Abstract
In the current study, we examined the transition to college for first-generation women of color. Previous studies of first-year college experiences among groups with minoritized statuses have primarily focused on first-generation students or students of color separately, with little consideration of women within these groups generally, and first-generation women of color specifically. Drawing from work in Black feminist scholarship, we explored the transition to college from the perspective of first-generation women of color college students, examining the resources, strengths, and challenges experienced during this transition. Fourteen self-identified first-generation women of color students participated in semi-structured interviews. Respondents were asked a series of open-ended questions about their first-year college experiences, including family dynamics, social support, and mental health. Using thematic analysis, we identified five major themes—Identity, Imposter Phenomenon, Mixed Formal Support, Complicated Family Support, and Friendship, Social, and Emotional Support. Our findings suggest that first-generation women of color college students encounter unique challenges that warrant further investigation. Furthermore, we recommend structural programming (e.g., diversity initiatives), university policies (e.g., need-blind admissions), and increased faculty and staff diversity as strategies that will benefit all students and provide support for first-generation women of color college students.
“I am invisible, understand, simply because people refuse to see me. Like the bodiless heads you see sometimes in circus sideshows, it is as though I have been surrounded by mirrors of hard, distorting glass. When they approach me they see only my surroundings, themselves, or figments of their imagination, indeed, everything and anything except me.” ―R. Ellison, Invisible Man (1952, p. xxvi)
A significant amount of research describes the experience of racialized ethnic-minorities and first-generation students (FGS) on predominantly white 1 campuses, as well as how perceived fit impacts adjustment, social relationships, and academic performance (Johnson et al., 2014). The literature suggests that students of color and FGS are more likely to report discrimination, a lack of belonging, and less support, compared to their peers (Hussain & Jones, 2021). These findings are significant as both groups are less likely than their peers to finish college with a degree and may encounter additional challenges beyond the college experience (Addo et al., 2016; Houle & Addo, 2019). Research also indicates an underrepresentation of women in the natural sciences, math, and STEM fields (Blackburn, 2017; Charleston et al., 2014; Gardner & Holley, 2011; Wilkins-Yel et al., 2019).
The majority of this research focuses on students of color, FGS, and to a lesser extent women, as separate groups of study. One limitation of the existing work is the lack of an intersectional lens in interpreting the experiences of college students with multiple minoritized 2 identities. This is especially important for first-generation women of color (FGWOC), who may face higher risks of social exclusion and depression, yet have received relatively less attention in the academic literature (Talavera et al., 2019; Torres-Harding et al., 2020).
Women of color (WOC) hold multiple marginal group identities that often affect performance, self-confidence, and stress, particularly within elite and high-performing contexts (Wilkins-Yel et al., 2019). However, the extent of this relationship varies across ethnic groups and can be complicated in terms of who identifies as a member of a racially minoritized group (Yip, 2018). Generally, there is little research that examines the experiences of WOC undergraduate students, and more specifically, how identities tied to FGS status, gender, and race (combined) affect the transition to college. Therefore, in the current study, we explored the experiences of FGWOC students to better understand these complexities. Specifically, we asked FGWOC to share narratives about their transition from high-school to college. In doing so, we examined how women describe and articulate their own identities and experiences as FGWOC within the campus community.
Adjustment to College
The transition to college can be challenging. Some research suggests that pre-college economic background and social relationships impact adjustment, especially for students who are the first in their family to attend college (Carter et al., 2013; Engle & Tinto, 2008; Hurtado, 1996). Once on campus, however, students attempt to identify new communities to which they belong. However, these attempts may be less successful for certain students, due to institutional factors, like student body diversity (Chavous, 2000; Hurtado, 1992).
Research suggests that perceived fit is critical to the adjustment and social-emotional well-being of students, particularly for students of color and/or individuals coming from marginalized backgrounds (Chavous, 2000; Freeman et al., 2007; Hurtado & Carter, 1997). According to Strayhorn et al. (2012), a sense of belonging “refers to students’ perceived social support on campus, a feeling of connectedness, the experience of mattering or feeling cared about, accepted, respected, valued by, and important to the group (e.g., campus community) or others on campus (e.g., faculty and peers)” (p. 3). Indicators of a sense of belonging and first-year student success include achievement, retention, and student social and organizational involvement (Hausmann et al., 2009). These indicators, and sense of belonging generally, are shaped by students’ perceptions of their own identities, as well as the characteristics of colleges and universities, dominant norms, implicit and explicit ideologies, and practices that may reify racism, classism, and patriarchy within classrooms and on campus (Chavous, 2000). Therefore, having spaces where minoritized students can “be” and express themselves authentically enhance a sense of belonging. Yet Chavous (2000) cautions against a one-size-fits-all approach to minoritized student adjustment to college, instead suggesting that personal beliefs about identity salience, centrality, and ideology likely mediate feelings of belonging, social integration, and perceived fit generally. However, the existing literature falls short of investigating how (and for whom) these factors may lead to disparate outcomes.
First-Generation Status, Cultural Mismatch, and Intersectional Identities
While definitions vary, we consider first-generation individuals to be college students whose parents did not receive an undergraduate degree or have no experience in postsecondary education (Canning et al., 2019; Choy, 2001; Pascarella et al., 2004). FGS comprise one-third of the United States college-going student body; however, they have fewer financial resources than their continuing-generation peers (Bui, 2002; Sy et al., 2011). Research suggests that while FGS see higher education as an opportunity for upward mobility, they may also experience challenges due to cultural mismatch or unfamiliarity with institutional norms embedded within the typical college experience (Jury et al., 2017; Pascarella et al., 2004; Stephens, Fryberg et al., 2012a). Broadly, cultural mismatch theory posits that inequality is produced when mainstream institutional cultural norms do not match the norms among underrepresented social groups in those institutions (Stephens, Fryberg et al., 2012b). For example, the cultural mismatch between American university norms of independence and FGS norms of interdependence may decrease students’ sense of belonging and undermine performance and mental health (Chang et al., 2020; Stephens, Fryberg et al., 2012a; Stephens, Townsend et al., 2012; Talavera et al., 2019). Additionally, the impact of cultural mismatch may extend beyond the first year of college, as is the case for women in male-dominated fields (Hirschfield, 2017; Stephens, Fryberg et al., 2012b; Phillips et al., 2020).
Beyond cultural mismatch, FGS may find climate-related and social challenges difficult to overcome; negatively impacting their relationships, mental health, and emotional well-being (Guassi Moreira & Telzer, 2015). Soria et al. (2013) found that working-class college students report feeling less welcome on campus, compared to middle and upper-class peers. In a similar study of class privilege, Pyne (2013) suggested that academic expectations in higher education are heavily influenced by class. For example, students are often expected to possess insider knowledge about higher education and associated experiences (e.g., cultivating close relationships with faculty and taking advanced placement courses in high school).
In addition, lower-income, FGS are also more likely to be students of color (Engle & Tinto, 2008). Students of color at predominately white institutions report more negative experiences related to discrimination, including overt and covert forms of racism, (Davis et al., 2004; Patton, 2006; Patton et al., 2011), and unfair treatment by faculty members (Davis et al., 2004; Fries-Britt & Griffin, 2007). Generally, students of color report perceived cultural misalignment represented by unstated class-based norms, insider knowledge about academia, and differing expectations for students’ roles and responsibilities (e.g., expectations to assimilate to white-centered campus environments), which can lead to academic and social loneliness (Fries-Britt & Griffin, 2007; Quaye et al., 2015). All of these adverse experiences could contribute to, or reflect, cultural mismatch (Chang et al., 2020; Phillips et al., 2020). Although additional research is required to fully examine cultural mismatch theory across different contexts, it may help explain FGS, students of color, and women’s sense of institutional fit when compared to their peers.
Clearly, not all FGS are students of color or women, yet there is significant overlap (Engle & Tinto, 2008). This lack of specificity in the literature has made it difficult to isolate similarities across groups from unique differences (Ives & Castillo-Montoya, 2020; Nguyen & Nguyen, 2018). Approximately 41% of Black-identifying 1 students and 61% of Latino/x-identifying students also identify as FGS (compared with 25% of white and Asian American students; Parks-Yancy, 2005). Researchers have found that racially-minoritized FGS report higher feelings of uncertainty and insecurity towards expectations, norms, and coursework, leading to increased stress and self-doubt (Gao et al., 2020; Johnson et al., 2014; Means & Pyne, 2017). Furthermore, racially minoritized FGS may have to manage conflicting expectations of their home and school lives (Canning et al., 2019; Covarrubias et al., 2015; Vasquez-Salgado et al., 2014). These issues are compounded by social and political pressures facing students of color generally, particularly Black students, who report experiencing interpersonal racial discrimination and racial microaggressions, as well as hostile or unwelcoming racial climates on (and off) predominantly white college campuses (e.g., Fries-Britt & Griffin 2007; Solórzano et al., 2000). Interestingly, the potential stressors and concerns detailed above converge during a critical developmental period when emerging adults are re-negotiating their own identities, distinct from parents and peers (Chavous et al., 2018; Rogers et al., 2020).
Taken together, research indicates that experiences across groups—FGS, students of color, and women—may be similar in some ways and different in other ways (Fries-Britt et al., 2014). While some institutions have wrestled with how to best address the academic and social needs of first-year college students who have varying experiences, others are only beginning to do so (Inkelas & Soldner, 2011). Much of this research helps to frame why additional study of racially minoritized students and FGS is important; yet several open questions remain. One significant gap in the literature is the lack of attention to WOC: How might outcomes vary for women who are both FGS and members of racially minoritized groups? Second, what resources might FGWOC draw upon when they confront experiences of cultural mismatch? These questions are critical oversights given that WOC are not only more likely to be FGS, but also to enroll in undergraduate programs at higher rates than their male counterparts. WOC also report higher levels of imposterism, stress, and maladaptive coping behaviors (Cowie et al., 2018; Greer, 2011; Greer & Chwalisz, 2007).
Intersectional In/visibility and Hypervisibility
One way to highlight potentially overlooked narratives is to use an intersectional approach. Originating within the Black feminist intellectual tradition, intersectionality describes how multiple systems of oppression advantage or disadvantage certain groups (Collins, 2000; Combahee River Collective, 1982, Crenshaw, 1989). At its core, intersectionality reveals systems of power and how power works in differentiated ways. In considering how multiple systems of dominance come together to shape everyday lived experiences, individually and within larger social groups, intersectionality challenges the myth that social categories are monolithic (Collins, 1990, 2000).
Moreso, intersectionality is fundamentally and explicitly rooted in the lived experiences of women typically at the margins- informing knowledge, activism, and social justice to generate resistance and action (Collins, 1986). Thus, WOC are uniquely qualified to articulate their own realities and truths in ways that cultivate knowledge and action. Despite intersectionality’s potential to significantly advance theorization of the psychology of power and inequality, it has been underutilized in the field (Grzanka et al., 2020; Haraway, 1988; McCormick-Huhn et al., 2019; Overstreet et al., 2020).
Intersectionality is a theoretical tool that sheds light on the effects of structural disadvantage across multiple systems and makes visible the machinery of privilege and power (Moradi & Grzanka, 2017; Rosenthal, 2016). In this spirit, we suggest that structural disadvantage and cultural mismatch contribute to feelings of invisibility and/or hypervisibility among multiple minoritized groups in mainstream institutional contexts, in this case on predominantly white college campuses. While there are several mechanisms that likely contribute to students of color feeling seen or unseen, we draw from previous research on in/hypervisibility among WOC that proposes, similar to the cultural mismatch theory, that universal dominant norms and culture define—and in some cases easily distort—what (and who) is considered normative (Hoffman et al., 2020; Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008; Sesko & Biernat, 2010).
Non-prototypical identities usually hold subordinate group positions within dominant institutions and multiple marginalized identities can experience “more” oppression and discrimination than those holding fewer marginalized identities (Sesko & Biernat, 2018; Wilkins-Yel et al., 2019). Several studies support the idea that being outside of expected groups render both invisibility and visibility simultaneously (Buchanan & Settles, 2019; Dickens et al., 2019; Settles et al., 2019). For example, students with multiple minoritized identities can be rendered partially unseen if they are only regarded by a single group identity. Concurrently, they may feel hypervisible if their behaviors, language, or physical appearance confirm negative group stereotypes held by dominant group members. While not absolute, some research suggests that visible minoritized identities become hypervisible in spaces with relatively low representation (Simpson & Lewis, 2005).
According to research by Purdie-Vaughns and Eibach (2008), macro-level processes at the systems level (i.e., intersectionality) can be experienced individually. Intersectional invisibility describes the experience of being unseen when identity is flattened by ascribing group membership to a single category (vs. multiple groups) and prioritizing prototypical models within those categories. For WOC specifically, they are invisible since they are neither prototypical representations of women (typically thought of as white) nor people of color (typically thought of as men). Therefore, WOC simultaneously occupy two subordinate positions that render their intersectional identities invisible, which may contribute to intersectional invisibility when others fail to fully consider WOC within their constituent groups (Beal, 2008; King, 1998; Ong et al., 2011; Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008).
Related research on gendered racism also points to the enduring and compounded effects of white supremacist and patriarchal norms that require WOC to navigate visible and invisible barriers, leading to hypervisibility in everyday life experiences (Dickens et al., 2019; Lewis et al., 2017; Versey et al., 2019). For example, studies show that when Black women are tokens in workplace settings, being Black and being a woman yields increased identity salience and scrutiny, contributing to feelings of overexposure, hypervisibility, and the need to engage in shifting strategies (Holder et al., 2015; Sekaquaptewa et al., 2007). Identity shifting refers to a range of behaviors, presentations, and practices that WOC, particularly Black women, adopt to manage experiences of gendered racism and achieve success in spaces that prioritize a mainstream dominant culture (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003; Woods-Giscombé, 2010). In the process of shifting and re-negotiating identity to conform to dominant norms, WOC may internalize their feelings, attempt to balance multiple identities, or feel pressure to choose one identity group over another, all of which can yield negative health consequences (Dickens & Chavez, 2018; Hall et al., 2012; McCluney & Rabelo, 2019; Versey et al., 2019). In the college context, FGWOC deviate from the majority norm (e.g., white, male, and continuing-generation). As a result, FGWOC likely experience intersectional hypervisibility and invisibility (Settles et al., 2019).
To date, the majority of research on intersectional invisibility has focused on two primary intersections—gender and race—to highlight experiences among Black women and WOC broadly (Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008; Settles et al., 2019; Wilkins-Yel et al., 2019). Yet few studies have examined other marginalized identities; such as age and class, among WOC.
The overarching goal of this study was to engage an understudied group—FGWOC—in a qualitative study about experiences transitioning to college. A better understanding of how institutional climate may confer intersectional in/hypervisibility has implications beyond knowledge production. Diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives aimed at recruiting and retaining students from diverse (and perhaps non-prototypical) backgrounds, for example, could benefit from clarity about the actual challenges FGWOC face. It is possible that relatively little is known about FGWOC because they occupy non-prototypical statuses on multiple levels. Therefore, a primary aim of this study was to identify challenges and feelings of strength experienced by FGWOC, in hopes of further developing actions and policies that may best support FGWOC and contribute to their success.
Current Study
Recent studies draw attention to the importance of including participants from diverse backgrounds (McCormick-Huhn et al., 2019; Overstreet et al., 2020; Roberts et al., 2020; Settles et al., 2020). Collectively, scholars argue for a broadening of psychological research to include participants, theories, and studies that challenge assumptions of “standard” processes that may not universally apply, as well as expanding the breadth of research questions framed by the field. In the case of students transitioning to college, including participants who occupy multiple minoritized statuses is likely to create questions that have not yet been fully explored.
Using a critical qualitative approach, we interviewed women who identify as Black, Latina/x, and Asian FGS about their college experiences to better understand a range of experiences for FGWOC transitioning to a small, liberal arts college environment. This analysis was guided by two primary research questions: 1. How does being a FGWOC (i.e., a non-prototypical college student) shape experiences of both invisibility and hypervisibility during the transition to college? 2. What is the main source of support utilized by FGWOC during times of distress and difficulty?
Method
Participants and Recruitment
Participants included 14 students across several class years (e.g., two first-years, four sophomores, three juniors, and five seniors). All participants were over the age of 18 years, with ages ranging from 19 to 24 years, and identified as FGWOC. Three women identified as Asian/Asian American, five as Black/African American, and six as Latina/x. All women identified their family class background as lower-income or working-class. Participants were recruited through flyers, campus listservs, social media posts, and word-of-mouth at a small, liberal arts college campus in the northeast region of the United States. After obtaining consent, participants completed a brief sociodemographic inventory and participated in semi-structured interviews. All interviews were conducted between September 2019 and March 2020 by the research team, including one African American woman faculty member and two African American undergraduate women aged 18–24 years old.
Doing Intersectionality and Researcher Positionality
Overall, and consistent with methods and praxis for doing intersectionality (see Davis, 2008), we recognize the limitations that we, as researchers, have to make claims about meanings associated with the transition to college for WOC (Overstreet et al., 2020). At the same time, the first and second author both identify as FGWOC. In considering responsible stewardship for actualizing intersectionality in our research, we intentionally engaged in conversations with self-identified FGWOC as they discussed their own identities and produced knowledge about race, gender, and being the first in their family to attend college (Collins, 1990; Haraway, 1988; Harding, 1986), filling a critical gap in the literature (Curtin et al., 2015; Moradi & Grzanka, 2017).
In addition, we took a situated knowledge perspective, recognizing that the decision to center FGWOC is an intentional attempt to disrupt systemic oppression stemming from classism, patriarchy, and racism in academic research that has historically excluded these perspectives (Ali & Sichel, 2018, 2020; Denzin & Lincoln, 2015).
Our positionalities, or the sociopolitical context that informs our identities and worldviews as Black female researchers (e.g., outsiders within), locate us in relationship with young WOC as co-participants in the narratives they share and offer new discoveries within the field (Collins, 1986). Collectively, we came to this research with various levels of “closeness” with participants, personally and professionally (see Nzinga et al., 2018). As first (AJ and BCF) and second (HSV) generation Black college-educated women, we share at least one group identity with the participants in this study. In addition, we have all encountered personal instances of marginalization as Black women on predominantly white college campuses.
Procedure
All data were collected on campus by the research team. Semi-structured interviews were conducted individually in private spaces around campus (e.g., empty classrooms, offices, conference rooms, and dining hall). Interviews were audio-recorded and ranged in length from 20 to 60 minutes (M = 49; SD = 10.26). All data collection procedures followed ethical standards approved by the Wesleyan University Institutional Review Board. Participant confidentiality was secured using identification numbers on all paper documents and audio-recordings. All names reported in the manuscript are pseudonyms.
Data Collection
The interviewing approach was phenomenological and relational (Gilligan, 2015). In other words, to better understand the transition to college for FGWOC, participants were considered privileged sources of information about their own lived experiences. Additionally, relational interviewing recognizes the positionality of the person conducting the interview (as well as the participant), shaping questions asked and general rapport (Gilligan, 2015). According to critical qualitative research methods, the interview is nested within a broader socio-cultural context, such that social norms and structures related to race and gender expectations, power dynamics, and inequalities shape the content and interpretation of interview data (e.g., Haraway, 1988; Lazard & McAvoy, 2020; Rogers et al., 2020).
As FGWOC college students, interviewers (AJ and BCF) were able to facilitate conditions in which participants reported a high level of comfort and visibility. Accordingly, the researchers and their positionalities were not outside or objective to the research. These factors could not be controlled for, but rather were marked and articulated throughout the research.
The semi-structured protocol focused on the college transition and adaptive processes—how WOC women understood their own experiences in relation to race, gender, and FGS status on campus and how they managed any potential difficulties. The protocol included sections about family and social relationships, identity (e.g., “How has being a FGWOC shaped the transition to college?”), perceived social support (e.g., “How do you feel supported by the university? Your family?”), and experiences prior to college (e.g., “Describe your high school experience” and “Did you attend a public high school?”). All interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed for accuracy by researchers and research assistants.
The authors agreed to not report the race or ethnicity of participants unless explicitly stated by participants within selected quotes to protect anonymity. This agreement extends to the presentation of data as well. The small student body of the study site (and smaller population of FGWOC) means that participants risk potential identification by sharing attributes and detailed experiences. Therefore, the authors attempt to balance thick descriptions with concerns of participant confidentiality.
Data Analysis
Using Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-phase thematic approach, all three authors familiarized themselves with the data by listening to audio recordings, transcribing interviews, and then conducting a close reading of the interviews. This process was iterative and inductive, beginning with open coding to identify themes (and any subthemes). Interpretative codes, defined as words or short phrases that assign key attributes (Braun & Clarke, 2006), were then developed (e.g., pattern-coding) before highlighting quotes and making comparisons across participants (see also Fereday & Muir-Cochrane, 2016). All codes were subsequently assembled into a codebook and categorized into larger themes.
Initial coding agreement was relatively high (κ = 87%) between the two primary coders (AJ and BCF); disagreements about codes were discussed and reconciled with a third coder (HSV). After the standard coding scheme was established, the three coders re-read all transcripts and a final codebook was developed that defined codes by giving detailed descriptions and concrete examples of each code. Saturation was determined when no new codes, descriptions of a concept, or terms were found. Following a close examination of the interview transcripts, coders identified major themes and generated clear descriptions and definitions for each theme.
Methodological Integrity
Interviewers made notes throughout the data collection process, during interviews and afterward, about their personal reflections and role as interviewers. These reflections and notes were shared and reviewed with the principal investigator of the study (HSV) during debriefing sessions among all three authors. Discussions facilitated a self-critical account of the research process, including decisions made and mentioned here (e.g., regarding participant anonymity) and provided an opportunity to reflect on values and insights learned (Lincoln & Guba, 1985).
When possible, respondents were asked to clarify or confirm researchers’ representations of their views. However, given constraints during the time data were collected and analyzed (e.g., university regulations transitioning to remote learning 2020–2021), some participants were unavailable or unable to provide these confirmations; therefore, this means of data checking was not feasible in every case. All raw data, field notes, and transcripts, however, have been retained and were referenced throughout the analytic process to assist researchers in systemizing and cross-referencing data.
Results
Five major themes were identified as important during the transition and adjustment to college: Identity, Imposter Phenomenon, 3 Mixed Formal Support, Complicated Family Support, and Friendship, Social, and Emotional Support.
Identity
Identity was coded by mentions of the self, self-identity, or perceived group identity. Identity is multidimensional and was described as such by respondents. Two subthemes emerged: class identity awareness and racial hypervisibility in white spaces.
Class Identity Awareness
Class background was described as an identifier used to delineate clear social group boundaries on campus, differentiating FGS and lower-income students from wealthier students. Class identity awareness refers to an awareness of being a FGS on campus. Several women mentioned that coming from a lower-income background was a driving factor in attending college as a tool for upward mobility; however, the decision to pursue education at a highly-selective university where the majority of students were white and wealthy made respondents more conscious and aware of their own class background. These reflections were consistent across all racial groups.
One participant recalled becoming more conscious of her family’s financial background over time, coupled with her realization that she needed to be hyper-aware of how and when she spent money: At a very young age I realized I did not have money...and so my relationship with money was very difficult. I’m here on a really big scholarship, but even the small amount of money we have to pay I know it’s something that [my mom] scrounges to find. I’m hyper-aware of what I’m here to do. (Yesenia)
Yesenia appears to combine the understanding that her family has made financial sacrifices to send her to college with the idea that this opportunity is not one to be squandered. Her reference to knowing what she’s “here to do” aligns with reflections from other respondents that college is a job to be completed successfully, rather than to be enjoyed. A reflection from Heaven supports this, as she describes money as a constant concern in her life, compared to wealthier students whom she believes have the luxury of attending school without thinking about money: I see all of these people having such a good time, and they’re all rich white kids. They’re having fun because this school is literally made for them, and I think about how much happier I would be here if I didn’t have to think about how much money affects my life. Like is it worth it if I’m so sad, is it worth it to pay this much money to be here and have this be a financial burden if I’m so sad all the time?
Financial concerns seem to play a role in a heightened awareness of being a FGS, both directly and indirectly. Heaven discussed not being a part of the “rich white kids” who are free to enjoy the privilege of attending college without worrying about finances and the related, intensified expectations tied to the need (rather than want) to get a college education: For me and two other friends who were first gen, our parents always emphasized [the] need to go to school, and a few of my rich friends saw college as the normal thing to do. It’s the difference between the need and the want. It’s interesting to see how certain people don’t need to go to college and we have to, and the fact that [they] can afford it and want it, and we need it and can’t even afford it.
Both Heaven and Nancy recalled how college serves a specific purpose in their lives: I grew up in China, and I would say that Chinese culture really values education. So, from a young age I was instilled with the belief that education is the most important thing and that no matter what- I should do well in school...before college I did relatively well academically and I kinda found my identity in that. After I came here, I felt very challenged by my classes and that really shattered my self-image. (Nancy)
For Heaven and Nancy, higher education was considered a need impressed upon them by familial and cultural expectations, expressed similarly by both foreign-born and domestic-born FGWOC. Nancy expressed feeling less confident in her capability during the college transition, feeling challenged by first-year classes, causing her to re-evaluate her sense of self.
Interestingly, many women expressed more concern about being unprepared for the rigors of college, rather than attending school out of obligation; fears that may have intensified (or reflected) class identity awareness as FGS. For some, increased pressure to have taken advanced-placement courses or to have attended a highly-selective high school worsened insecurities. These contextual factors were described as subtle cues of class background, implicit reminders of having fewer financial resources rather than overt class discrimination. Seemingly mundane activities such as expectations for dining out, attending social activities, and feeling the need to consult outside tutors or form study groups were referenced as ways in which respondents felt both aware of their FGS and troubled about institutional fit. These insecurities seemed to stem from a lack of financial resources, as well as limited formal and informal insider knowledge. For example, the idea that one’s academic capacity as a “good student” may be questioned if they lacked knowledge about subtle cues and practices, often added to insecurities. When asked about ways of coping, women expressed internal ways of coping (e.g., rumination and self-doubt), noting that dealing with classism felt individualized given its invisible nature, compared to coping with racial or gender discrimination on campus. In this way, first-generation status holds several meanings that complicate the college experience for WOC.
Racial Hypervisibility in White Spaces
Most women noted that race was their most salient identity on campus, particularly among Latina and African American women. These observations were volunteered spontaneously throughout interviews by participants. The majority of the respondents attended racially-mixed or predominantly-Black high schools. Perhaps as a result, Black and Latina women commonly remarked feeling hypervisible on the nearly all-white campus, especially in relation to avoiding perceived racial stereotypes. Yesenia described an instance of hypervisibility, both in terms of her racial identity as Black/Dominican and class, and experiencing a predominantly white environment for the first time: Everyone was so white, so I noticed my salient identities like crazy. In my high school it was hard for me to admit to myself that I was Black, but when I got here, I was like “I’m Black, I’m Dominican, like this is crazy, and I’m poor, I’m poor!” I was like, "Oh my gosh I’m so poor!” I have never been around this many white people in my entire life and that was really terrifying for me...at the end of high school I started being more [interested] in politics and social justice, and so I saw white people as these people who had power and who could use it and abuse it and do whatever they want with me. So, I felt in every space I was being attacked. Just their presence; I felt attacked.
Similar experiences of feeling hypervisible were recounted by other women. Drawing from all interviews, experiences defined by race and class (not gender) were the ways in which the women felt most exposed and visible. In the case of Yesenia, her Blackness and “poorness” made her feel hypervisible in “every space” making her feel threatened, from her perspective. While it is not clear what led Yesenia to feel this way, she alluded to continuing her involvement in social justice organizations and she is also in an academic major where course requirements include a social justice curriculum, possibly providing a lens and language to name oppression she feels on campus. Her articulation of feeling “attacked” suggests an awareness of intersectional identity while navigating mostly-white spaces, which may contribute to a sense of heightened visibility (Curtin et al., 2015). Similarly, other research has found increased workplace stress among WOC working in occupational settings where they are numerical minorities (Settles et al., 2019; Wilkins-Yel et al., 2019).
Hypervisibility was also described in terms of attempts to modify and self-police behavior. Specifically, feeling “in the spotlight” led some women to remark that they felt the need to code-switch to conform to what was considered “appropriate” behaviors and norms. The idea that being visible as “the only Black student in the class,” for example, meant that one needed to conform to dominant group norms and downplay any distinctive mannerisms or language as a strategy to mitigate hypervisibility. Participants discussed the balance between representing themselves authentically, yet professionally, in order to be taken seriously by classmates and professors. Anna discussed code-switching in order to establish new [cross-racial] friendships: Coming [to a PWI] as a person of color, it’s harder...because you do have to switch the way you act and behave, and it’s not because you don’t want to be yourself, but in order to make friends and fit in you have to act a certain way.
Code-switching was mentioned as a way to achieve socially desirable goals, from “fitting in” to reducing hypervisibility. The use of code-switching as a mitigation strategy to reduce hypervisibility was introduced by respondents themselves, described in Kelsey’s response, as she refrains from “speaking with her hands” to accommodate what she refers to as norms within a professional setting. I like speaking with my hands. I like movement. I know that I can get loud when I’m excited, and that’s just my culture. Dominicans are very expressive people, and in a professional setting that’s seen as rude or just like not having any self-control, so I often have to adjust.
To Kelsey, making exaggerated expressions brings unwanted surveillance to herself. Therefore, adjusting by tempering these movements allows her to present herself in a way she might not do otherwise in order to make herself appear professional, not rude, and having self-control.
Imposter Phenomenon
Though not universal, feelings of invalidation were often mentioned in relation to the imposter phenomenon (e.g., imposterism or imposter syndrome), internalized thoughts and attitudes one has about their abilities—usually that they are imposters or intellectually inferior compared to their peers. Imposterism is especially common among FGS (Peteet et al., 2015). Previous research suggests that FGS may have lower self-esteem and academic self-efficacy than their continuing-generation peers (Hellman & Harbeck, 1997; McGregor et al., 1991). Questions about whether they should be in college were consistently shared by women across racial groups and class year. For example, Cecily shared, “It’s a mixture of guilt, insecurity, and asking yourself ‘should I be here?’” Mary stated, “You’re never really prepared for college until you experience it. They told us it was gonna happen, they told us imposter syndrome is a real thing, but it’s different when you’re actually in it.” Relatedly, Violet said, “I just would be sitting there and waiting for someone to come up to me and say, “Hey, you actually were not accepted and you’re not supposed to be at this school.”
Insecurities, presumably triggered by the academic environment, led participants to doubt their abilities overall. Similar themes have been reported among other studies of graduate WOC; therefore, questions related to competency, belonging, and fit do not seem to be unique to women in this sample (e.g., Wilkins-Yel et al., 2019). Instead, it may be the case that WOC receive signals (explicitly or implicitly) that they are not valued and do not belong. Three participants explain that feeling like an imposter contributed to psychological rumination, negative self-talk, and doubts that further compromised academic performance: I really started questioning if my brain was capable for this environment. I seriously considered that I might have learning disabilities. I don’t think I do. I was just really questioning my innate ability. (Nancy) I speak very informal slang Spanish back at home, so it’s really hard for me to talk proper Spanish in Spanish class. Like how do I not feel imposter syndrome when this is literally a language that I’ve known my entire life, like before I knew English? (Heaven) My hardest transition was academics, and being surrounded by so many people who are so hardworking and smart. I just felt like I was not up to par compared to them. I was even really intimidated by the way my RAs talked, they just used all these really eloquent and elaborate words in the beginning; it was seemingly like another language. (Nancy)
Feeling like an imposter and the impact on mental health varied. One respondent reported experiencing the imposter phenomenon for a few months during the initial transition to college, which she considered normative, remarking that, “I think everyone has imposter syndrome during the first 6 months. Obviously, all of freshman year, but mostly the first few weeks, first few months.”
Other women indicated at the time of the interview that they had still not resolved these feelings of being an imposter. These women were also more likely to elaborate about how the imposter phenomenon led to internalizing feelings of inferiority, and how they often worked harder to overcome these feelings: Once I came here, I kind of shut down so it took a really long time for me to be able to feel comfortable and feel like my lived experiences were just as valid as everyone else’s knowledge. So I think that was another challenge that I didn’t talk about. (Natasha) I realized that if I were to spend more time into my academics than I do, then I could be doing really well. I just feel like it comes down to, like, I don’t know the proper ways to study, or like, how to analyze a text-which is why I put things off until the last minute, because when I do it, I struggle still. (Violet)
Violet’s references to not knowing the subtle cues of how to study or access resources that would facilitate her success highlight how a surprising number of participants coped with imposter phenomenon. Internalizing inferiority and self-doubt if imposterism remains unchecked may create a cycle of procrastination and self-doubt, compromising confidence and overall achievement, particularly if students are unable to tap into systems of support.
Whether the imposter phenomenon is experienced similarly or differently among participants of different racial-ethnic backgrounds is unclear. While most participants expressed having some form of imposter phenomenon, these feelings may be variable in terms of duration and severity.
Mixed Formal Support
Social support was cited as critical for reducing transition-related challenges. Unfortunately, many women felt that support for FGWOC—both formal and informal—was lacking. In response to the prompt, “How do you feel supported by the university?” nearly all women voiced difficulty in finding consistent formal support from university staff and faculty. Instances of harm included interactions with deans, faculty, and the on-campus counseling services.
Deans and Staff
Student deans generally serve as liaisons between students, teachers, and parents, often being a first line of defense should student issues or concerns arise. However, participants reported frustration in accessing support through their deans and other formal channels. Kelsey described an experience visiting her dean when she was in need of support during a difficult time, stating, “I don’t go to the dean [for support]. She was not the most helpful. I was in her office crying and she was like ’I’m sorry, we have no options for you.’”
Lolita recounted a similar incident with a dean, who suggested a school transfer due to personal challenges: “I don’t feel supported, from my dean telling me I can transfer schools, to me actively telling [the school] that I need help with a problem, and them telling me—a person—that I can contact them next semester.” These reflections seemed especially ironic, given that the majority of women mentioned issues communicating with their deans, yet the university markets student-body outreach and diversity, inclusion, and equity efforts to address exactly the concerns raised by participants: I talked to someone else on campus, another adult, and he was like, basically [the school] doesn’t want to have these support programs, because they are a really top-tier school, they don’t want people to think that their students need help. They want them to think that we have the best of the best here, and we don’t need help. But what the school needs to understand is that we’re definitely struggling and we do need help. They have the [first-gen] low-income [affinity] group, but I think we need something beyond that. I think that’s what this school lacks very much. As much as they say, yeah, we support our first-gen/low-income students, they don’t...when it comes to the actual academics, there’s not much support. I think the school could definitely be doing more. (Violet)
Natasha expressed the opinion that the school does not take concerns seriously, stating that, “I don’t feel supported, and I don’t feel like my major, my education, what I’m interested in is important to [the school], and I don’t think they care.” Taken together, reports from participants indicate a lack of formal support from the officials that are tasked to offer it, calling into question the efficacy of diversity-equity programming, staff sensitivity training, and general attentiveness to FGWOC needs.
Faculty
Support received from faculty was mixed. Some women remarked that having a professor mentor them during or after classes helped increase self-confidence and contributed to their development in useful ways. Cecily reflected on finding a professor her first year who helped her navigate difficult times: I was very lucky to have a professor my first semester who believed in me, and really saw me. Sometimes you work so hard and you’re just not seen, but I had one teacher who really picked me out and was like “I see you and your writing is good,” and she really pushed me.
Gwendolyn shared a similar experience of finding support through someone who was not officially assigned to steward her advising or academic progress, yet provided tangible encouragement, advice, and social support: My Area Coordinator [staff], yeah, I literally talk to him about everything, like school, what I’m tryna do after I leave [college], job interests, things I need to work on-whether it’s habits, or in terms of putting myself more out there...So, he’s very helpful because he’ll tell me like it is. Like, “this is what you’re doing,” or, “you’re not pushing yourself,” “you’re being lazy,” “you’re making excuses.” And sometimes you just need to hear that from somebody else even though you know, like that’s what it is, but it’s also made me even reflect more on my own...so like sometimes when I feel myself slacking he’ll be like “yo like, get it together” and I’ll be like, “I know I need to get it together! Like, stop telling me about myself.” He’s definitely been there [for me] since I’ve been here.
Other women reported not having these experiences (e.g., mentorship) or being “too afraid to ask any of the professors for help.” Mary described one experience, “I tried one time and I felt like he [professor] did not really understand how much of a struggle I was having.”
Counseling and Mental Health Support
Given a lack of support from university staff and administration, women were asked about their experiences with mental health professionals on campus, as a secondary source of formal support. When asked about engagement with the university’s mental health services, some women had no engagement at all, and others reported no longer receiving services due to negative experiences. Positive experiences visiting the counseling center were noted with staff who were also WOC. [University counseling services] helped my freshman year because I had a really great therapist who I miss, who was also a woman of color, and she really got me, and then she left. Then I had this white woman who was okay, but she thought she understood my family and she didn’t, so I don’t go anymore. (Cecily)
When probed further about the hesitance in seeking formal support from the school’s counseling staff, some women expressed discomfort with the lack of racial diversity among staff and counselors, expressing that they “couldn’t be supported by someone who didn’t understand the nuances of being a person of color.” According to Lolita: I’ve tried [the mental health services] once here, and I will never go back. I don’t even know if it was bad or not. It was just the lack of diversity was so off-putting to me…. And I feel like the first person I talk to needs to be Black, for sure, for me to even feel remotely comfortable with the process. And when I went to [counseling], there were just no Black people.
Most women who did seek support from the counseling service mentioned doing so after exhausting all other options. I went to [counseling] because there was a point last semester where I didn’t go to any of my classes for like half of the week, and some of my classes were attendance-based, so when I realized I couldn’t get out of bed I was like, “I think this is a problem.” I knew that I wasn’t feeling good but I couldn’t fail, like I could not let myself do that. So I guess that’s how I got emotional help. (Yesenia)
These reflections indicate that more thoughtful attention is needed to support FGWOC during the transition to college, perhaps by increasing racial and ethnic diversity among university deans, faculty, staff, and counselors, whom students may reach out to when experiencing challenges.
Complicated Family Support
When asked about support received from other sources, such as family, participants reported varied levels of support and oftentimes complicated family dynamics. Several women indicated having better relationships with their families after coming to campus, due to time away and experiencing homesickness. Heaven described this complexity in her interview, “I feel like I have a newfound appreciation for being home with my sisters and my parents. I enjoy their company a lot.”
Family support for college attendance was a major factor in the quality of current family relationships. Women with family support, as mentioned previously, generally experienced a push to attend college; whether the expectation to attend college added actual support or increased family pressure is unclear. However, women without family support mentioned more family tension, and an emotionally and psychologically challenging first year, characterized by feelings of guilt, worry, and anxiety. According to Cecily, she attributed her parents’ marital discord with her decision to attend college. When I was fighting to apply to different [colleges in] places my mom was like, “You must want your dad to divorce me, if this happens that’s definitely going to happen.” Then my parents started having marriage problems, and I was like, “Oh no it’s because of me.”
Cecily’s reflection that she would cause her parents’ divorce because of her college decision reveals the complicated pressures FGS and especially WOC, often feel during the college transition. Cecily mentioned having siblings and being unsure whether the same expectations of choosing a school closer to home would apply to her brothers. Women who expressed having a complicated relationship with their family during their first year also reported feeling more isolated and lonely on campus, as they did not have family to rely on for emotional support and had not yet established firm campus friendships. I have felt lonely, and I feel like because my relationship with my family isn’t that close. I don’t call them every day; it could be weeks that go by without talking to them. And, I see other people with their family; you have to learn to live with it, y’know? (Lolita)
Given the range of emotions experienced during the college years, it is possible that family dynamics, like other social dynamics, ebb and flow during matriculation. However, understanding how family pressure both pushes students toward college and potentially pulls them from exploring certain options is worth exploring further.
Friendship, Social, and Emotional Support
Friendship and First-Generation Women of Color Peer Support
When asked, “Who do you go to for support on campus?” women mentioned friends and same-race groups, rather than formal support services. In fact, on-campus friendships were mentioned as a major source of support, more than high-school friends or friends from home. One respondent emphasized that her strongest support network consisted of other FGWOC. My support system has been other women of color like me, like the way that we can easily talk to each other about these things has been so helpful to me because the fact that you’re not alone in what you’re experiencing makes you feel so much better because you’re like, other people are going through this, and we’re gonna get through it together. (Heaven)
Heaven’s quote demonstrates the strength in feeling a part of a community and receiving support through those networks. The “ease of talking to each other” is likely facilitated by a level of familiarity the women have with one another as FGWOC, allowing them to forge authentic relationships. Another participant, Kelsey, found her emotional support through housemates/friends, who had “been there” through several hardships: “My house, yeah, they have definitely been there for me a lot. And I very much appreciate it. Even [though] it’s like pulling teeth when it comes to my emotions.”
Support in Identity Validation
Across all interviews, identity validation was a means of support for participants. Overwhelmingly, feeling that one’s identity was valid—that they deserved to be in college as a FGWOC—was reassurance they generally received from other FGWOC, according to respondents. For example, Lolita described the importance of seeking out same-race groups where she felt a sense of belonging, as well as being seen as her authentic self: “I gravitated towards Black people naturally. I just wanted to feel comfortable when I was with people, and it just naturally was Black people... just people that really saw me, who didn’t make me feel uncomfortable or lesser than.” Not surprisingly, same-race affinity groups were noted as a major source of social support, validation, and became important hubs of socialization for study participants.
Thematic Summary
In summary, several themes emerged from conversations with FGWOC in response to questions about their college transition, including an awareness about intersectional identities and imposter phenomenon. Formal support from the university was mixed, with most positive experiences of social support being received from faculty or other staff members (not administrators). Friendship, social and emotional support were also discussed as sources of authentic support, identity validation, and a sense of belonging. Reflections highlight some commonalities among FGWOC experiences, as well as challenges.
Discussion
Our findings support the driving force of intersectionality research—that WOC are well situated to articulate important concerns regarding their lives. Many of the issues raised about first-year college adjustment here have been stated as issues in the academic literature, some of which are only beginning to be studied. Generally, our research finds that FGWOC experience increased class awareness due to FGS status. In some cases, this increased awareness was coupled with racial invisibility and/or hypervisibility. Feelings of imposter phenomenon were frequently reported. Tepid and inconsistent support from university administrators, class deans, the counseling and wellness center, and family intensified these feelings. Conversely, supportive faculty, staff, and friends helped to alleviate stress and worries about fit and not belonging. These findings are congruent with conclusions drawn from previous research conducted by Azmitia et al. (2013, 2018) suggesting that cultivating supportive environments for FGS is necessary for mental health. Findings also indicate that FGWOC may interpret their college experiences through an intersectional lens.
FGS status is accompanied by heightened class awareness and racial visibility, suggesting that intersectional identities may manifest in predominantly white spaces in ways that confer both hypervisibility and invisibility that should be explored further. Some strategies (e.g., code-switching), according to respondents, reduced hypervisibility yet did not facilitate a full sense of belonging. Additionally, code-switching has been described as a stressful process (Durkee & Williams, 2015; McCluney et al., 2019; Versey et al., 2019); however, its role in accommodating fit and reducing hypervisibility has not been thoroughly explored. Examining both the costs and benefits of code-switching remains a fruitful area of investigation.
Across all interviews, gender (as a singular identity) was mentioned significantly less frequently than race and class identity. Whether this omission was intentional is unclear; most women grounded their experiences as a FGS or a WOC. As the interviewers were also FGS and WOC, it is possible that participants did not feel the need to articulate singular identities for every experience. Taken together, there may be ways in which so-called diversity programs in policy (e.g., need-blind admissions) also contributes to intersectional in/hypervisibility in practice. Who benefits most from initiatives to increase diversity? What happens to students from diverse backgrounds once admitted? The weak network of on-campus support provided to FGWOC once admitted was cited as a main concern, suggesting that colleges and universities should invest more in ensuring the success and retention of FGWOC beyond the initial recruitment and orientation period. In terms of sources of both formal and informal support, some FGWOC identified sources of validation through relationships with faculty, staff, friends, and family. Since family support was mixed among respondents, stronger formal channels of support offered by the university, like mental health and counseling services, could be a tremendous help for FGWOC. Unfortunately, the mental health and counseling center was among the least likely sources of support due to a lack of diversity among the counseling staff. Highlighting these concerns is critical, given evidence that multiple minoritized statuses may give rise to unique needs, stressors, and psychological conditions that can go undetected.
Practice Implications
There are several implications and future directions of this research. First, the need for formal support emerges as a clear direction for future research, practice, and institutional interventions. Rooted in social support theory, instrumental support provides concrete assistance, and informational support refers to the exchange of knowledge to solve a problem (House, 1987). According to participants, both types of support are lacking at the institutional level. Interestingly, reports that student deans, who often serve as gatekeepers to informational resources, may provide discouraging advice to students of color is concerning. These practices may go unrecognized given that conversations related to advising, enrichment opportunities, and course selection often happen in the privacy of a dean–student relationship and need additional attention.
Universities should develop more robust systems of support for students from diverse backgrounds and for FGWOC specifically. In considering how to bridge support gaps, increased gendered, class, and racial representation (of all faculty and staff) and large-scale university interventions can be significant factors. For example, majority-white spaces may contribute to hesitance in help-seeking among WOC. Research finds that students of color are more likely to seek academic help from family and friends compared to white faculty members, perhaps due to the level of comfort and understanding (Guiffrida, 2003, 2004, 2005). However, faculty of color, women, and WOC are significantly underrepresented within higher education and tenure track positions. Therefore, they are more likely to be overburdened with unofficial mentorship requests from FGS and students of color, while potentially managing their own feelings of invisibility and hypervisibility within academia (Mena & Vicarro, 2017; Settles et al., 2019). As such, we recommend that educational institutions strengthen existing internal resources to support FGWOC at both student and faculty levels. This recommendation is coupled with a serious request that institutions also increase recruitment and retention efforts of faculty of color, women, WOC, and first-generation faculty in order to decrease the amount of visible and invisible labor involved in providing such support. Since the responsibility for student success lies with everyone, white faculty and staff should be equally involved in these efforts. Providing effective support and advising to students from diverse backgrounds, however, may involve self-education, sensitivity, and an awareness of one’s own social identity and privileges to understand how to be an effective ally and source of support (Curtin et al., 2015; McCoy, Winkle-Wagner, & Luedke, 2015).
In addition to diversification efforts at the faculty and staff level, recruitment of therapists and clinicians of color (specifically WOC) should be a priority for all colleges and universities, and particularly those seeking to attract students from diverse gender, racial, and socioeconomic backgrounds (Ali & Sichel, 2014). As our findings indicate, talking with people from shared backgrounds may help mitigate some struggles experienced by FGWOC as they transition to college. Matching clients with therapists who share the same racial/ethnic identity enhances understanding and reduces concerns about potential mistreatment (Cabral & Smith, 2011). Studies using the matching approach indicate that therapists are more committed to their client’s well-being when they are of the same racial/ethnic background (Goode-Cross & Grim, 2016). Providing access is critical to student mental health, particularly for FGS and WOC transitioning to college.
Ultimately, the responsibility for ensuring that college campuses maintain an open, safe, and diverse space for the healthy exchange of intellectual ideas and learning lies with colleges and universities themselves. FGWOC, FGS, and students of color collectively may benefit from more extensive (e.g., year-long) college transition programs that integrate peer-mentorship, buddy programs, and inclusive spaces where students can express experiences of marginalization, success, and/or resilience freely and authentically (Strayhorn, 2011). Support and transitional programs may consider faculty of color as mentors, and programming may highlight adaptive strategies for managing stress (e.g., strength-focused thinking), that can be used in tandem with institutional change (Garriott & Nisle, 2018). Partnerships and communication across the university (e.g., deans, counseling, and financial aid office) are critical to ensure responses to concerns about potential financial and academic challenges are met. Recruiting and retaining students with multiple minoritized identities requires rethinking and restructuring institutional and formal support systems that facilitate student success and a sense of belonging. Additional resources, training and professional development, coupled with strategic programming are actionable steps towards more equitable institutions, while also creating opportunities for accountability.
Limitations and Future Research
As with any research, there were limitations to this study. First, a limited number of WOC participated in the study; therefore, these results may not be generalizable to the experiences of all FGWOC. Furthermore, this is a cross-sectional design and recruitment was done at one point of time, so sampling bias is possible. Lastly, our interviews only capture experiences of students at a predominantly white, small, liberal arts college campus in the northeastern United States, and therefore may not indicate experiences at institutions of different sizes or other geographic locations. Future research should examine experiences over time to better understand the lasting effects (or variation) of these findings.
Despite some limitations, we remain optimistic about the potential implications of this research for women and WOC. A lack of support, imposter phenomenon, and intersectional invisibility/hypervisibility may be risk factors for attrition, social isolation, and psychological stress for FGWOC during the transition to college. These differences can differentially shape how FGWOC experience higher education. In response to these and other contemporary challenges (e.g., diversity in higher education), some colleges and universities have instituted specific programs to recruit and facilitate a smooth transition to college for underrepresented students (i.e., students of color, first-generation, lower-income college students; Bradford et al., 2021; Grace-Odeleye, & Santiago, 2019; Kallison & Stader, 2012). Evidence indicates that the success of these programs depends upon facilitating intentional help-seeking (e.g., meeting with instructors or counselors), making students feel cared for, helping to develop a sense of belonging, and mediating stressful situations, ensuring that interventions are effective and sustaining.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
