty and/or acceptable hair and hairstyles. In some cases, White Eurocentric ideals, endorsed by family or friends and/or enforced by institutions, such as school or work, influenced women to choose specific hairstyles, while other women purposely defied the standard by wearing their hair naturally. Family members often encouraged or discouraged certain hairstyles. As has been shown in previous work, hair can be complex. Two subthemes emerged from the data that reflect the multilayered and often emotional dilemmas surrounding African American women’s hair.

Theme 3: Ramifications and Resolution of Skin and Hair Messages

All of the women shared their experience with making sense of the hair and skin color messages and endorsements that their family members, and sometimes peers, communicated to them. These responses were classified into two subthemes. Many participants described a negative reaction to the racial socialization messages focused on skin color and hair that they received, which included self-criticism (Subtheme 3a). Some of these participants reported arriving at a positive space where they fully and proudly embraced their hair and/or skin color (Subtheme 3b).

Negotiating Gendered Racial Socialization Messages as a Developmental Process

Our results indicate that the young women in this study exercised varying degrees of agency in how they process gendered racial socialization messages about skin color and hair from various sources. A proportion of the women reported feeling trapped by negative narratives they had internalized about skin color and hair before finding a way to create a personal definition of their Black womanhood. Others reported a continued sense of struggle with these issues at the time of the study. Their poignant accounts point to aspects of racial, ethnic, and gender identity development that are intersectional in nature.

The ages of our participants suggest they were actively engaged in the process of gender, racial, and ethnic identity development at the time of data collection (Arnett, 2000; Marcia, 1980; Phinney, 1992). Participants’ resolutions of skin color and hair messages suggest that a developmental process may affect how they engage in individual meaning-making processes that inform their identities as Black women. Current theoretical models of racial, ethnic, and gender identity would generally argue that identity development in these specific arenas proceeds independently (e.g., Phinney, 1992). Our data suggest that these processes can operate dependently and inform each other. Thus, the current practice of investigating identity development by race, ethnicity, or gender separately is inadequate for understanding the intersectional experiences of Black women (Crenshaw, 1989; Warner, Settles, & Shields, 2018).

Rethinking Racial Socialization Theory

The challenge for some Black families, as they have conversations about race, is what some prominent scholars in the field have referred to as a “race paradox” (Landor et al., 2013; Wilder & Cain, 2011). That is, while families engage in racial socialization—a process known to shield children from the realities of racism and imbue in them a sense of racial pride—some families are simultaneously advancing colorism, which has harmful consequences. Consistent with previous research (E. A. Adams et al., 2016; Burke, 2008; Landor et al., 2013), participants recalled the promotion of colorism (whether intentional or unintentional) during their gendered racial socialization experiences.

Though novel and informative, it seems that the term “race paradox” does not highlight the full extent of the phenomenon from a theoretical perspective. The race paradox is about the racial socialization processes in Black families; it is not a paradox about their race, per se. Thus, we suggest the term be amended to the “racial socialization paradox,” more accurately reflecting the process in which the paradox manifests.

It is important to note that our data indicated that the racial socialization paradox is not uniform for all Black women. Though nearly all the women’s narratives corroborated the existence of the racial socialization paradox, some participants’ narratives did not. Women of varying backgrounds described family and friend affirmations for darker skin colors and/or natural hair; thus, they experienced messaging that ran counter to an endorsement of colorism. Other factors or axes of identity may have contributed to these women’s racial socialization experiences (e.g., contextual spheres; S. H. Allen & Mendez, 2018). Though we were unable to explore other factors or identities in the current study, we suggest researchers consider other influences of gendered racial socialization. It is plausible that validating messages will help buffer against other oppressions that Black women experience, as these messages promote pride, boost confidence, and enhance one’s sense of self.

Implications for Future Research

Research connecting theory about racial socialization messaging more generally to messaging to Black women about hair texture and hairstyle, vis à vis standards of beauty, has received little attention in the literature. Additional research that explores how hair is included in conversations about race is warranted for at least two reasons. First, the most recent natural hair movement, focused on the promotion of wearing and styling natural Black hair, has continued to flourish since the early 2000s (Jeffries & Jeffries, 2014; Spaulding & Metcalf, 2015). Wearing one’s hair naturally was a relevant experience for a majority of the participants in this study. Even participants who did not wear their hair naturally shared experiences of their family or friends who did. Thus, capturing individuals’ feelings about Black hair texture, length, and style is timely. Further, women (and men) who came of age during this movement are starting to have their own children. It would be interesting to examine the kind of messages that they and other socializing agents share with the next generation of Black girls.

Second, Black girls and women may experience criticism or bias from people in their social networks or institutions, e.g., school and work settings, because of how they style their hair (M. Allen, 2016; Manuel-Logan, 2013; Underwood, 2016). Additional research may help unpack the ways in which Black women prepare for and cope with criticism or discrimination in various settings. Scholars should further investigate the ways in which these standards are maintained as well as how the frequency in which Black women and girls have to confront these experiences can be reduced (Marira & Mitra, 2013; Norwood & Foreman, 2014). We believe that the support of family and others can help in this process.

Researchers have provided support for the assertion that Black women live in different gendered racial spaces than their male counterparts (Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1989; M. L. Greene, Way, & Pahl, 2006; S. Hill, 2001, 2002); we recommend that researchers draw on research paradigms beyond the gender-neutral, self-report measures of racial socialization currently in wide use (Hughes et al., 2006; Lesane, 2005; Stevenson et al., 2002). We echo other researchers regarding the need for valid measures of gendered racial socialization (e.g., D. L. Brown et al., 2016) in order to capture a more meaningful understanding of the experiences of Black women.

Last, though we recruited participants under the ethnic label “African American,” this study attracted Black women of diverse backgrounds, including those who were first and second generation Americans. We believe this heterogeneity made our findings and our understanding of the phenomenon of Black women’s physical attributes richer. Thus, we chose to retain our full sample and describe the participants with the more inclusive term “Black.” We encourage other scholars to be mindful of the ways that racial/ethnic identity may be fluid and be prepared to adapt accordingly. The knowledge gained may lead to policies and practices that produce meaningful experiences for a larger group of persons of color.

Practice Implications

We provide several recommendations for clinicians and practitioners who work with Black women and girls. First, sensitivity toward the extensive nature of colorism is imperative when working with both girls and women. It is important to understand not only the ways colorism affects Black women internally—for our sample, this included feelings of depression, lack of confidence, and anxiety—but also the ways in which Black families are responsible for conveying colorist messages. These findings can inform clinicians’ work with both individual patients and their family members. Given participants’ descriptions of colorism within school- and work-based climates and policies, it behooves practitioners to also consider the institutions and schools that have the potential to promote or exacerbate depression, anxiety, and other self-esteem issues (Blake, Keith, Luo, Le, & Salter, 2017; McGill Johnson, Godsil, MacFarlane, Tropp, & Atiba, 2017; Ryabov, 2013). Further, consideration of romantic partners, peer groups, and other non-family members is important, as such individuals may also reinforce negative racial socialization messages, or contradict those originating elsewhere (e.g., the workplace has different expectations and desires for hair than one’s family).

Second, although clinical training programs have made strides in training culturally competent therapists (e.g., Bean, Benjamin, & Bedell, 2002; McGeorge & Carlson, 2011; Taylor, Gambourg, Rivera, & Laureano, 2006), we appeal to clinicians to embrace the burgeoning trend of considering intra-group diversity. Being aware of, and inquisitive toward, nuanced experiences within broader demographic categories (e.g., race, class, ethnic group) may reveal dynamics that might have otherwise been ignored, aid in the efficacy of clinical services, and strengthen the therapeutic relationship with such clients, a critical aspect of the therapeutic process (Friedlander, Wildman, Heatherington, & Skowron, 1994; Shields, Sprenkle, & Constantine, 1991).

Last, we ask parents and other family members to be thoughtful of what they say to their children, both sons and daughters, in regard to their physical attributes. We recognize that these messages are generally well-intentioned, but in some cases, participants reported that they were hurtful and negative. Research has demonstrated messages about hair and skin color have the ability to harm the self-concept and self-esteem of girls and young women (Davis et al., 2017; Thomas & King, 2007). Further, these messages can complicate young Black girl’s identity development, particularly with regard to race and gender (Bailey-Fakhoury, 2014; D. L. Brown et al., 2016; Thomas et al., 2011; Townsend et al., 2010).

Strengths and Limitations

To our knowledge, ours is the first study to qualitatively examine Black women’s experiences about hair and skin color in the context of racial socialization. Further, our research extended what we know in general about racial socialization by adopting the lens of gendered experiences and exploring areas that have been historically overlooked in the racial socialization literature but are heavily tied to girls’ and women’s culture and race (i.e., hair, skin color). In addition, we explored these processes among college-aged students, an especially important time when one’s understanding of their race, gender, and other identities becomes fortified by everyday experiences (Arnett & Brody, 2008; Thomas et al., 2011).

We analyzed narratives from a diverse sample of young Black women. This diversity helped illuminate the similar and different experiences that Black women have around hair and skin color. And we employed a diverse team of researchers for data collection, transcription, and analysis, which proved fruitful in a number of ways: It allowed us to offer the participants facilitators to whom they could seemingly relate and thus increase their comfort and ease in discussing sensitive topics. The diversity of the research team also proved beneficial during the phases of analysis, as it allowed a space for a plethora of insights about the data to be presented and weighed by individuals with different backgrounds (i.e., race/ethnicity, gender, sexual identity, age). Qualitative scholars support such diversity on research teams and the benefits it provides (Baca Zinn, 1979; Stanley & Slattery, 2003).

It is also important to note the shortcomings of the current study. First, while the limited age range of our participants was intentional and provided a nuanced understanding of their racial socialization perspectives, our data cannot illuminate the full extent to which these perspectives might vary across age and developmental stage. Second, because the data for the current research project came from a broader study of gendered racial socialization—and not specifically of messages about hair or skin—we may have not captured the full extent of these types of messages and experiences. Thus, a study with a specific focus on the messages from family and/or other sources about skin and hair within gendered racial socialization might uncover aspects of these processes that we did not.

Conclusions

Using a theoretical framework that combined Black feminist intersectionality and racial-ethnic socialization (Crenshaw, 1989; Hughes et al., 2006), we explored the gendered racial socialization experiences of Black women as they received and made meaning of messages about skin color and hair. The women in this study, who represented different ethnic backgrounds, received and interpreted messages about skin color and hair length, texture, and style. The interpretation of messages about how one should, or should not, look as a Black woman was not a superficial process but rather a complex one. This study extends researchers' understanding about gendered racial socialization processes and provides evidence that these conversations include messages about physical appearance and self-image. It is important to continue to identify and employ gendered racial socialization practices that foster the healthy identity development for and wellbeing of Black women in schools, workplaces, and homes.