Abstract
The differential treatment of youth of color in schools perpetuates disparities in academic outcomes. Alternative education programs may represent a constructive approach to preventing or mitigating these disparities. This study examines the outcomes of an urban alternative education program in the United States. Secondary analysis of demographic, psychosocial, and academic data from all program participants (N = 232) during a 3-year study period was conducted. Descriptive statistics summarize demographic characteristics, and bivariate analyses examine the strength of association and interrelationships among individual variables, program retention, and educational attainment. Results show grade-level advancement, employability, and, therefore, decreased risk for justice involvement, regardless of students’ histories of lower academic performance, unemployment, behavioral health conditions, and justice system or child protective services contact. This evaluation offers a framework for replication and recommendations for future research examining alternative education programs.
In the United States, African American males comprise 34% of the nation’s correctional population (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 2019), and approximately half of all African American males who do not complete high school will be incarcerated at least once by the age of 30 (Darensbourg et al., 2010). In fact, nearly 70% of the nation’s male prison population has not completed high school, with 35% of this population describing behavioral issues, academic problems, or school push out as the primary reasons for not obtaining a diploma (Harlow, 2003). Scholarly literature links juvenile contact with the justice system to the predictable trajectory known as the “school-to-prison pipeline,” whereby youth enter the system via suspension, expulsion, and school arrests (Krezmien et al., 2014; McCarter, 2011; Skiba et al., 2014; Tyner, 2017). Consistently, research shows this process penalizes African American students more frequently and severely than White students (Heitzeg, 2016; Ksinan et al., 2019; Mallett, 2016; McCarter, 2017).
In 2015, African American students represented 15% of public school enrollment nationwide but accounted for approximately 40% of all students receiving out-of-school suspension and 30% of those receiving expulsion (U.S. Department of Education, 2018). Of these students, 31% were referred to law enforcement or arrested in school (U.S. Department of Education, 2018). Compared with those who are not similarly disciplined, these youth are more likely to repeat a grade, drop out, commit a crime, or face incarceration in adulthood (Barnes & Motz, 2018; Curran, 2016; National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 2019; Sweeten, 2006). The differential treatment of Black children in schools is not limited to disciplinary responses. In the United States, a majority of contemporary schools are structured around “tracking” or the placement of students into groups based on perceived readiness or ability to learn (Oakes, 1985). Regardless of ability level, African American children and those from low-income households are overrepresented in lower tracks and underrepresented in higher tracks (Burris & Welner, 2005; Tyson, 2011; Welner & Oakes, 2000). Tracking also contributes to the disproportionality of African American students identified for placement in special education (Cartledge & Dukes, 2008), thereby compounding the risk for suspension or expulsion, as students in special education are also overrepresented in school discipline responses (Justice Policy Institute, 2011).
Due to the structural racism and discriminatory practices in mainstream public schools, studies indicate that youth of color may be more likely to enroll or be placed in alternative education programs to earn a diploma (Carswell et al., 2014; Lea et al., 2020). First established in the 1960s, alternative education began as an initiative for underserved students with needs that were not being met in mainstream classrooms (Carswell et al., 2014; Foley & Pang, 2006; Henrich, 2005). Differing philosophically from mainstream schools, alternative education programs provide focused, individualized instruction in schools that are typically comprised of 200 students or less (Duardo DeNobile, 2009; Foley & Pang, 2006; Goodall, 2019). There is an emphasis on student autonomy as well as a cooperative relationship between students and teachers (Maillet, 2017; McGee & Lin, 2017). According to studies applying critical race theory, alternative education can be a legitimate substitute to fair and equitable education for the youth of color (Farrelly & Daniels, 2014) as well as a vehicle for culturally promotive curriculum and racial identity development (Lea et al., 2020). However, the body of evidence examining alternative education as a means for supporting marginalized students is limited, and additional research is necessary to determine whether alternative education can mitigate the disparities in academic outcomes among the youth of color.
Conceptual Framework
This study is situated within the self-determination theory (SDT) of motivation, which suggests that optimal human functioning is determined by satisfying three basic needs: autonomy, competence, and relatedness (Deci & Ryan, 2000). Autonomy refers to independence in one’s actions or thoughts, competence is the feeling of ability and accomplishment, and relatedness is defined as a connection to others. According to SDT, humans are naturally self-motivated and eager to succeed, and this motivation can be positively or negatively influenced by external sources, such as social and environmental factors (Deci & Ryan, 2000). Applied to an educational setting, this means that students who are engaged, high achieving, and able to learn conceptually do so in part because of the environment fostered by the school (Reeve, 2002).
The ingrained racism of the U.S. public education system discriminates against students of color through various mechanisms, undermining their motivation and attachment to school (Burris & Welner, 2005; Cartledge & Dukes, 2008; Oakes, 1985; Tyson, 2011; U.S. Department of Education, 2018; Welner & Oakes, 2000). In this investigation, the alternative education program is viewed as an environment that can satisfy marginalized students’ basic needs of autonomy, competence, and relatedness, thereby reinforcing their motivation to succeed. Alternative education inherently promotes autonomy and competence by prioritizing individualized instruction to youth, while its emphasis on a cooperative dynamic between students and instructors promotes relatedness. To investigate alternative education as a motivating environment for marginalized youth, this study examines outcomes of a New Orleans–based program for General Educational Diploma (GED) or High School Equivalency Test (HiSET) completion. The study was guided by the following objectives:
identify the demographics and psychosocial history of the program’s students;
assess the student-level outcomes in the all-male classes, particularly in relation to grade-level advancement, GED/HiSET completion, and quality-of-life indicators;
assess whether any educational variables and outcomes differ for students in the all-male class when compared with students of the co-ed class receiving the same program; and
identify any variables associated with GED/HiSET completion and program retention.
Method
Setting
In New Orleans, Louisiana, juveniles comprise 20% of the state’s overall incarcerated delinquent population. Among the New Orleans–based youth in secure delinquent custody, more than 90% are African American males (State of Louisiana, Office of Juvenile Justice, 2020), and they face as high as a 45% likelihood of returning to a secure juvenile facility or adult prison within 3 years of their release (Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, 2014). State data indicate that 11% of Louisiana adolescents ages 16 to 19 are not enrolled in school and have not earned a high school diploma (Annie E. Casey Foundation, 2010). In 2008, only 39% of Louisiana’s African American males graduated from high school. In the city of New Orleans, African American youth are more likely to go to prison than graduate with a high school diploma (Barad & Vaughan, 2013; Louisiana Department of Public Safety and Corrections, 2010; Schott Foundation for Public Education, 2010; U.S. Department of Education, 2008; U.S. Department of Justice, 2011; U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2011).
In 2009, a community-based nonprofit in New Orleans established an alternative education program for individuals ages 16 to 21 who were either not attending or had never finished high school. The program offers GED and HiSET certification and literacy services combined with mentoring, intensive case management, and client-centered supplementary services. Delivered 5 days a week over the course of 18 weeks, the program’s instruction is approved as part of the Louisiana Community and Technical College System (LCTCS). The program offers co-ed and all-male classes, and the instruction and services for these classes are identical, with the exception of two additional components in the all-male classes.
Applying principles from rites of passage literature (Hill, 1992; Warfield-Coppock, 1992), the unique components of the all-male classes included expanded curriculum and mentorship. According to Washington and colleagues (2017), rites of passage programs are culturally centered and emphasize the importance of preserving a group’s heritage. Research of development programs for African American youth finds culturally promotive approaches correlate with improved self-esteem and identity, satisfaction in life, academic resilience, and antidrug behaviors (Lateef, 2021; Lea et al., 2020; Washington et al., 2017). In the present study, the curriculum for the all-male class focused on healthy development from childhood into adulthood. Topics examined prosocial behavior, relationships, financial literacy, entrepreneurship, positive identity, and community connectedness. Each participant in the all-male class was also paired with an adult male mentor referred to as a “youth advocate.” Youth advocates were trained to provide support services, assistance with basic needs, individualized goal setting, and they acted as liaisons with the students’ family members.
Sample
This study examined data from a period of 3 years (2011–2014). The datasets from the study period represent 232 students. Ninety-one percent (211) of the total sample of students were African American, with 36% (n = 83) being African American males assigned to the all-male classroom setting. Analyses are based on data that the program staff obtained from all students enrolled in the program during the 3-year period.
Data Collection and Measures
Data were collected by the alternative education program’s staff as part of their regular intake, assessment, and educational processes. The data collected included demographic information; psychosocial history; records for enrollment, attendance, and retention; pre- and post-test measures of grade level; and quality of life. In 2013–2014, the program also added a systematic follow-up survey to collect data regarding post-program outcomes.
Demographics and psychosocial data were collected from program participants at enrollment. Variables included age, gender, race/ethnicity, parental marital status, sources of income, employment status, and living arrangement. Additional variables were history of mental health conditions, substance abuse, child protective services contact, justice system contact, school discipline, special education placement, and highest grade level completed. Participants were also asked about the source of their referral to the program and reasons for entry. Records for enrollment, attendance, and retention were used to examine outcomes at the program level. Program-level variables examined were hours of classroom instruction; hours of support services from social workers and youth advocates; number of students who entered the program (enrollment); and number of students who re-enrolled in subsequent sessions (retention).
Pre- and post-test measures of student grade level, quality of life, and post-program data were collected to examine outcomes at the student level. The student-level outcomes examined were average advancement in GED/HiSET battery; average grade-level increase; number of students who obtained a GED/HiSET; quality of life as measured by sense of control, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction; number of students who obtained employment post-program; and number of students incarcerated post-program.
Grade-level advancement and GED/HiSET
Measures of student grade level were collected using the Test of Adult Basic Education (TABE), a standardized, psychometrically tested assessment tool. In the United States, the TABE is the most common tool for the measurement of basic academic skills in an adult population. External validations of the TABE tool show it can be used to place adult students at the appropriate level in adult education programs, correctional education, vocational–technical programs, corporate training, union programs, and the military (Data Recognition Corporation, 2019). In the New Orleans program, a pre-test was administered at the beginning of each 18-week session, using the TABE battery in the core subjects of math, language, and reading. Students were retested at the mid-point and end of each 18-week session to assess academic progress as measured by grade-level advancement.
Quality of life
Quality of life as measured by sense of control, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction was assessed using three standardized, externally validated instruments: the Sense of Control Scale (Mirowsky & Ross, 1991), New General Self-Efficacy Scale (Chen et al., 2001), and the Brief Multi-dimensional Student’s Life Satisfaction Scale (Huebner et al., 2004). Evidence links sense of control, self-efficacy, and life satisfaction to educational trajectory. A strong sense of control over one’s life correlates with better academic performance, and it is thought to improve psychological functioning (Mirowsky, 1997). General self-efficacy refers to an individual’s perception of their own capacity to perform, and studies indicate this belief in one’s competence is also related to academic performance (Scherbaum et al., 2006). For youth populations, satisfaction in life is associated with physical and mental health status as well as school engagement and academic outcomes. In particular, greater satisfaction in life predicts a stronger belief in the importance of school (Athay et al., 2012). The sense of control and self-efficacy scales have shown reliability among young adult populations in the United States and internationally (Chen et al., 2001; Wolinsky et al., 2004), and the life satisfaction scale has been proven valid and reliable among a very similar population of high school students in an urban area of a southeastern state (Funk et al., 2006). In the present study, measures for all three quality-of-life indicators were taken at the beginning and end of each 18-week educational session.
Focus groups
In addition to quantitative analysis, two focus groups were conducted to collect qualitative data using an open-ended protocol. The focus groups were cofacilitated by the study evaluator (first author), a graduate research assistant, and an employee of the nonprofit organization who was not affiliated with the alternative education program. The objective for the focus groups was to understand student perceptions of the program and identify strengths, challenges, and opinions regarding student retention, staff support, and the impact the program had in their lives (i.e., school and/or employment). The focus groups were purposive convenience samples of current and former students. Students were invited to participate by the program staff in a proposed group of 8 to 10 students. Each group was allotted 1 hr for the meeting. Participants were informed that it was a voluntary group discussion, and the premise of their participation was described as an opportunity to provide verbal feedback to the program staff and evaluation team that may be used to enhance the program. Participants, or their parent/guardian, signed informed consents prior to participation. The informed consent was reviewed verbally prior to each focus group meeting. Participants were informed that they were free to withdraw from the focus group at any point. No identifying information was linked to participant responses.
The first author routinely visited the alternative education program site during the study period and prior to conducting the focus group interviews. This established a rapport between the first author and the organization’s staff and students that is necessary to facilitate rich, authentic interviews. During the focus group sessions, interview questions were open-ended and structured to elicit in-depth responses from participants. A primary component of focus groups is the interaction and dialogue that occurs between study participants, as this allows researchers to collect rich data that would not emerge using other qualitative methods, such as one-on-one interviews (Flynn et al., 2018). In the present study, the evaluator kept a log of participant responses to interview questions on a flipchart to facilitate dialogue, while the research assistant took extensive notes by hand. Throughout the interviews, the evaluator also used probing questions to prompt further discussion among participants.
Data Management and Analyses
As a state-recognized adult basic education provider, the alternative education program instructors recorded and submitted students’ standardized tests using a state-administered database known as the Literacy, Adult, and Community Education System, or LACE (LiteracyPro Systems, 2019). All other relevant variables, including test scores, were recorded in a separate database maintained by the program staff. A deidentified dataset was provided to the third-party evaluator (first author) for the analyses. Descriptive statistics were used to summarize the demographic and psychosocial characteristics of the students and to illustrate variable frequencies and measures of central tendency. Bivariate analyses were used to examine the strength of association and interrelationships among individual variables, program retention, and GED/HiSET attainment.
Findings
Demographics and Psychosocial History
A total of 232 students’ data were analyzed. Within this sample, 47% (109) of students were female and 53% (123) were male. In all, 91% (211) of the total sample of students were African American, 8.1% (19) were Hispanic, and 1.0% (2) were Native American. Of the overall sample (N = 232), 36% of students (n = 83) were referred to the all-male class. The remaining 149 students in the multiyear analysis were assigned to the co-ed class, which included 109 females and 40 males at varying ratios over the 3-year study period.
Within the all-male class group, the average age was 17.7. The all-male class ages ranged from 15 to 22 at enrollment. Although intended for youth ages 16 to 21, an open-door policy for the nonprofit’s education programs permits enrollment from the youth of all ages. This policy is designed to offset the age restrictions established in traditional public schools, which generally do not allow students older than 18 to re-enroll (Pace, 2018). As illustrated in Table 1, 22% of students in the all-male class (n = 18) reported a history of mental health conditions when asked whether they had ever received a diagnosis from a mental health services provider. A follow-up question for respondents who indicated “Yes” asked for the specific diagnosis or diagnoses; however, these data were not included in the dataset provided to the first author, as they were beyond the scope of the current study’s objectives. Eighteen percent of the students reported issues with substance (drugs or alcohol) abuse (n = 15). Among these students, 66% had been arrested at least once. Of those arrested, 40% were held in detention or jailed. Nineteen (23%) students reported a history of probation supervision. Consistent with national data (U.S. Department of Education, 2018), 70% of the all-male students had been suspended at least once from school and 54% had been expelled. According to national trends, these students are now 3 times more likely to have contact with the justice system (U.S. Department of Education, 2018). Eleven percent (n = 9) of the students reported a history of special education identification or placement while in school. When asked to indicate their highest grade completed, the majority of students reported completing the ninth or 10th grade (53%), followed in rank by seventh or eighth grade (28%), 11th grade (12%), and sixth grade or below (3%). A majority of students (37%) described their participation in the alternative education program as voluntary.
Psychosocial History.
Program-Level Outcomes
Hours of classroom instruction and support services
Based on student attendance during Years 2 and 3 of the program, an average of 190 hr of GED/HiSET instruction was provided to students. Based on attendance records, the students assigned to the all-male class maintained a higher average number of hours of instruction received (190.4 hr) when compared with the co-ed class of students (143.4 hr).
In addition to GED/HiSET instruction every day, during each session’s 18 weeks (4.5 months) of classroom time, the average student received 18 hr of direct instructional support from a paraprofessional; 4.5 hr of individual social work contact from the program coordinator; 18 hr of psychosocial group intervention from supportive services staff; 18 hr of youth advocacy and mentorship; 3 hr of individual social work contact from a social work intern; and 9 hr of individual social work contact.
Enrollment and retention
Student enrollment increased each year of the study period, with 172 students served in the first school year, 183 students in the second, and 232 students in the third school year. In addition to enrollment, retention in the program increased every year of the study. Overall, students enrolling in at least one more session of programming remained above 58% every year; the highest year on record was 73% re-enrollment in 2013. The all-male classes indicate the highest rate of retention historically, with 82% of the students returning for at least one more 18-week session. Bivariate analyses revealed that participants with a history of substance abuse and a history of mental health conditions showed a significant positive association with respect to retention in the program (See Table 2). There were several psychosocial variables that had no significant positive or negative association with retention, including the student’s living arrangement, employment status, source of income, last grade completed, nature of arrest charges, conviction of an adult crime, history of detention or jail, active probation, and parental contextual factors.
Variables Associated With Retention.
Student-Level Outcomes
Grade-level advancement and GED/HiSET
The average student entered with a grade level equivalent of grade 5.27. Eighty-nine percent of students advanced at least one grade level gain in at least one core subject. The average advancement in GED/HiSET battery pre- and post-testing was 1.34 grade levels for students enrolled in the all-male class. During the study period, 19 students from the sample obtained their GED/HiSET. Performing analyses to examine variables associated with the higher likelihood of GED/HiSET attainment revealed only one significant positive association. The highest grade level completed at enrollment, namely, ninth through 11th grade, was highly correlated with GED attainment ( p = .006). Although the other variables were not associated with GED/HiSET attainment, it is worth noting that they had no negative association either.
Quality of life
Among students in the all-male class, the average self-efficacy scores were 32.8, and the average score for the entire alternative education program was 33.12. The average self-efficacy score of 32.8 for the all-male class is considered an “above average” to “high” self-efficacy score when compared with samples of undergraduate youth who report an average score of 31.28 (Scherbaum et al., 2006). On all quality-of-life measures, the results show little to no change pre- and post-test.
Post-program employment and incarceration
In 2013–2014, staff collected data on post-program outcomes. A follow-up survey of youth who completed the program (n = 62) captured employment and incarceration data. In the first follow-up immediately after exiting the program (<30 days), 8% of respondents had full-time employment, 17% of respondents obtained part-time employment, and 75% of respondents were not employed. Forty-two percent had entered post-secondary education, and 92% said they had not been arrested. At the 1-month follow-up, 25% reported full-time employment, 25% reported part-time employment, and 75% had not been arrested since exiting the program.
Focus Groups
Through the use of purposive convenience sampling, two groups of students (n = 9) were invited to participate by the program staff. One of the two groups was comprised of students who were performing well in the program in terms of grade advancement, GED/HiSET attainment, or attendance (n = 4). The other group was comprised of students who had dropped out of the program or had a poor record of attendance (n = 5).
Strengths and challenges
Student responses to focus group discussion of the program strengths focused on the topics of communication, flexibility, and motivation. In particular, students cited the ability to speak one-on-one with their teachers about coursework as a program strength. Regarding flexibility, students reported, “Teachers work with students at their individual learning pace.” Teachers and staff were said to motivate students, give direction, and instill a focus on goals for the future. Group 2 indicated that teachers and staff were also able to help with social and familial problems, acting as “peacekeepers” or “father figures.” In response to the question of challenges or weaknesses of the program, the most common student answers were flexibility and distractions. Although flexibility was also described as a strength by some participants, other students found that this component of the program allowed students to grow too comfortable and fall behind in their class work. Similarly, students reported that the social nature of the program could hinder progress, “Some students see [the program] as a gathering place, or somewhere to go . . . Not a place to study and do class work.” In these instances, students gathering to socialize were described as a distraction to others.
Attendance and retention
When asked to discuss what motivated them to return to the program, all participants indicated that successfully completing the GED/HiSET was their primary motivation. In addition, participants also mentioned receiving feedback on class work, access to resources (i.e., employment, financial aid, resume development, and housing), and the opportunity to learn as motivations to continue attending. Student responses to the question of why they or others stopped attending the program focused on time commitment, lack or loss of motivation, and responsibilities outside of coursework. Specifically, students indicated that GED/HiSET obtainment can be too long a process, resulting in diminished focus. Regarding responsibilities outside the program, family or children and the need to work and pay for necessities were described as the primary reasons for not regularly attending sessions. To motivate students to remain in the program until graduation, participants recommended additional mentoring or outreach as well as more assistance with resume development, job placement, or college enrollment. When asked to describe outreach, the students discussed a need for more involvement from teachers or staff beyond classroom hours, such as “Having teachers look for students at their homes when they miss too many classes.” Other participants suggested incentives, such as free lunches or a daycare center, for participants with children.
Staff and community programming
Participants were asked to identify which additional mentoring or services in the community beyond the program classroom would be most helpful to them. The majority of responses examined employment and outreach. Regarding employment, students shared that it would be helpful to, “Recruit [community partners] that actually have a job to offer.” Outreach by teachers and staff was also noted, with specific reference to the program’s efforts to ensure student attendance. When asked to discuss which staff impacted their decisions to continue working toward goals, the most common responses were the program’s social workers and teachers. The social workers were said to, “Inspire students and help to talk about problems and . . . find solutions,” while teachers were described as being helpful with the understanding and completion of class work. In a discussion of which staff were less impactful, both groups indicated that all teachers and staff have a role in the program and an impact on students.
Discussion
Paradigms of critical race theory argue that race is embedded in every structure that governs American society, and disparities in academic outcomes among African American students are a logical consequence of larger systems of subordination (Dixson & Anderson, 2018; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). In Louisiana, such systems can be detected by the prevalence and severity of disparities among African American children. Although African American children account for 36% of Louisiana’s youth population, they represent nearly half of all children living in poverty in the state (National Center for Children in Poverty, 2016). Among African American students, math and reading scores are approximately 20 points behind that of White students, and African American students are less likely to be selected for gifted programs and advanced placement when compared with White students (National Assessment of Educational Progress, 2019). Furthermore, although African American youth constitute 45% of public school enrollment in Louisiana, they account for 65% of suspensions and 68% of expulsions (U.S. Department of Education, 2018). In New Orleans, the long history of racialized underinvestment in education and policy maneuvering to silence African American voices can be explained in part by the oppressive systems operating at the state level (Dixson et al., 2014, 2016; Henry & Dixson, 2016).
The results of this study offer initial evidence that an alternative education program can generate positive academic outcomes for marginalized students, including retention, advancement in grade level, and GED/HiSET attainment. At enrollment, a majority of participating students reported no higher than an eighth- to 10th-grade education, scored below sixth grade on the GED/HiSET battery, and were unemployed. Consistent with earlier studies that indicate underrepresented groups of youth may be more likely to enroll or be placed in alternative education due to differential treatment in mainstream settings (Carswell et al., 2014; Lea et al., 2020; Phillippi et al., 2020), a majority of participants were young men of color with histories of exclusion from school. Participants also reported histories of academic failure, substance abuse, mental health conditions, child protection custody, and justice system contact. The majority of students entered the program voluntarily to obtain their GED/HiSET, which differs from the findings of other studies of alternative education. According to estimates from the National Center for Education Statistics in 2010, school districts reported that the placement of youth in alternative settings were based to a moderate or large extent on the recommendations of regular school staff or a committee of teachers, administrators, and counselors (Carver et al., 2010).
There was little to no change in the pre- and post-tests for quality of life. This may be due to methodological error in repeated measures (i.e., too little time or program dose between measurement). It is also possible that students had high scores of self-efficacy upon enrollment given that the majority of them entered the program voluntarily. Furthermore, sampling is necessary to make final determinations. However, matched to national trends, the 32.8 all-male class student score is an “above average” to “high” self-efficacy score when compared with college undergraduate samples that indicate an average score of 31.28 (Scherbaum et al., 2006). This finding is crucial, as self-efficacy is important to educational attainment (Zimmerman, 2000).
For marginalized youth, mentorship may motivate the pursuit of education. In the present study, both mentorship and the goal of obtaining a GED/HiSET were cited by students as the motivation for remaining in the program. In 2002, a meta-analysis of 55 studies showed that evidence-based mentoring programs were of particular benefit to disadvantaged youth (DuBois et al., 2002). Research of student perspectives in alternative settings has also emphasized the importance of positive relationships with school-based adults (Lagana-Riordan et al., 2011; Lea et al., 2020; Zolkoski et al., 2016). Although the present study did not focus solely on mentorship, the results suggest that investigation of the mentoring role in student retention and outcomes is warranted.
There are limitations to this study. The findings cannot be generalized due to a lack of randomization as well as the study’s small overall sample size (N = 232). It is possible the sample is not representative of the general population of youth who are not attending or have never finished high school, as it was comprised primarily of students who entered the program voluntarily. Results may differ among samples that include more or only mandated youth in alternative education. In 2013–2014, the program added a follow-up survey to collect post-program data. These data are preliminary, as the response rate to the survey was 27%, and it is possible the data collected were not representative of the whole population of youth who completed the program. The bivariate analysis further limits the interpretation of the findings, as this method examines whether relationships exist, and it does not provide an explanation for associations between two variables. Finally, qualitative data were collected through purposive sampling, which limits the generalizability of the findings from the focus groups.
Conclusion
The results of this study suggest that alternative education can generate positive academic outcomes among a disenfranchised sample of youth, and it offers a framework for replication to other programs serving similar populations. The findings specifically show improved outcomes among a sample of African American males in the city of New Orleans, who may be at higher risk for factors associated with disparate academic outcomes, including disproportionate rates of arrest, substance abuse, unemployment, exposure to violence, and exclusion from school (Justice Policy Institute, 2011; U.S. Department of Education, 2018; U.S. Department of Justice, 2011; U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2011).
School policies associated with student marginalization or exclusion have been proven counterproductive not only insofar as they decrease the likelihood of graduation, but they also diminish students’ likelihood of employment, enrollment in college, and increase the risk of justice system contact (Children’s Defense Fund, 2009; Justice Policy Institute, 2011). Alternative education may represent a constructive approach to counteract marginalization experienced by African American students. Philosophically unique from mainstream schools, alternative education programs are affirming environments with expansive visions of education that promote autonomy, competence, and relatedness. However, empirical research of alternative education remains limited, and further investigation is necessary to determine whether and how it can be used to prevent or mitigate the disparities in academic outcomes among oppressed youth.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
