Abstract
This is an attempt at presenting a brief account of the administrative history of the dominions of Hyderabad, the time the Asaf Jahi Dynasty was established here to the 1948. Following the Mughal conquest of the Golconda Kingdom in 1687, territorial adjustment and changes were effected and the Kingdom was in corporate as one of the six Mughal provinces of the Deccan as Subah Farkhundabunyad (Hyderabad). This subah or province during the first quarter of the eighteenth century and 42 sarkars and 405 mahals these sarkars or districts where Mohammadnagar (alias Golconda) Kolas, Khammamet, Koilkonda, Ganpur, Deverkonda, Nalgonda, Pangal, Bhongir, Medak, Mlangur, Mustafanagar, Murtazanagar, Ellore, Rajahmundry, Ellgandal, Warangal, Machlipatnam, Nizampatnam, Srikakul, Sidhout, Ganjikota, Goti, Koramkonda, Khmmam, Odankar, Sarvvapalli, Kanchi, Chingalpet (Madras), Chandergiri, Narsapur, Dandwari, Nusrathgarh, Tiryapal, Palakotah, Daradun, Walgondapur, Vellore, Jaydev, Tanjavur and Trichinopally.
The Mansab System
Considering the nature and functioning of the Mughal government, it can well be defined as a bureaucracy. However, civil and military personnel were so amalgamated into a single cadre by virtue of the Mansabdari system that it presented the look of a military government. 1 The Mughal government was not military in character. The functions of civil and military offices were quite different, separate and well defined. The Mansab system had linked every offices and important personnel in Mughal administration serves. The Mansab system of Mansab had continuity in the public services in the Deccan under Nizam-ul-Mulk. Under Nizam-ul-Mulk, the Mansab system in the Deccan seems to have undergone certain changes. Obviously, they might have occurred in the course of administration, modelled to suit local exigencies and the need of the times. However, the broad basic structure and the principles of the Mughal Mansabdari system remained the same.
Before making an analysis of some of the Mansabdars under Nizam-ul-Mulk, it is deemed necessary to outline in brief the principles of the Mansab system, which was intricate. 1 The word Mansab literally means the place where anything is put or erected. It also means to place, to fix, to appoint and then, as a secondary meaning, the state or condition of holding a place, dignity or office. Under the Mughals, the Mansab system became a complex one due to its interpenetration of the institutions of army, nobility and civil service. The Mughals organised the administrative machinery on a military basis in which officers performing purely civil duties were granted military ranks indicated by the Mansabs given to them. There was hardly any officer of the state who did not have a Mansab. The system of Mansab was made so all-embracing that even the members of the executive, revenue and ecclesiastical departments were brought within its ambit. The Mughal Empire was confined to the public servants of the state and no person outside the service was recognised as a noble, with the result that the nobility was pressed into the Mansabdari system. Thus, we find that through the Mansabdari system, the army, the peerage and the civil administration were all combined into one Imperial service. The Mansab, being a symbol of status, denoted the personal rank of an officer in the administrative hierarchy. At the same time, the Mansab also indicated the social status of an officer. A Mansab by itself did not imply any particular office. It defined the recipient’s order of precedence or position in society or public service, that is, rank in a general sense. 2
The system had been designed primarily to settle the precedence and fix the gradation of pay and it implied that the officer was bound to perform any functions whenever assigned to him. Thus, the higher strata of officials of the entire administrative machinery both civil and military held Mansab rank and were paid a salary in cash or through Jagir according to the rank. The Mansabdari system had two distinct features. First, all the Mansabdars owed direct subordination to the Emperor (in case of the Deccan, it was Nizam-ul-Mulk), that is, the contingent of Mansabdars of higher ranks was not made up by adding together the contingent of Mansabdars of lower rank. Each rank represented exclusively its own contingent. The Mansabdar might have his own officers to look after the various units of his contingent, but such officers were not Mansabdars. Second, the Mughal Mansab was dual, represented by two numbers known as Zat (personal) and Sawar (cavalry or trooper) ranks. 2 The Zat rank indicated one’s position and determined the personal pay while the Sawar rank was additional rank indicating the military obligation of the Mansabdar and maintenance of the required number of contingent out of the emolument paid to him separately for the purpose. The Sawar rank was either equal or less than the Zat rank. On the basis of the distribution of Mansab ranks into Zat and Sawar, Mansabdars were classified into three classes. If the Zat and Sawar ranks were equal, the Mansabdar was classified as first class. If the Sawar rank was half of his Zat rank, he was classified as second class, and if the Sawar rank was less than half of his Zat rank, he was ranked as a third class Mansabdar. The Mansabdars were further classified into three categories, which indicated their position within the system of nobility. The higher strata of Mansabdars in the rank of 7,000–3,000 were distinguished as Umara-i-uzam (grand nobles): those having rank from 2,500 to 500 were called umara (nobles) and those having rank between 400 and 20 were simply called Mansabdars. 3
Jagir
Jagir was given to very few persons without rules neither rank nor any orders, nor a piece of land (yak wajab) could be obtained as such, grant of villages was impossible. In the crown land (khalisashrifa), the revenue officials (tahsildar and amin, also waqianigar) were appointed by the collectors. The revenue collection of the village was sent to the village headquarters and from thence to the provincial headquarters. 3
In former times a larger portion of the troops of the Nizam’s army never received their pay in cash direct from the treasury they were raised, paid, mustered, equipped and accounted for the military chiefs. Again, these chiefs seldom received sums in cash to be disbursed for the pay and other charges of their men, but generally obtained assignments (tankhwa) on the revenues through the fiscal authorities, or else they obtained full power to manage the districts altogether and administer the revenues. And this entrusting of the entire administration of districts to military chiefs became at one period very frequent. If the chief was a person of superior stamp himself and able to control his retainers then the arrangement merely partook of the regular character of a feudal system, and if not free from defect, possessed all the advantages of that system. But if the chief was an unprincipled or rapacious man himself, and incompetent to control his myrmidons, then abuses to which this arrangement opened the door became very serious. Again, with those troops for whose charges cash was disbursed from the treasury, the pay was not actually made over to the men individually. The aggregate sum would be disbursed to the chief, or to the commander, and he settled with the men in his own way. This arrangement seems to have few of the advantages of feudality, whereas the abuses to which it was liable were endless; in fact, it was destructive of soldiers existing only on paper was fostered, and with troops that had some sort of effective existence, the pay and allowances of the men were not even nominally under the control of the government they served but rested solely with the chiefs. Of course, it was often more than doubtful whether the soldier got anything like what he was entitled to or what his government was charged with. 4
Further, there was never any commander-in-chief, or any central military authority, to insist on the troops being really maintained, or even on their being fairly mustered. The musters of sections of the troops were held separately and independently, and it was not infrequent for the same soldier to appear at several and different musters perhaps, if such central authority had been very efficient. But even such slight check as it might have supplied was altogether wanting. Under the system it always was difficult for the Nizam’s government to ascertain exactly the extent of its military charges. Certain actual disbursements, no doubt, could be specified for the rest, all that could be said was that districts estimated to yield such and such revenues had been assigned; it was accompanied with reservations as to its accuracy. The highest estimate ever formed of the Nizam’s military expenditure has been about 100 lakhs, or 1,000,000 sterling, exclusive of the charges for the Nizams or Hyderabad contingent, but this was supposed to be beyond the real mark. 5
But further, the system did not admit of any muster roll, or any return (worthy of the name), of the troops being prepared. Here, again, the highest statement ever given of the Nizam’s army (exclusive of the contingent) was something under 50,000 men, but this could not be termed even approximately reliable. An attempt may now, however, be made to describe the Nizam’s army as it exists at this day. The Nizam’s troops under the orders of diwan may be thus stated. 5
This gives a total of 31,000 men and upwards at a cost of nearly 71 lakhs a year. One item, however, that of the, Mansabdars, is more of a political character than of a military, though it appears to have been counted as the latter. If that were to be deducted, then the total would come down to 29,000 men at 56 lakhs. These troops are partly stationed in or about the capital, Hyderabad, but a proportion of them is on detached duty in the districts of the interior, and is, while so employed, termed, tyenatee. 6
The cavalry consists of something fewer than 5,000 horsemen. These are in separate bodies, each body being under its own Jamadar. The horsemen were servants of Jamadar and payed disbursed to the Jamadar, who settles with the men and who provides the horses, the arms and the accoutrements (Table 1). In some cases and to some extent, there may be supervision on the part of the government, but the main reliance is upon the Jamadars there is, in other words, a thoroughly feudal relation between the Jamadar and the Sawar or trooper and the force generally possesses all the advantages or disadvantages of feudality. Some of the chiefs and of the men form excellent irregular cavalry; the riders being high-spirited and of good decent and the horses being of the best Deccani breed it is among these, in fact, that the chivalry of the Deccan is to be found. The Jamadars are all persons of position and respectability some of them are first-rate men both as to character and family and, indeed, are among the very flower of the population, some again are of an inferior description. With very few exceptions, the force consists entirely of Mahomedans. The following are some of the principal Jamadars who are native gentlemen of mark and consideration. 7
Number of Men of All Ranks, Horses, Pay and Allowances
Rafeek-Yar-oo-Dowla, son of a well-known chief, Ameer Nowaz Jang, having 200 horses.
Alim Ali Khan, son of a well-known chief, Dilawaur Navaz Jang, having 400 horses.
Moomtaz Nuwaz Jung, or Bheekoo Meean, a well-known chief having 150 horses.
There are many other Jamadars commanding small parties, whom it would be tedious to particularise. There are also some horse in faire order, about 60 and more, called after the name of the late Rajeshwar Rao Serishtedar of a part of cavalry, of these his two sons are the Jamadars. There is a body also of horses, numbering 275, once in the service of the late Rajah of Wunpurty, and, after his death, taken into the government service it is called the Wunpurty lancers and is under the supervision of the European commandant of the reformed troops but has not any European officer of its own. It is now stationed at Mukttul in the Kurnool direction. There is also a troop of Abyssinian horse organised and set up in very superior style. The best part of the artillery consists of two batteries, under European officer’s and form part of the reformed troops. The guns are drawn by bullocks. These batteries are in superior order and condition. There are, of course, many other guns scattered over the country. Those of very light and small calibre being attached to the detachments in the interior of the country, and those of larger calibre being in the various forts, such as Golconda, Yaktal, Dowlutabad, Goolburga, Raichur, Naldroog, Bhongir, much of the ordnance in these forts is doubtless not serviceable. The gunners are probably not well trained and the number of these men in the forts is stated. Of the infantry, the most important section is that of the Arabs. These are now returned at 5,986 men. This amount is much below former returns and shows a very considerable reduction. Of these, the real strength and nucleus consists of real Arab (usual), either born in Arabia or of Arabian parents on both sides: the remainder being ‘Mowullud’, that is, sons of Arab fathers and Indian mothers, of the whole about two-thirds may be ‘usual’ and the rest ‘Mowullud’, the ‘usual’ Arab have many material and soldierly qualities: they possess courage and endurance their aptitude for holding together with mutual aid and support in moments of danger or trial is remarkable: though undisciplined and untrained, they are skilful in some kinds of fighting, particularly when any partial shelter from walls or the like is afforded; in many respects, but not in all, their character as troops is highly estimated by military men who know them. Behind any sort of cover they are formidable but in the open plain they would not face disciplined troops. Their arms consist of matchlocks with a considerable range, and of formidable daggers, called Jumbeers. Their violence and lawlessness were once notorious, though of late they have been much better behaved. Even now, however, their bearing and demeanour, though much improved, is far below the proper standard. The ‘Mowulluds’ have the same kind of character as the ‘Usuls’ though, of course, mitigated and toned down. The men stand in a feudal relation towards their chiefs or Jamadars. The Jamadar receives the pay for the men and settles with them; he also provides the arms, there is no prescribed uniform. The pay allowed to the Jamadar for each man is, and has always been, ₹14 monthly. The only class of officer under the Jamadar and over the Arab soldiers is called the ‘choos’, a name of Turkish, not of Arab, origin. 8
The Principal Jamadars
Abdoolla Bin Ali, having the title of saif-oo-dowla, of advanced age and of much celebrity in the past history of Deccan, is ‘Usul’ himself, but his eldest son and heir is ‘Mowullud’, has about 1,500 men. He has amassed great wealth, many lakhs of rupees, popularly estimated at 50 lakhs, though that may be exaggeration. Buruk Jung, son of the well-known Jemadaromur-Bin-Awud, is ‘Mowullud’ of fair character and apparently well disposed. Reputed to possess nearly as much wealth as Abdoolla Bin Ali, he has 1,500 men. Galib Jung Kumkam–ood-Dowla (original name Ghalib-bin-Ulmas), a ‘Mowullud’ Arab, of somewhat advanced age, well known in the past days of the Deccan, he is specially on duty with the minister; he has about 900 men, his heir is a Mowullud. 9
There are several other Jamadars, having each from 50 to 200 hundred men, some of these again are related to the greater Jamadars above mentioned of the Arab soldiers, about two-thirds are stationed at Hyderabad and the remainder in the districts of the interior. It must be remembered that, besides the above return, there are some 400 Arabs (including some Abyssinians) in the Sarf-i-Khas troops immediately under the Nizam, and some few about 200 in the Paegah troop. There are also Arabs in the service of the various nobles of Hyderabad, some 500 in all. All this must constitute an addition, perhaps 1,100 or 1,200 men, to the numbers shown in the return. The Sikh infantry is returned at about 1,000 men. These are also in several detached bodies of from 50 to 150, each body being under its Jamadar. The men used to be paid at the house of the peshkar, Raja Nirindhur, himself a Sikh, and grandson of the minister, Chundoo Lall. This was always done in the presence of the Jamadars. Recently, this business has been transferred to Captain Fin glass. These men have no particular uniform, many of them affect the costume of the Akalees (Sikh devotees). The pay of a Sikh soldier is from ₹10 to ₹11 monthly. The Sindhee infantry, returned as 1,000 strong, were originally men drawn from the province of Sindh but not more than half the present number are really natives of that province. This force has existed for many years. They are made up of several bodies, each body being under its own Jamadar, of these Jamadars, the only one worth mentioning is Bichal Khan, who has about 200 men, the pay of a Sindhee soldier is from ₹8 to ₹10 monthly. 10
The next category is that of the ‘lieu’ infantry, commonly called ‘line wallas’ or ‘spays of the line’; there are about 12,000 in number. The name arose towards the end of the last century, or the beginning of the present century, from the men being dressed, armed and disciplined, after the English model. Of course, the imitation of the model is more or less distant, but it continues to the present day. One noticeable peculiarity is that the dress and accoutrements are generally old-fashioned and sometimes even antiquated. Often the sight of an old sepoy in these corps presents a tolerably exact picture of what sepoys were some 70 years ago. The best portion of the line is the Finglas corps, so called after an Englishman honourably distinguished in the former history of Hyderabad, and to this day under the command of his descendants, and now upwards of a 1,000 strong. Its drill and discipline and general appearance are very creditable. There is also a second corps bearing the name of Finglas and about 700 strong but not in equally good order. The next best section of line is a large corps, about 3,000 strong, under the command of a Hindoostance named Imrut Lal and known by his name. It owes its origin to the old force organised and commanded by the celebrated Frenchman, M. Raymond, when that force was disbanded in 1799 many of the men were taken into immediate service of the Nizam and formed the nucleus of a force existing up to the present time. The corps is in tolerably good discipline, though inferior to the Finglas regiment. The next category is the corps, about 1,000 strong, of Yaseen Ali Beg, son of Nunde Ali Beg. A well-known military chief, it is stationed at the Nizam’s palace; its discipline and organisation are of an inferior kind. Another corps, about 700 strong, is that of Joseph Cardoza. Once in the service of a chief, named Rameshwar Rao. The Rajah of Wunpurty, but now in the Nizam’s service, is said to be in discipline second only to the Finglass corps. It has now been included in the ‘reformed troops’, which will be mentioned presently. There is a corps, about 900 strong, of late years placed under the command of the Arab Chief Ghalib Jung; its discipline is very fair now and is likely to improve. There are also a number of small bodies of troops, each body (called ‘Junmeeut’) being under a separate commandant. These bodies range in number from 50 to 350 men and amount in the aggregate to about 2,000 men. 11
In all the above troops of the line, the men are Deccanis mainly and partly Hindoostance. And are, for the most part, Hindus as already explained, are all infantry and have no cavalry or artillery specially attached to and about two-thirds of them are stationed in the city of Hyderabad and the remainder are detached (tyenatee) in the interior. Connected with the line are troops of various kinds that may be termed miscellaneous. These are the ‘Burkundazes’, including the old force known under the name of ‘Aligole’ under Mahomedan sovereigns, there usually is a body of soldiers termed the ‘Aligole’ after the prophet Ali, but this body has of late years lost its distinctive character at Hyderabad and is now mixed up with the Burkundaz troops, numbering in all about 500 men there are also the following details of troops shown in Table 2.
The Number of Troops, Area and Their Race
Last, as connected with the line is the infantry, 2,355 strong, known by the name of Gosha Muhul, the place of its headquarters, disciplined and drilled under European and Eurasian officers, taken originally from the various old corps of the line, and forming the infantry of what is officially styled the ‘reformed troops’ they are divided into three corps, two stationed at Gosha Muhul near Hyderabad, and one at Shorapore. Apart of this force is excellent, and the rest will probably be brought up to the same standard. The Mansabdars are numbered at about 1,850 men. The term means ‘office-holder’ or retainer. These persons receive a stipend on the condition of rendering fealty and service whenever required. Many of them are, of course, only nominal soldiers. Their numbers have been gradually reduced of late years and will probably drop down further, as new appointments of this class are seldom made. Besides the troops above specified, there is the Sarf-i-Khas force immediately under the Nizam, consisting of 424 cavalry and 7,939 artillery and infantry: the horse will be probably found much of the same character as that already described: the foot seems to be of an inferior description. There are also the Paegah troops, consisting of 1,309 horses and 2,903 artillery and infantry, with guns and 27 camel guns. Of the horse, many are of a very fair description and are armed much like irregular cavalry, others are of a commoner description. 12
The infantry is in tolerable drill and armed on the European model among the officers is Mr Teuducy, of French extraction. It is to be borne in mind that the Sarf-i-Khas and Paegah troops are maintained from territories the revenues of which are set apart for this purpose and estimated at
Sarf-i-Khas
11 lakhs
Paegah
12 do per annum
23 lakhs
The men are almost entirely Deccanis, with a moderate proportion of Hindoostanees.
A general abstract of Nizam’s Army may be thus given (Table 3). 13
Number of Troops
The pay of the Diwanee troops has been seen to amount to 71 lakhs per annum, to which must be added the estimated value of the Paegah and Sarf-i-Khas districts, about 23 lakhs, which would bring the aggregate up to 94 lakhs. The pretty village forts in the Nizam’s dominions are innumerable; in these days of comparative peace they are falling out of repair and out of use. There are also 33 regular forts, some of which were once regular fortresses, and are still fraught with historical associations. None of these forts is maintained, garrisoned or armed, or at all kept in serviceable condition according to European notions, neither would the guns be deemed fit or what is held to be service. The most celebrated of these places are Golconda, Bedar, Dowlutabad and Goolburga. Organisation of public services, the Mansabdari system and the Asaf Jahi nobility. However, civil and military personnel were so amalgamated into a single cadre by virtue of the Mansabdari system that it presented the look of a military government. The Mughal government was not military in character. The functions of civil and military officers were quite different, separate and well defined. The institution of Mansab, which was the unified link of all offices and personnel, constituted the core and kernel of the Mughal organisation of public and state service. The system of Mansab had continuity in the public services in the Deccan under Nizam-ul-Mulk. Under Nizam-ul-Mulk, the Mansab system in the Deccan seems to have undergone certain changes. Obviously, they might have occurred in the course of administration, modelled to suit local exigencies and the need of the times. However, the broad basic structure and the principles of the Mughal Mansabdari system remained the same. 14
Before making an analysis of some of the Mansabdars under Nizam-ul-Mulk, it is deemed necessary to outline in brief the principles of the Mansab system, which was intricate. The word Mansab literally means the place where anything is put or erected. It also means to place, to fix, to appoint and then, as a secondary meaning, the state or condition of holding a place, dignity or office. Under the Mughals, the Mansab system became a complex one due to its interpenetration of the institutions of army, nobility and civil service. The Mughals organised the administrative machinery on a military basis in which officers performing purely civil duties were granted military ranks indicated by the Mansab given to them. There was hardly any officer of the state who did not have a Mansab. The system of Mansab was made so all-embracing that even the members of executive, revenue and ecclesiastical departments were brought within its ambit. The Mughal Empire was confined to the public servants of the state and no person outside the service was recognised as a noble, with the result that the nobility was pressed into the Mansabdari system. Thus, we find that through the Mansabdari system, the army, the peerage and the civil administration were all combined into one Imperial service. The Mansab, being a symbol of status, denoted the personal rank of an officer in the administrative hierarchy. At the same time, the Mansab also indicated the social status of an officer. A Mansab by itself did not imply any particular office. It defined the recipient’s order of precedence or position in society or public service, that is, rank in a general sense. 15
The system had been designed primarily to settle the precedence and fix the gradation of pay, and it implied that the officer was bound to perform any functions whenever assigned to him. Thus, the higher strata of officials of the entire administrative machinery both civil and military held Mansab rank and were paid a salary in cash or through Jagir according to the rank. The Mansabdari system had two distinct features. First, all the Mansabdars owed direct subordination to the Emperor (in case of the Deccan, it was Nizam-ul-Mulk), that is, the contingent of Mansabdars of higher ranks was not made up by adding together the contingent of Mansabdars of lower rank. Each rank represented exclusively its own contingent. The Mansabdar might have his own officers to look after the various units of his contingent, but such officers were not Mansabdars. Second, the Mughal Mansab was dual, represented by two numbers known as Zat (personal) and Sawar (cavalry or trooper) ranks. The Zat rank indicated one’s position and determined the personal pay while the Sawar rank was additional rank indicating the military obligation of the Mansabdar and maintenance of the required number of contingent out of the emolument paid to him separately for the purpose. The Sawar rank was either equal or less than the Zat rank. On the basis of the distribution of Mansab ranks into Zat and Sawar, Mansabdars were classified into three classes. 16
If the Zat and Sawar ranks were equal, the Mansabdar was classified as first class; if the Sawar rank was half of his Zat rank, he was classified as second class; and if the Sawar rank was less than half of his Zat rank, he was ranked as a third class Mansabdar. The Mansabdars were further classified into three categories, which indicated their position within the system of nobility. The higher strata of Mansabdars in the rank of 7,000–3,000 were distinguished as Umara-i-uzam (grand nobles); those having rank from 2,500 to 500 were called Umara (nobles) and those having rank between 400 and 20 were simply called Mansabdars. 16
Classification of Sawar Ranks
The Sawar ranks were classified into seven categories: Mashrut (conditional) and Bilashart (unconditional); Yakaspa; Duaspa; Sihaspa; Barawurdi and Barawurdi-i-kul. The Mansab conferred along with the Zat rank was unconditional while the Mashrut Mansab was granted on posting to a particular office (e.g., faujdar, qaladar, thanadar, etc.), which required maintenance of troopers for the effective performance of functions assigned. The conditional Mansab was added to one’s previous Sawar rank at the time of one’s appointment to a new post. Further, a new jagir proportionate to the additional rank was also when Aqibat Muhammad, son of Ghulam Sadigh Ali Khan, was appointed to the qaladari of Kocharla; he was assigned 30 Sawars on condition to the service (Sawarmashrut al khidmat). Similar mention is made when Ghulam Murtaza Khan, son of Baqir Ali Khan, was appointed qaladar of Devarkonda, with 100 Sawars assigned. On one’s removal from the post, his additional rank (Mashrut) as well as the jagir were withdrawn. Not all the Sawars were conditional. Some were unconditional also. For example, one Ali Dost Khan, Mansabdar of 700/200, had only 180 conditional Sawars for the service of qaladari of Kailashgard. The Mughal Emperor was the sole authority for appointing or dismissing a Mansabdar; he could alone sanction the increase or decrease in his rank. However, in the Deccan this prerogative was exercised by Nizam-ul-Mulk first in 1720 and then again from 1324 onwards. Thus, Nizam-ul-Mulk introduced unique dimensions in the administrative principles of the Mughal government, which was unprecedented in Mughal history. 17
The ordinary Sawars, which the Mansabdars maintained, were called Yakaspa rank. This does not mean that each Mansabdar or the trooper had one horse. In order to make a distinction between double and treble ranks, the terms Duaspa-sihaspa were used. This rank was part of the ordinary rank but, when it was desired to apparently increase the Sawar rank of a Mansabdar without actually increasing it, it was done by declaring part of this Sawar rank as Duaspa. This designation of Sawars gave additional rank to the Mansabdars. Thus, adding the term Duaspa-sihaspa means that the Mansabdar had to muster double the number of troops which he would have done without this additional rank in the proportion fixed for Duaspa-sihaspa and yak-aspa troopers in accordance with the number of months for which he drew this salary in the course of a year. When a portion of the Sawar rank was declared as additional rank of Duaspa-sihaspa, then the remaining portion of the Sawar rank was considered as Barawurdi. 17
In the documents, another term called Barawurdi-i-kul appears, which implies the total number of horses in the rank of Duaspa, Sihaspa and the Barawurdi. The figure of the Barawurdi-i-kul exceeds the figure of Sawar rank. For example, in the case of Haji Ali Khan of rank 1000/240, the Duaspa rank is 110 and Barawurdi rank 130, while the figure of Barawurdi-i-kul is stated at 350. That is, this figure, which exceeds the Sawar rank of 240, is made up of the two ranks of Duaspa and Barawurdi. This principle does not seem to be true in the case of Daragah Quli Khan of rank 1,500/800. Here the rank of Duaspa and Barawurdi is 400 in each case. The figure of 1,200 of Barawurdi-i-kul can be obtained by adding the ordinary Sawar rank 800 with either the Duaspa or Barawurdi 400 ranks. The same principle is applicable in the case of his Asl or original rank of 700/500. But in the Asl rank the Barawurdi-i-kul figure is not given. When his rank was enhanced by 800/300, the Barawurdi rank is stated at 400; that is more than the actual Sawar rank of 300 given as Izafa. While in the case of Baqir Ali Khan of rank 2,000/2,000 there are 600 Duaspa Sawars, 1,600 Barawurdi, 600 Mashrut and the Barawurdi-i-kul is stated as 2,600. Apparently, this figure of 2,600 seems to be the total of ordinary Sawars 2,000 and the conditional Sawars 600. This inference is drawn because in the document, in the marginal statement, this figure of Mashrut 600 Sawars is given below the figure of Barawurdi-i-kul 2,600. In the case of Asl rank of Baqir Ali Khan, 1,500/500, all the 500 Sawars of the rank are stated as Duaspa and no ordinary Sawars are stated, that is, Hamaduaspa. Further, in the Asl rank there are no Barawurdi figures but in the Izafa Sawars these are as 1,400; while the Barawurdi-i-kulare 1,600. In this case apparently the Sawar rank 1,500 is made up of 1,400 Barawurdi and 100 Duaspa, while the Barawurdi-i-kul 1,600 appears to be made up of ordinary Sawar rank 1,500 and Duaspa rank. 18
Criteria for the Grant and Increase of Mansab Rank
The following facts emerge regarding the Mansab system; that Mansabs were granted at the will and pleasure of the Subedar, Nizam-ul-Mulk; that there was no rigid rule for fixing the initial Mansab of any person; however, the highest Mansab granted was not more than 7,000/7,000; that there was no rigid rule in granting enhancements in the Mansab; one’s Mansab could be raised to any limit without any rule. 19
The original rank was 1,500/500, was elevated by doubling the Zat rank to 3,000 and increasing the Sawar rank by five times. The enhanced rank became 3,000/2,500. The increase work out to 200–500%, obviously, the enhancement was made more because of the exigencies of the times, rather than by any principle. Again, in the case of Rahim Quli Khan, the rank was enhanced from 1,000/200 to 1,500/300. The grant was confirmed. The percentage of the enhancement works out to 150/150%. In the case of Haji Md. Ali Khan, the rank was enhanced from 700/200 to 1,000/240, that is, by 142/120%. Earlier, prior to this enhancement, his rank was 600/50 and it had been enhanced to 700/200, that is, by 116/400 percentage. In this case, there were 110 Duaspa Sawars out of 200 Sawar rank and the remaining 90 were Barawurdi. But at the time of enhancement no addition to the Duaspa rank was made. However, the 250 Sawars were made Mashrut, conditional for the services of Kotwal of the city of Aurangabad. In the case of Daragh Quli Khan, the rank was enhanced from 700/500 to 1,500/800, by a percentage of 214/160. However, no change was made in the Duaspa rank of 400. The Barawurdi Sawars were 400 whereas 1,200 were Barawurdi-i-kul. The ratio of conditional and unconditional rank was about 600, in each case. In the case of Mir Hafiz Khan, the Zat rank was doubled from 500 to 1,000 whereas the same Sawar rank was retained. In the case of Mir Faizullah, an enhancement of 25% was made in the Zat rank with the fresh sanction of 140 Sawars, conditional for the post of qaladari and faujdari of Antur. From the foregoing instances it is quite evident that the sanction and increase in either the Zat rank or the Sawar rank depended on the pleasure of the Nizam-ul-Mulk. They were sanctioned either to favour a person who had served him loyally or to meet administrative requirements. 20
Some Features in the Orders Granting Mansabs
The administrative appointments of Mansabdars or increase in their ranks or assignment of posts, which Nizam-ul-Mulk made under his authority as a Subedar or Sipahsalar were issued by the Diwan of the Deccan provinces under the Diwan’s seal. Such order-parwanas or inayatnamas, etc., bore the inscription: Ba-Mujibdastakhat-Umdatul-Mulk Sipah-Salarsanad-be-dehant, or ‘under the seal of Jumlat-ul-Mulk, Nizam-ul-Mulk, Bahadur Fath Jung Sipah Salar’. Office notes bore the endorsement: ‘Bamujibdastakhat Ruknus Saltanat Asaf Jah, Sanad be Dehant’. A document regarding the appointment of Muiz-ud-daula Hamid Khan Bahadur Salabat Jung of rank 7,000/7,000 on transfer of Gopal Singh of rank 3,000/2,000 to the post of Niabat-i-subedari of Muhammadabad has in the text and also on top the endorsement ‘Bamujibdastakhat Ruknus Saltanat Asaf Jah Sanad be Dehant’, regarding the grant of conditional 500 Sawars with the amount of ₹157,500 for the Naibsubedari and Faujdari of the area around the river Majira. Another document, Inayatnama with the seal of Diyanat Khan, diwan dated 29 Rabi II 5 J, is regarding the appointment of Mansabdar Mir Faizullah, son of Misak Khan, as Teerandaz, who had been appointed Qaladarand faujdar of Antur, ta’aluqa Khujistabunyad. His original rank was 400 Zat, six monthly, with the pay 46,000 dams. On 2 Jamadi I 3 J, as per the Yad-dasht of Qamr-ud-din Khan Bahadur Nusrat Jung, Bakhshi-ul-mulk and Waqia-nawis of Jeet Singh, his Mansab was enhanced by 100/140 and pay by 240,000 dams and he was granted Jagir. The 140 Sawar rank was Mashrut for the service of qaladari and faujdari. The enhancement was confirmed on 25 Ramazan 5 J/1724. The tankhwa, as per the previous Dastur in Hindustan, was 300,000 dams, in the meanwhile 400,000 dams, balance table 160,000 dams and as per the enhancement 240,000 dams. 21
Mansabdar’s Pay and the Month-Scales
The Mansabdars were paid in either of two ways: naqdi, a cash salary, or by way of jagir, in the form of assignment of land revenue corresponding to the salary, calculated in terms of money. (The system of assignment of jagir has been discussed separately.) The pay was directly proportionate to and dependent on the dual Mansab rank of Zat and Sawars. The system of month-ratios for the pay for different ranks fixed in the days of Shah Jahan continued to operate during the reign of Muhammad Shah and thence under Nizam-ul-Mulk in the Deccan. The month-scales operating in the reigns of Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb and continued during Muhammad Shah’s reign are given in Table 4.
Comparative of Month-Scale of the Rate of Conversion
This has been discussed in Chapter IV, see on ‘Jagirdari System’, infra., which shows the month-scales as standard rate of conversation of the hasil amount into dams, in accordance with the month-ratios. 22
The pay of Mansabdars for different ranks reveals the following facts about the relation between the pay, month-scale, rate of conversion, etc., that pay for different ranks ranging from 7,000/7,000 down to 100 was granted for the month-scales ranging from 5 to 10 (as evident by the figures within parenthesis in column 4). That is, month-ratio was irrespective of the pay or the rank and any ratio could be fixed for any pay or rank, that is, pay could be assigned for any month-ratio. 23
That in case of Maloji and Mir Khan of equal ranks 1,000/200 and of equal pay 3,400,000 dams, they were placed in two different month-rations of 4 and 10, respectively, while Khawaja Nekru Khan of the same rank was placed in the 6 month-scale. This gives rise to doubts about the effectiveness or purpose of the month-scale or the ratio being different for different persons similarly situated. In the case of Sultan Nawaz Khan and Hafiz-ud-din of equal rank 1,500/100 and of equal pay 990,500 dams, the month-scale of 5 is stated in the case of the former while no month-scale is stated in the case of the latter. In the case of five Mansabdars each of rank 150 and of equal pay of 210,000 dams, each, two of them (Mirza Khan and Sabil Khan) were placed in the month-ratio of 6, while the other three persons (Shaikh, Md Yaqub and Md Tahir) were placed in the month-ratio of 5. Again, of these five Mansabdars, two were paid in cash, in lieu of jagir or revenue assignment. But, in the case of one, Md Tahir, the deduction of one-sixth was made, while this was not done in the case of Mirza Khan. Thus, irrespective of the two categories of Mansabdars who were paid in cash and through jagir, they were placed in the same month-scales. Similar inferences can be made from another set of Mansabdars of the same rank and similarly situated. The Mashrut Sawar rank could be granted without any limit to any rank holder, for example, Salabat Jung of rank 7,000/7,000 had 500 Mashrut Sawars while the same number of Sawars was granted to a Mansabdar of lower rank-Mir Kalan of rank 2,500/1,000.
Further, higher Sawar ranks, more than those held by Mansabdars of higher ranks, could be granted to Mansabdars holding lower ranks. For example, Wakalal Khan of lower than 4,000/3,500 had 700 Mashrut Sawars, while Salabat Jung of higher rank 7,000/7,000 had a lesser Mashrut rank of 500 Sawars. Another example is that of Dargah Quli Khan of rank 1,500/800 who held higher Mashrut rank 600 and Ghairmashrut Sawars than 500 Mashrut Sawars held by Salabat Jung of higher rank of 7,000/7,000. 24
Thus, there was no restriction for the grant of any number of Barawurdi, Mashrut or Ghairmashrut, Sawars, etc., to Mansabdars of any rank. Obviously, such grants depended solely on the office and nature of duties of the office to which the Mansabdar was posted. By the application of the deduction rule of either one-fourth or one-fifth or one-sixth, the deduction was not made uniformly from the pay of all the Mansabdars. The reasons for this discrepancy are unknown. In some cases, these deductions have been exempted also, as, for example, in the case of Mokoji of rank 2,000/500. The discrepancy in these deductions is more evident from the cases of Md Ali Arab and Mir Abul Qasim of equal ranks 200 and placed in the same month-scale of 5 and drawing their equal pays from the jagirs. But in the case of the first Mansabdar no deduction is effected, while in the cases of the other persons, deduction (hissa) of one-sixth is made. In the case of only one person, Haji Md Khan of rank 1,000/740 the branding (dagh) has been exempted, obviously, going back from the basic principles of the Mughal government. In two cases the Khwarakh-i-Dawwab (also ‘duab’ in the documents) has been allowed-in the case of Mir Kalan of rank 2,500/1,000 and that of Haji Md Ali Khan of rank 1,000/740. In the latter’s case, the total amount of pay of 1,120,000 dams is made up of the two amounts of (duoab) 212,000 dams and jagir 908,000 dams implying that the government paid an additional amounts towards ‘duoab’ or feed for the horses. 25
That the deduction of one-fourth or one-sixth hissa from the pay of the Mansabdar was made even in case he was paid cash salary in lieu of jagir, for example, the cases of Santaji of rank 300/200, Md Tahir of rank 150, etc. In some cases, this deduction of one-fourth, etc., was exempted also, for example, Malkaji of rank 2,000/500. From the above discussions, it is evident that there existed no rigid rule in the Mansabdari system, and there were several cases of departure from the prescribed or rather general rule. Administrative requirements and exigencies of the times shaped administrative policy and departures were made to suit the circumstances. Under the Mughals neither the Mansab nor the jagir was hereditary. However, Nizam-ul-Mulk did show some conditions for the sons or near relatives of Mansabdars by granting those suitable Mansabs. There is an example of a son having been granted the office and jagir of the father after the latter’s death. A Mansab was at least for life. One could rise as high as possible. But, in the Deccan no one was given more than 7,000/7,000 as Nizam-ul-Mulk himself held Mansab of 9,000/9,000. There were hardly any cases of demotions in Mansabs under Nizamul Mulk. 26
The Asafe Jahi Nobility
A very special feature of the Mansab system under Nizam-ul-Mulk was that the nobles to whom Nizam-ul-Mulk had granted Mansab owed allegiance to him and in their seals they had expressed it as ‘Asaf Jahi’. However, the seals of the transitional period of the transfer of allegiance show that the nobles owed dual allegiance, both to Nizam-ul-Mulk and the Mughal Emperor. As such, the seals which were engraved during 1139 H/1726-27 have the allegiance expressed as ‘Asaf Jahi’ as well as fidwi of Muhammad Shah, Mughal Emperor. In one seal the inscription reads, ‘Yusuf Khan/Asaf Jahi/Fidwi/Badsha Ghazi/Muhammad Shah’ with dates ‘9’ regnal years of Muhammad Shah, and ‘1129’ Hijri. Some seals of 1142 H/1729-30 have the simple inscription ‘Marar Das/fidwi/Asaf Jahi/1142’ and ‘Haji Khan/Asaf Jahi/1142’, without any allegiance to the Mughal Emperor nor even his regnal year inscribed in it, as in the previous case. Some seals of 1144 and 1145 H/ 1731-33 though showing allegiance of the nobles to Asaf Jah have the regnal years (14 and 15) of Muhammad Shah inscribed in them, without the name of the Mughal Emperor. For instance, one seal has Khwaja Irtafa/fidwi/Nizam-ul-Mulk Bahadur/AsafJah/1144/14. Another seal reads ‘Inayatullah Beg/fidwi/Nizam-ul-Mulk Bahadur/Asaf Jahi/1145/15. The numeral figures, 14 and 15 are the regnal years of Muhammad Shah. Whereas another seal of the same year does not have any reference to the regnal, year or name of the Mughal Emperor. The simplified inscription reads ‘Ghiyasallah Beg Asaf Jahi/1145’. 27
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.