Abstract
This study considers the influence of adult experiences on the development of Latino ethnic identity. Using purposeful and snowball sampling, adult participants responded to open-ended questions about their understanding of being Latino. Analysis indicated that changes in the environment or life circumstances had the greatest effect on the reevaluation of identity. This process, referred to as looping, occurred in 35% of the adults surveyed and illustrates the process that occurs when an individual questions previous understanding of identity yet does not lose his/her previous sense of committed self. In addition, the study found that adults who self-identify as having a bicultural orientation were more likely to experience a looping effect, though some Latino-oriented individuals also experienced this effect.
Keywords
Although Latinos are the largest minority group in the United States (U.S. Census, 2010) and one of the fastest growing, there is little literature within the education field to explain the developmental aspects of adult Latino ethnic identity. As this growth continues, it is important to consider that the number of Latinos to enter educational systems is likely to increase and that in 2003, 39% of undergraduate students were 25 years of age or older (American Council on Education, 2005), indicating that a significant number of undergraduate students will likely have adult life experiences that will influence how they see themselves within the college or other educational context. There is also an increase in Latino/a graduate students (Contreras & Gándara, 2006), which require faculty and staff to better understand how these older students’ identity can be influenced by the changing environment of graduate school. These trends among adult Latino students in education dictates that theories considering how students develop need to be expanded beyond the traditional age student and include the issues associated with being Latino.
In spite of the numerical increases in the general population and potential increases in higher education attendance, the research on Latino college students’ identity development has only recently been addressed (Torres, 2003; Torres & Hernandez, 2007). By considering identity, educators can better understand of how individuals come to “a subjective feeling of self-sameness and continuity over time” (Kroger, 2000, p. 8). Identity is commonly understood as “one’s personally held beliefs about the self in relation to social groups . . . and the ways one expresses that relationship” (Torres, Jones, & Renn, 2009, p. 577). The process of identity development allows for the consideration of how these feelings of “self” emerge and evolve over time. Torres’s research on Latinos focused on undergraduate students, most of who were traditionally aged. Though earlier work by Keefe and Padilla (1987) focused on creating five ethnic types that describe adult Latino/as’ cultural awareness and ethnic loyalty, none of these studies considered how life circumstances or changes in the environment may influence adult Latinos’ perception of their identity. This study seeks to investigate the processes involved in adult life beyond the early 20s that could influence how Latino ethnic identity evolves. The combination of greater numbers of adult students entering higher education that was mentioned earlier (American Council on Education, 2005), and the evidence that the Latino population growth is outpacing the growth of White, non-Hispanics (Pew Hispanic Center, 2006) makes an investigation of identity development among Latino/a adults an important consideration for adult educators. This study highlights the life events that can influence how adult Latinos view their ethnic identity at various points through their adulthood.
To explain the processes used by the researchers, a review of the literature that informed the researchers’ thinking about adult Latino identity development is presented. Particular attention is focused on what is known about the developmental changes that can occur in adults. This review is followed by the methodology used to study the phenomenon of interest and the findings of the study. The final section presents the discussion of findings and application to practice and future research.
Literature Review
The literature review elaborates on the existing research that informs this study (Jones, Torres, & Arminio, 2006). Although the research on the development of identity, specifically ethnic identity, is plentiful (Cross, 1971, 1995, 2001; Helms, 1995; Phinney, 1993; Torres, 2003; Torres & Hernandez, 2007), there is little research that directly considers how this development continues beyond the late adolescent (college) years. As more nontraditional students access educational opportunities, it is imperative that development be considered beyond the traditional college years to understand the challenges adult students may be dealing with and how to support their further development.
The concept of revisiting previous identity task is not new to the literature. Some studies have considered these processes within the identity development literature and inform the conceptualization of this study (Cross, 1995; Helms, 1995; Marcia, 2002). Though these studies consider some aspects of development within adult life, none has specifically focused on the developmental process for Latinos adults or has taken an approach that includes this population as central to the study. The most influential work for the conceptualization of this study is Marcia’s (2002) work, which examined the developmental process beyond late adolescence. Marcia identified that in the later adult years there is an “identity reconstruction” process (p. 15). This process entails an experience that causes disequilibrium in ones’ life and prompts the individual to enter a re-formation period that promotes some reconstruction of his or her identity, but does not create a disintegration of the identity. This process of reconstruction could be interpreted as a revisiting of previous developmental tasks that occurs as a natural part of the developmental process for adults later in life.
Other identity development theories also consider this re-formation process of renegotiating and recreating one’s identity in later adult life. In the racial/ethnic identity literature, Cross (1971, 1995) has expanded his theory to consider different issues. At one point Cross (1995) clarified that though his stages ended with the internalization-commitment stage, describing a person who can translate his/her new identity into consistent behaviors to address concerns of the cultural group, he also clarified that there was no clearly delineated endpoint to development. He considered that an internalized racial Nigrescence identity was not an end to identity development because as life spans across the years, “new challenges, new encounters may bring about the need to re-cycle through some of the stages” (p. 113). Other studies also informed how the issue of change over time could be considered. For example, the influence of environment and events were found in Helms’s (1995) work, which considered that these factors could cause change in ethnic/racial identity but did not explore the type of change, the type of events, or the possibility of a reconstruction process within identity development.
Within the sociological literature, Stryker and Serpe (1994) explored the notions of identity commitment and identity salience. These researchers believed that identity salience allows an individual to organize and rank the important cognitive structures. This conceptualization of identity posits that through the ranking of identity structures, an individual chooses certain behaviors over others. Although their work asserts that general identity salience is influenced by the level of identity commitment, they found that time in role also influenced both of these areas. Yet the manner in which Stryker and Serpe (1994) defined the roles did not tackle broader identity issues such as ethnic identity. Though this research acknowledges the multiple dimensions of identity, it does not focus on the complexities involved when these dimensions intersect.
The growing body of research around the concept of holistic development, or self-authorship, does attempt to consider the complexities and intersections of the multiple dimensions that influence how one would author his or her own life (Baxter Magolda, Abes, & Torres, 2009). For example, the development of self-authorship emerged from Kegan’s (1994) writing that the mental demands required for adult life forces individuals to take responsibility for their own experiences and to shift from external definitions of self to more internalized foundations. This process is complex and involves the intersection of intrapersonal dimensions (who am I), epistemological dimension (how do I know?), and the interpersonal dimension (how do I relate to others?) (Baxter Magolda et al., 2009). In self-authorship research, this process of revising and redefining one’s sense of self emerged among participants in their 30s who experienced a nuanced self-authored system that recognized “contexts in which they needed to refine or develop some aspect of themselves” (Baxter Magolda, 2008, p. 281). The participants who had established an internal foundation for themselves were “open to being reconstructed because participants had an internal security to see reconstruction as positive and exciting” (p. 281). Though this study provides an in-depth view of longitudinal development, the study sample lacked the diversity and therefore investigating these concepts with Latino adults is still needed.
And finally an international study by Kroger and Green (1996) found eight conditions that were identified as possibly prompting “identity status change” (p. 481). Within the context of this study, we found these eight conditions could be restructured into three broader categories: changes in life circumstances, changes in environment, and internal changes. Changes in life circumstances included age-graded event, history-graded event, critical life event, direct significance of other, and stage of family life cycle. Changes in environment consisted of exposure of different cultural/social milieus/sources of knowledge and no opportunity for desired goal. The final condition was focused on internal changes that indicate elements of an internally defined identity. Because this study was conducted in New Zealand with a sample of 100 adults aged between 40 and 63 years, it does not reflect the social/cultural environment of the United States. The researchers’ use of retrospective interview accounts most closely resembles the type of approach that we considered in this study, and the phenomenon investigated by this study (the developmental process for adults beyond late adolescence) is also similar to that considered by Kroger and Green (1996).
The body of research cited provides support for the concept that identity development is not a process with an endpoint; rather, it continues evolving even after an internally defined or achievement status/phase is achieved. Instead this evidence points to identity as continuously evolving as a result of life circumstances and environmental changes. Although the identity development process particular to racial/ethnic identity has been considered in Cross’s (1995) and Helms’s (1995) research, this phenomenon has not been fully explored among Latinos.
Conceptual Framework and Methodological Considerations
Because access to adult Latinos was desired for the sample population, consideration of electronic means to reach a broad spectrum of participants was necessary, the epistemological approach needed to consider these research challenges. As a result of using an online survey, the ability to interact with participants was lost and therefore made a pragmatist epistemological approach appropriate, because this approach considered the outcomes of the research more critical than other aspects of the research process (Crotty, 1998). Within a pragmatist approach, “the meaning of experience becomes an exploration of culture” (Crotty, 1998, p. 74) thus allowing for the understanding of ideas or concepts to be interchangeable between experience and culture. This conceptual framework influenced the methodology by informing the study’s research procedures and choices (Jones, Torres, & Arminio, 2006). Pragmatic approaches allow for the research questions of interest to be “more important than either the method or the philosophical worldview that underlies the method” (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2007, p. 26). Additionally, pragmatism allows researchers to “judge the quality of a study by its intended purposes, available resources, procedures followed and results obtained, all within a particular context and for a specific audience” (Patton, 2002, -p. 71-72).
The desire to address adult identity issues among Latinos called for creative sampling strategies. Because previous research has concentrated on college students, there was also an attempt to reach participants beyond the college years. To reach a potential pool of adult Latino/a participants in a variety of contexts and with varying characteristics in age, level of education, and regions of the United States; the best available resource was the use of the Internet to distribute a survey.
Once the survey was created, it was uploaded into a web format. An internet link to the survey was created to facilitate the electronic submission of responses. This method of data collection allowed for greater exposure to the desired sample, greater possibility of exploring various life experiences, and the consideration of multiple contexts. Though not ideal for the exploration of identity, this method of data collection was determined to provide sufficient benefit for this exploration.
Initially, a purposeful sampling technique (Patton, 2002) was used to distribute the electronic survey using various listservs with a Latino/a audience. The primary criterion for selecting a listserv focused on whether members were likely to be non-undergraduate college students. As a result the audience of the listservs used focused on professionals working with Latino students and Latino alumni groups from various known universities. The listservs selected were known by the researchers and allowed for access to post the request to participate. A snowball technique was used to increase the sample, by asking participants to pass the survey on to others who may be interested in participating.
The electronic survey used asked a series of open-ended questions to guide the participants toward explaining how he/she saw himself/herself in regards to his/her Latino identity. Other items asked if the participants’ perceptions changed over time. The construction of the survey was influenced by the ideas within narrative inquiry that promote understanding of individual meaning making by soliciting the stories of the participants (Clandinin & Rosiek, 2007). Attention was paid to create items that would ask for processes about how understanding of identity occurred. For example, prompts, such as how or why, were specifically added to ask for explanations about certain responses.
The research team met to create the questions based on the theoretical sensitivity gained from the literature previously presented. Consistent with the ideas within narrative inquiry the items promoted understanding of individual meaning making by soliciting the stories of the participants (Clandinin & Rosiek, 2007). Consistent with open-ended survey protocol, the questions also asked that examples or situations be explained within the response. It was hoped that this would promote more telling of their story by the participants. The questions were pilot tested using a convenient sample of adult Latinos who would respond online and provide feedback on the items. After the pilot testing, the items were tweaked prior to sending the survey out on the listservs. The goal of the open-ended questions was to provide participants with an opportunity to write out narratives of personal life experiences relating to their ethnic identity. For the purpose of this study, the primary survey item of interest was the following: “As an adult, have you experienced a life change that caused you to re-evaluate the meaning of your identity?” To compare if a revisiting of identity issues occurred, the study also used information from an additional item focused on when they first questioned their identity as Latino. The consideration of this item provides information about initial definitions of identity.
The survey was completed by 93 respondents, 13 had incomplete responses and were deemed unusable, and 1 participant was in her 20s and mentioned experiences as a college student in the present tense, thus making the researchers question if she fit the criteria for the sample. Of the remaining 80 participants, the majority were women (79%) and most were born in the United States of foreign-born parents (49%). Only 21% indicated they were born outside of the United States. The range of educational background included high school equivalency to doctoral degrees, of which the majority of respondents had a master’s degree (44%), with the next largest educational attainment group being bachelor’s degree (30%). The age range of the group was 20 to 58 years, with a mean age of 32.4 years. In the demographic section of the survey, participants were also asked to self-report the representation of Latinos in their communities. Thirty-five percent of the participants claimed to live in communities that do not have a critical mass of Latinos (less than 24% of the total population within their communities being Latino), whereas 34% of the participants reported living in communities with large Latino populations that comprise 50% or more of the total population. The remaining lived in communities with Latinos representing between 25% but less than 50% Latinos in the population. This distribution of community characteristics provided a diverse contextual sample for consideration. The final demographic question asked participants to choose from four descriptions that pertain to self-identified cultural orientation (Torres, 1999). The majority of participants self-identified as having a Bicultural Orientation (61%), indicating a high comfort level with both Anglo and Latino cultures; 29% selected Latino Orientation, indicating higher comfort and preference to associate with Latino culture rather than Anglo culture; 9% self-selected Anglo Orientation, indicating their preference and higher comfort level to associate with Anglo culture as opposed to Latino culture. There was one individual who self-identified as Marginal, indicating that the individual was not comfortable in either culture—this was an unexpected result and the responses provided by the individual did not provide much insight into this choice.
The analysis of the data was done using open and axial coding (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). The techniques used allowed for the voices of the participants to drive the findings of the study. The researchers began with a subsample of total responses and completed a first round of open coding to identify the initial ideas that emerged from this subsample. From this initial list of open codes, the research team regrouped these codes into broader concepts consistent with the axial coding process. This grouping (axial coding) resulted in eight codes, such as Changes in Environment or Definition of Identity, that described the processes experienced by the participants that may have contributed to how they constructed, reconstructed, and made meaning of their Latino identity. The remaining survey responses were coded with these eight codes using ATLAS.ti. For the purpose on this study, we concentrated on four codes: Changes in Environment and/or Composition of Community, Change in Life Circumstances, Initial Questioning of Identity, and Reevaluation of Identity. The results shared within the context of this study were found through in-depth analysis of the first two codes: changes in environment and definition of identity.
Although the sample provided rich descriptions of the phenomenon of interest, the lack of contact with the participants and ability to follow-up is a major limitation of this study. The technique used to reach participants did not allow for managing a balance of male/female respondents and therefore the sample is overrepresentative of females. The use of listservs to distribute the survey also presented a limitation with this sample—the use of electronic communication that may not be readily available to the entire Latino/a adult population. One limitation of the use of listservs was a well-educated sample. Issues regarding the digital divide need to be considered as part of the limitation and may explain the reason why the sample is more educated than the overall Latino population in the United States. For these reasons, the findings pertain to this group of participants and should be applied to other populations with caution.
Results
The focus of this study was to explore the identity development process for Latinos after the college years and to examine the possibility of an identity reconstruction process as suggested by the work of Marcia (2002) and Helms (1995). Because the changes in identity that were of interest focused on the developmental task of reevaluation after an initial definition of ethnic identity, the results presented will concentrate on those findings.
The results indicate that approximately 35% (N = 28) of the participants stated that they revisited issues of Latino identity as adults. The process seems to be one where the individual loops back to a previous point in his/her development and reevaluates how his/her socially constructed identity has changed as a result of being in a different environment or different life event. We began to see this reevaluation as a looping process that brought individuals to question aspects of their identity that they had previously configured. Yet this looping process seemed to indicate a more complex understanding of self and therefore the looping did not entail a complete questioning of identity, but rather a refinement of how their Latino identity was considered within the context of their lives. The term looping was selected to illustrate how this process of reevaluating Latino identity can be cyclical in nature and likely to happen repeatedly throughout adult life as changes occur. This study’s findings illustrate the socially constructed nature of identity.
Among the usable results, two themes emerged that described the prompting of reevaluation of identity (looping process) among the participants. The first was the influence of the environment on identity. This influence tended to be focused on managing the environmental changes and the context of identity within different environments.
The second theme revolved around life circumstances that caused major changes in an individual identity, such as job relocation, marriage, or major life event that prompted an assessment of one’s sense of self. Among those that looped back to reconstruct their Latino identity, this theme was found to be the most common cause for the looping and therefore will be presented first. The results presented for each theme will focus on few participants that best illustrate the types of events that prompted the looping process.
Changes in Life Circumstances
Among the participants that illustrated the theme of changes in life circumstances was Gilbert, a 48-year-old man who had constructed his Latino identity early in life, and he shared that his initial questioning of identity occurred in high school when he stated:
I identify as a Latino. . . . I made this decision in high school because I heard derogatory comments from fellow classmates regarding the actions of cholos [a Mexican American who is involved in a counter-cultural group or gang] in our schools. I wanted these students, other students, faculty, and staff to know that the actions of a few isolated individuals do not characterize all persons who share the same ethnic background.
He continues by saying that during that part of his life, he no longer condoned or tolerated ignorance toward his racial/ethnic group. For Gilbert, the initial questioning of identity revolved around not only embracing a term that reflected his racial/ethnic identity but also speaking out against ignorant and/or derogatory statements made in high school by his fellow classmates. And although he developed a sense of his ethnic identity at an earlier age, a change in life circumstances prompted reflection about these previously held beliefs and he refined his own beliefs about identity as a part of this looping process.
When responding to the question about adult experiences, Gilbert talked about how being a victim of a violent assault prompted a reevaluation of his identity. He described his experiences as follows:
As an adult I was victimized in a home invasion robbery during which the two criminals attempted to sever my spinal cord. My physical and mental recovery process took approximately 12 months and during that time I questioned many things including my identity. In the end I emerged with a stronger sense of self and a renewed commitment to seeking to facilitate personal, community, organizational, and societal change on a daily basis.
This quote illustrates an adult life event that prompted reevaluation from his previously held belief about ethnic identity. From Gilbert’s words above, we do not know if the traumatic event led him to choose another term besides “Latino” to identify himself, but the fact that he states he emerged with a “stronger sense of self” suggests continued positive feelings about his ethnic identity. He also emerged with a continued commitment to impact the world in which he lives, much like the commitment he first displayed in high school. Gilbert’s case shows that the reevaluation process does not have to result in a complete modification in how people think about their racial/ethnic identity. The reevaluation process can simply result in reinforcing previous ideas and feelings about racial/ethnic identity.
Like Gilbert, Cella, a 51-year-old woman, recognized that the way she had constructed her Latino identity changed throughout her life. She shared that while growing up she identified herself as a “Chicana” partly because of the political connotations of the term. It also seems that she embraced this term because in high school she was one of the only Latinos in her college prep courses and the difficulties she had in reconciling how others saw her: “I didn’t fit in any of their stereotypes of a Mexican.” More recently, Cella identifies as a Latina.
When asked if changes in her adult life caused a reevaluation of her Latina identity, Cella wrote about her marriage. She stated,
The only thing I can think of is when I got married. I had to learn how to fully embrace another culture (African American) in my home life, especially as it impacted our children. My husband and I both had to learn how to hold onto our cultural uniqueness while also validating each other’s cultural heritage.
For Cella, this was a particularly salient life change because she married outside of her racial/ethnic group. This event prompted her to learn how to integrate another cultural identity while preserving her own. She experienced the questioning of her ethnic identity early in life, and the marriage prompted the looping process of reconstructing her Latino identity. Because she had already experienced an initial defining of ethnic identity, Cella was able to consider a more diverse definition of identity that included multiple cultures. She stated that neither she nor her husband thought that abandoning one’s culture was an option, but rather the task was to validate other cultures as well as their own.
Reevaluation of racial/ethnic identity can also be triggered by a new job and/or position. Rosey, age 32, for example, reported a bicultural orientation, but admitted that at an earlier point in her life she was uncomfortable in both the Latino and Anglo communities. She stated,
Neither one was very accepting of me. As an adult, I chose to associate myself more with Chicanos/Latinos (via work, school, and social groups), and I began to feel more comfortable among my own people.
Via her association with people of her same racial/ethnic background, particularly during college, Rosey’s cultural orientation changed from a marginal one to a bicultural orientation. Her initial questioning of identity during college resulted in a strong sense of identity. Rosey stated,
When I went to college, I joined a Latina sorority, and I gained an understanding of the diversity within the Latino community, and how it is okay to be myself . . . and most importantly, that I get to decide what I call myself, and it doesn’t matter how others might perceive me.
In fact, this process resulted in Rosey embracing the term Chicana to describe herself. She pointed out, however, that getting a job in academia as program director of a PhD program prompted her to reevaluate what it means to be a Chicana. She responded:
I have had to evaluate what being a Chicana means for me as a member of the academy. There are benefits and challenges that go along with my identity. I can say that my experiences have only strengthened my identity. As funny as it may sound, I feel like I become more and more Chicana every year!
Once again, Rosey’s experiences show that the looping process does not always result in a complete questioning of ethnic identity but simply a refinement of identity. For Rosey, this means refining what it means to be a Chicana in the context of academia.
Changes in the Environment
The next theme most often found in the data was change in the environment. For example, Priscilla, 24 years of age, a third generation Latina had similar experiences as Gilbert and Cella at an early age in life. Priscilla expressed that she had begun her ethnic identity process when she was in high school. She reflected that even her cultural orientation has shifted throughout her life, varying from Anglo oriented, as she admitted that “in junior high I was friends with mostly White friends,” to one that is Latino oriented because when she was in high school, her peer group became more Latino. In the case of Priscilla, the change in environment within graduate school created a critical moment where she responded with a stronger commitment and a desire to educate others about the Latino culture.
Priscilla wrote about how the lack of diversity in her graduate program prompted a reevaluation of her identity:
Graduate school has really made me appreciate and further evaluate my identity even more. Like I said, I’m one of very few Latinos in my program, and this program is at a prestigious school in Texas that prides itself on diversity. The student population overall is very diverse, but my program is not. There is one Latino professor out of about 30, and I could probably name all the Latino students right now because there aren’t that many of them and we all know each other. . . . I suppose the lack of Latino awareness and exposure to the culture in my program has inspired me to raise awareness and provide exposure in my projects. This experience has brought on a deeper, stronger, more endearing appreciation for my Latino culture.
This quote represents a poignant level of dissonance experienced by Latinos seeking graduate studies. For adults who seek out graduate education at predominantly White institutions, this level of reevaluation needs to be understood to help them in the adjustment to the new environment.
To a lesser degree than the other changes in life, the need to advocate for Latinos can also serve as a trigger for looping. For Bizzle, age 28, she first became aware of her Latino identity when she was in college. Yet her looping experience occurred when she traveled abroad. She stated,
I realized that when I was traveling abroad that half of me was Latina and that is something to cherish and be proud of. When I started working doing outreach to the Latino community I realize that my Latina heritage was a huge advantage in a way helped me find my place among that group.
The Looping Process
As stated earlier, the term looping was selected to illustrate how this process of reevaluating identity may be cyclical in nature and likely to reoccur. To learn more about the characteristics of the participants who did experience some form of looping, we considered the demographic variables they had in common. All the participants who narrated some form of looping process in their ethnic identity had some common factors such as cultural orientation and their environmental context (both at work and in the community that they live in). Most of the participants who experienced looping self-identified as Bicultural Orientated (n = 22), feeling comfortable navigating both the Latino and Anglo cultures. In addition, the majority of the Bicultural Oriented respondents reported working in environments that were more diverse, and which included a critical mass of Latino coworkers. Among those who experienced looping and self-selected Bicultural Orientation, only 23% reported having few Latino coworkers at their place of employment. This suggests that individuals who self-define as Bicultural Oriented are perhaps more likely to choose living and working environments that are diverse and include both Latino and majority Anglo cultures. Though this study did not explore this aspect, it is plausible that those diverse environments may require individuals to make meaning of those additional developmental tasks (e.g., questioning of identity or reevaluation of identity) that come with changes in environment and/or life events. In contrast, of the few individuals who experienced looping but self-identified as Latino Oriented (indicating greater comfort and acceptance around Latino cultural settings), 50% of them reported that their work environment tended to have few Latinos. The preference for Latino cultural orientation could be a reaction to the lack of Latino culture within the work environment. Although the work environment issues are speculations, the consideration of these issues could indicate that a Latino adult is more likely to experience life events that influence ethnic identity when they are in diverse work environments. Similar finding occurred with considering the composition of the general community where these participants lived.
The community in which the participants lived also illustrates some common factors for those who experienced looping. Those who self-identified as Bicultural Orientated reported living in communities with fewer Latinos as opposed to Latino Oriented respondents. Only 36% of Bicultural Oriented respondents who experienced a looping process in their ethnic identity claimed to live in communities with many (50% or more) Latinos. In contrast, 50% of Latino Oriented respondents who experienced looping reported living in communities with many Latinos. We may posit that for those who experience a reevaluation of identity, this developmental task may be triggered by living and working in diverse settings. Although not all individuals experienced looping, it should be noted that this phenomenon appears to be associated with the negotiation of various cultures.
Discussion, Implications, and Future Research
Within higher education research there is an assumption that adults have completed or mastered developmental issues, yet this research study indicates that additional developmental tasks can arise and should be considered when we work with this population. The results of this study indicate that adults continue to experience developmental tasks associated with their ethnic identity. This is consistent with Cross’s (1995) notion that recycling occurs among adults even when they have an internalized identity as well as Baxter Magolda’s (2008) notion of reconstruction in adults. It also concurs with Marcia (2002), who found that identity may undergo cyclical reformulation following adolescence and is most likely to happen when an individual confronts identity “disequilibrating circumstances” (p. 15), which include changes in life circumstances or environments. These findings also have congruence with Kroger and Green (1996), who found that adults experienced identity status change as a result of a series of eight possible conditions. It should be noted that the looping process (reevaluation) seemed to be initiated when individuals created new understandings of ethnic identity without necessarily abandoning their previous identity. “Although the re-formulated identity is to some extent a new one, it is continuous with, and has similar qualities to, the identity that preceded it” (Marcia, 2002, p. 16).
Among our participants, the conditions that prompted looping were most associated with change in life circumstances, change in environment, and advocacy for Latinos or some combination of these conditions. This is also consistent with the New Zealand study that found that identity status changes can occur from a combination of conditions (Kroger & Green, 1996). The finding that individuals who engaged in looping in their adult life were mostly Bicultural Oriented (22 individuals), with some Latino Oriented (6 individuals), indicated the active interaction between both the Latino and Anglo cultures was typically found among individuals who were confronted with situations that challenged their understanding. It is conceivable to consider that these individuals were willing to confront the challenges that come with living in two cultures because their identity commitment was strong (Stryker & Serpe, 1994). One plausible explanation could be that Bicultural Orientation individuals may have more agency that highlights a sense of “confidence that one will be able to overcome obstacles that impede one’s progress along one’s chosen life course” (Schwartz, Côté, & Arnett, 2005, p. 207).
The findings of this study also have implications for practice in multiple educational environments. The phenomenon illustrated in this study will create situations where administrators, educators, and faculty may encounter adult students during a stage of identity reformulation. Issues concerning changes in environment and changes in life circumstances can ignite an identity looping process. These changes may revolve around common adult events such as marriage, moving for a job or school, and being placed in a situation where their ethnicity is questioned. The environmental changes illustrated by the participants are common among many adults within multiple educational settings. Adult education research captures a lifespan perspective that emphasizes adaptation to the environments (Blanchard-Fields & Kalinauskas, 2009). This adaptation can be enhanced by adult education specialists who can help guide the learning process needed to adapt to these changes. The contextual influences on identity require that adult educators understand the context as well as the individual’s response to that context. Environmental stressors, such as change in environment or life circumstances (marriage or birth of a child) can be mitigated by learning environments that acknowledge and are sensitive to the potential looping processes. Sensitivity to these changes within individuals allows adult educators to approach situations from an informed perspective and provides insight about the topics of conversation that may assist the Latino/a adult. These topics would include acknowledging the changing demographics that come with different environments or the decisions that may need to be negotiated with changes in life circumstances.
This reformulation of identity, or looping, not only occurs among nontraditional students but also with those involved in all aspects of education. Administrators may have to be aware of this developmental process with new Latino professionals or even seasoned colleagues who are starting a new position at an institution or even a different department within an institution that represents different environmental conditions. The dissonance created by changes in environment and life circumstance can produce both positive and negative consequences. To reduce the potential negative aspects in adult development, educational settings must promote positive resolutions to the adaptive outcomes that come with life changes. New employee orientations/training should consider the possible dissonance that can occur in new environments and structure activities to help adults adjust to these contextual differences. Understanding how these life events can influence ethnic identity can help institutional and organizational administrators promote a more open environment where these issues are not considered odd.
There is also much research that can be done in the area of Latino/a ethnic identity development. As a result of data in this research project and the limitations of this study, further research is needed to achieve a deeper understanding of the identity looping process in Latino/a adults. Since this study did not include one-on-one interviews with participants, a greater understanding of this process can be achieved with face-to-face interaction, where the researcher can probe for further understanding. In-depth consideration of identity looping and gender should also be considered for closer examination. This study opens the door for considering the influence of looping among minority populations within the United States. Research could be done with other diverse populations and occupations to investigate if, and how, looping may develop among other groups.
With this study, we wanted to encourage further investigation into the process of identity formation among adult Latinos in the United States. The findings of this study inform our understanding of how individuals interact with different populations and the influence these interactions can have on ones’ sense of self. As educational settings continue to diversify, it is critical that the experiences of nonmajority students and adults be considered when creating policies and programs to help with student success.
Footnotes
The author(s) declared no conflicts of interest with respect to the authorship and/or publication of this article.
The author(s) received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article.
