Abstract
Women's agency in resisting violence and control within intimate relationships manifests in diverse forms, shaped by various social divisions and the socio-cultural contexts in which gender relations evolve. This research explores first-generation young Iranian immigrant women's responses to violence and control within their dating relationships in Canada. Employing an intersectional analysis, it delves into the multifaceted agency demonstrated by these women when confronting dating violence (DV). By contextualizing their agency within Collins's matrix of oppression, the study unveils how systems of oppression interlock to shape their agency. The findings underscored the substantial agency displayed by young women in asserting their self-determination and self-definition. This was evident in their ability to recognize the aggressor's controlling behaviors within their relationships and their outspoken critique of the deeply entrenched patriarchal and gendered norms prevailing in the dominant discourse within the Iranian community. The results underscore the pressing need for culturally sensitive interventions and education programs that move beyond mere DV awareness.
Research into intimate partner violence (IPV) has revealed that women who have been subjected to IPV employ various strategies to confront violence within their intimate relationships (Herrera & Agoff, 2018; Sokoloff & Dupont, 2010; Yount, 2011). In such circumstances, women don’t merely endure violence passively; rather, they actively resist it, engage in negotiations with the aggressor, or utilize coping mechanisms to address IPV, even if they do not inform the police or leave the relationship (Herrera & Agoff, 2018; Sokoloff & Dupont, 2010). Drawing from the existing literature on women's responses to IPV, the prevailing understanding of women's agency is primarily characterized by two primary actions: seeking support through formal or informal resources and making the decision to leave violent relationships (see, e.g. Abraham, 2005; Kim & Lee, 2011; McCleary-Sills et al., 2016).
However, some studies indicate that women who find themselves entrapped in a relationship due to their partner's controlling and violent behaviors utilize a range of overt and covert strategies and agency to regain their dignity and freedom (Hayes, 2013, Rajah, 2007; Stark, 2007). The concept of agency has undergone various examinations and conceptualizations from varying perspectives. This study will adopt Collins's definition, which defines agency as “an individual's determination to define and determine themselves” (Collins, 2015, p. 298) while considering the influence of social and structural constraints. Indeed, multiple forms of agency emerge within the intricate interplay of various systems of oppression and the specific contextual dynamics that underlie gender relationships (Campbell & Mannell, 2016; Herrera & Agoff, 2018).
Given the global prevalence of dating violence (DV), characterized by control and coercion among young women, particularly in their twenties (see, e.g. Conroy & Crowley, 2021; Øverlien et al., 2020), this article examines the responses of young women when confronted with DV. It explores the unique experiences faced by survivors within the complex interplay of social, familial, and financial constraints, shaped by various systems of oppression in the migratory context. Taking an intersectional feminist approach, this study was undertaken to investigate the agency exhibited by first-generation young Iranian immigrant women in Canada in response to DV. To delve deeper, it draws upon Collins's (2002, 2018) framework of agency in a matrix of domination and specifically highlights Stark's (2007) concept of “safety zones” within the context of coercive control.
Intersectional Feminist Framework
Conducted within an intersectional feminist framework, this research was firmly grounded in Collins's intersectional theory and a socio-structural perspective. Intersectionality can provide insight into both cultural and social structures constraints in a given socio-historical context as well as subjectivity's agency (such as self-determination and self-definition) (Collins, 2002, 2015). By challenging the primacy of gender, it unveils the intricate interplay of various categories of social division, including but not limited to class, race, gender, ethnicity, culture, religion, and immigration, in shaping social inequalities (Collins & Bilge, 2016). To thoroughly analyze the various interconnected oppressions within society, Collins introduced the concept of the matrix of domination (Collins, 2002), which stands in contrast to an additive model that merely combines categories of social divisions with gender. The matrix of domination functions via four interconnected domains of power (structural, disciplinary, cultural, and interpersonal), with none of these domains taking precedence over the others (Collins & Bilge, 2016). It emphasizes the interconnectedness of distinct systems of oppression within a broader structure of dominance. Consequently, social divisions are not independent but rather interlinked, shaping marginalized individuals’ experiences within a given socio-historical context (Collins, 2002; Collins & Bilge, 2016).
Although intersectional feminism has primarily focused on structural aspects, recent research has placed individuals and their specificities at the center of analysis (see, e.g. Bilge, 2015; Lassalle & Shaw, 2021). These scholars have underscored that the aim of intersectional feminism goes beyond merely examining power dynamics; it also involves delving into and comprehending the multiple intersecting structures that affect specific populations and individuals (Lassalle & Shaw, 2021). These structures, in turn, constrain their agency within various contexts, shaping their lives and activities (Hancock, 2007). While domains of power restrict or limit certain groups’ access to societal resources, including immigrant women (Collins, 2015, p. 299), it is essential not to reduce them to mere victims of their culture or society. Instead, they should be acknowledged for their agency (Collins, 2018). Essentially, as Collins (2006) suggests, women can resist hegemony and demonstrate their agency by seizing opportunities for self-definition and self-determination within the cultural and interpersonal domains. This is particularly crucial as the structural and disciplinary domains tend to be resistant to change. In this regard, one of Collins's notable contributions is the concept of the “controlling image,” which serves as a vital framework for “crafting resistant knowledge” (Collins, 2018, p. 78). As she eloquently puts it, “Controlling images can be part of relations of rule when people accept social relations, but they can also be part of relations of resistance when people refuse to stay in their assigned places” (Collins, 2019, p. 323). Given the context discussed above, this study provides a comprehensive analysis that considers the effects of multiple axes of social division within interlocking systems of oppression in young women's adopted strategies to deal with violence and control in their relationships.
Women's Agency in Violent Intimate Relationship Dynamics
Research on the process of leaving an intimate relationship emerged from a feminist perspective in the mid-1970s (Anderson & Saunders, 2003). It emphasized women's agency and empowerment, shedding light on the various strategies survivors employed while actively making decisions regarding their relationships (Barrios et al., 2021; Goodman et al., 2016). However, passivity is most often the dominant discourse associated with IPV in society (Hayes, 2013; Hume & Wilding, 2020; Wood et al., 2019). Prior research on women experiencing IPV has shown that resistance in such situations is influenced by the partner's behavior, ranging from controlling to physical violence as well as the relationship history (Hayes, 2013; Ozturk, 2020; Rajah & Osborn, 2022). As Hayes (2013) asserts, women's strategies to resist IPV become more discernible when physical violence is reframed not as an isolated incident but rather as a spectrum of controlling and violent behaviors.
In this way, researchers have shed light on women's agencies in violent relationships by highlighting the strategies they employ in attempting to regain their freedom (Abraham, 2005; Rajah & Osborn, 2022; Stark, 2007). For instance, Stark (2007) reveals that women in violent relationships create “safety zones” to maintain their sense of self. These safety zones manifest as concrete spaces and may evolve into abstract concepts as the aggressor's control extends further. These zones serve various purposes, including ensuring autonomy, planning resistance, and regaining control and self-respect. Safety zones enable women to reclaim their lost voices and subjects. Stark (2007) defines concrete zones as “literal physical spaces” (such as home, work, or school) that can provide support or resources for women to escape, as well as “relationships” that the perpetrator cannot control (such as friends, family members, colleagues, and service providers) (p. 216). In his work, abstract zones are defined as encompassing covert forms of resistance, such as diary-keeping, cherishing meaningful objects, or not eating to save money (p. 216).
Moreover, similar to the control tactics employed by aggressors, resistance strategies may vary depending on women's social positions, such as race, gender, culture, religion, and immigration status (Hayes, 2013; Sokoloff, 2008; Tyson, 2020). In this sense, cultural and social context, individual capacity, access to support resources, and severity of violence may contribute to comprehending IPV resistance strategies (Chronister et al., 2014; Oyewuwo-Gassikia, 2017).
Strategies of Young Women in Dating Violence Relationships
The predominant focus in research on strategies employed by young women in dating relationships revolves around coping strategies (see, e.g. Gilbert et al., 2023; Shen, 2014) as well as seeking help both informal (such as family and friends) and formal (including medical care and law enforcement) (see, e.g. López-Cepero Borrego et al., 2021; Martin et al., 2012; Sabina & Ho, 2014). According to the literature, while some young women in the context of DV seek these aids based on their needs, others refrain from doing so (Jennings et al., 2017; López-Cepero Borrego et al., 2021; Martin et al., 2012). Numerous studies have underscored that young women in the context of DV may encounter unfavorable responses when reaching out for assistance. These reactions may encompass judgment, exaggerated responses, disrespect, and advice advocating the termination of the relationship (Martin et al., 2012; Martsolf et al., 2012; McKenzie et al., 2020). It has also been relatively well-established that young immigrant women victims of DV, especially in a racial minority context, tend to seek help less often (Couture-Carron, 2020; Mayeda et al., 2019). Specifically, due to family honor and gender inequalities, young immigrants from Asian countries have experienced feelings of shame in the help-seeking process, as well as facing the risk of additional violence from their partners, families, and communities (Couture-Carron, 2020).
This study seeks to fill a gap in qualitative data by investigating the strategies employed by the first-generation young Iranian immigrant women facing DV within various interlocking systems of oppression that shape their agency. Previous studies on DV among young immigrant women from Muslim countries did not address the agency of young women in the context of control and coercion exerted by aggressors (Couture-Carron, 2020; Mayeda et al., 2019; Ragavan et al., 2021). In this way, a holistic and accurate depiction of young women's experience of DV has not been provided. Furthermore, the overemphasis on gender and, at times, social inequalities by researchers can reinforce passive perceptions of young immigrant women (Barrios et al., 2021; Bhana & Anderson, 2013). The objective of this study, therefore, is to enrich the literature on DV among young Iranian immigrant women and to enhance the profound understanding of the strategies they employ within constrained social contexts by adopting an intersectional feminist approach to agency.
Methods
In this qualitative study, research objectives were addressed using semi-structured interviews. Between February and August 2019, this study was carried out in three Canadian urban centers (Montreal, Ottawa, and Toronto) after obtaining ethical approval from the University of Ottawa's Research Ethics and Integrity Committee. In this research, non-probability mixed sampling techniques, specifically voluntary and snowball sampling, were employed. Recruitment commenced with community organizations, including women's centers and faith-based communities, and subsequently extended to popular social media platforms among the Iranian community such as Facebook, Instagram, and Telegram for the second phase. Given the voluntary nature of the study, the initial participants were invited to provide the researcher's contact information to other young women who had experienced DV and were willing to share their experiences. A semi-structured interview format was crafted to explore participants’ encounters with DV, enabling the interviewer to adapt to any additional questions or insights that might emerge during the interview process. The interviews, conducted in Persian, varied in duration, lasting between 60 and 90 minutes, and were scheduled at a time and location convenient for each participant. It placed a central emphasis on participants’ agencies and explored a wide range of their strategies to address DV, considering the cultural, social, religious, personal, and immigration contexts that affected their agency.
Participants
The study examined 17 self-identified first-generation young Iranian immigrant women aged 16 to 29, who had experienced DV in the last 5 years and subsequently left their abusive partners. On average, they were 22 years old and had lived in Canada for about 5.5 years (between 2010 and 2018). The participants consisted of three college students, eight university students (namely one bachelor's student, six master's students, and one doctoral student), and one high school student. Relationship lengths with former partners ranged from 4 months to 5 years, and their former partners were aged between 17 and 35 years (with an average age of 25) at the onset of their intimate relationship. In the public sphere, none of the participants wore hijabs. Nevertheless, six participants self-identified as non-practicing followers of Islam, while the remaining participants indicated that they had abandoned their Islamic beliefs since arriving in Canada. Among the latter group, seven mentioned coming from religious families who practiced Islam, and they experienced societal and familial expectations to adhere to the religion while residing in Iran. The majority of participants identified as heterosexual, while two identified as bisexual.
Data Analysis
The data analysis was conducted through an intersectional feminist lens, employing Braun and Clarke's (2019) reflexive thematic analysis framework. After familiarization with the data through reading and transcription, two levels of coding were applied, namely deductive/inductive and semantic/latent. Semantic coding involved the identification of themes based on the direct communication and expression of participants, while latent themes were uncovered by delving into deeper, underlying concepts. Following the creation and development of various codes and themes, they were continuously refined in an iterative and recursive process (Braun & Clarke, 2019). In this research, an integral aspect of my thesis, a significant emphasis was placed on upholding researcher reflexivity. I remained committed to consistently acknowledging that my nationality, my understanding of the Islamic religion, and my familiarity with Iranian culture might potentially influence both my rapport with the participants and the subsequent analysis. My paramount objective throughout this research was to enrich my understanding of their experiences by actively engaging with and attentively listening to their viewpoints. It is essential to emphasize that this paper presents a subset of data from my broader qualitative thesis research on DV among first-generation young Iranian immigrant women in Canada.
Results
The results demonstrated that participants in this study exhibited their agency in confronting the control and violence exerted by the aggressors through the following strategies: avoidance strategy, resistance strategy, help-seeking, identification, and critique of patriarchal discourse, and ultimately leaving the relationship.
Avoidance Strategies
Several participants resisted DV either by temporarily withdrawing from the aggressor's presence by creating a “safety zone” (Stark, 2007) to avoid victimization or by taking proactive measures to reduce or limit the likelihood of their partner's initiation of aggression. Some participants expressed that they had to minimize their contact with their friends to prevent their partner from initiating violence. Some participants living with their partners utilized “literal physical spaces,” such as their school or their rooms, as safety zones. These spaces allowed them to temporarily distance themselves from the aggressor, reducing the likelihood of further violence. They also turned to listening to music in these spaces as an additional measure to reduce stress and enhance their sense of safety: When my partner started yelling, I wanted to get him to stop yelling at me, so I would go into the bedroom and listen to some music on headphones. This way I kind of reduced my stress and protected myself from him getting angrier and hitting me. (P11, 21 years)
Some participants may adopt avoidance strategies by pretending to be asleep, remaining silent, or apologizing to aggressors. For instance, one participant refrained from engaging in arguments with her partner out of concern that it might exacerbate verbal and emotional violence, potentially leading to physical violence: “I didn’t want to argue with him because… I was afraid that he would insult me and further humiliate me or even beat me” (P16, 24 years). While the expectation for young women to remain silent about DV is rooted in a patriarchal culture, silence has acquired a new dimension and significance for them. They employ it as a strategy to mitigate DV, effectively challenging this gender stereotype by utilizing silence as a tool, thereby redefining, and reshaping its conventional meaning imposed by the patriarchal culture.
It is worth noting that certain participants experienced feelings of guilt and self-blame for their silence and for staying in the relationship during its early stages, despite their intention to prevent the escalation of violence: “I thought I must be silent in front of what he said to me… This silence made me feel good, … but I should have ended my relationship … or I should have said no again and louder” (P1, 21 years). In addition, some participants turned to websites and other relevant sources to identify which behaviors could exacerbate controlling and violent tendencies in their partners, aiming to minimize these behaviors. Briefly, the results pointed out that participants intended to employ more avoidance strategies while still within the relationship, managing the violence without immediate plans to end the relationship.
Resistance Strategies
Overt refusals to comply with an aggressor's demands, as well as attempts to terminate violence aimed at strengthening participants’ sense of agency and control, can all be considered resistance strategies. Participants deployed resistance strategies when their partner escalated control to deprive them of their freedom. In this context, alongside defying their partner's desires or disregarding established rules, they actively opposed their partner's wishes: “I listened to him and dressed according to his wishes… after a few months, I did what I wanted; I wore the clothes I wanted. He wanted to control me at every moment. It made us argue more” (P10, 20 years).
Moreover, several participants described various forms of resistance, such as refusing phone calls or text messages and declining to participate in sexual activities as a means of non-compliance with the demands imposed by aggressors. They detailed how engaging in these resistance strategies impacted their self-perception, altered the frequency of violence, and changed the nature of the violence they encountered in their relationships: “I felt obliged to engage in sexual activity whenever he desired. My attempts to assert control over our intimate life backfired, intensifying his behavior. Each day, I contemplated escaping the emotional prison he had created” (P6, 22 years). Participants’ resistance strategies challenged traditional feminine gender roles, which were instilled by their families and reinforced by the patriarchal Iranian culture. Instead of conforming to the expected image of women as self-sacrificing and compliant with their partners’ desires, these young women sought to redefine themselves. However, aggressors usually retain gender stereotypes, deploying them as instruments to augment their power and dominance over their partners.
Another strategy employed by the participants was to threaten or attempt to terminate the relationship. This approach often entailed issuing ultimatums, which were employed repeatedly before ultimately ending the relationship. These ultimatums typically involved the explicit threat of leaving their partner unless the aggressor ceased their violent behavior: “I told him, either you change your behavior, or I can’t continue with this relationship. I even gave him a month to make those changes… during that month, he just intensified his control over me” (P9, 25 years). The threat of leaving, while not always leading to relationship termination, served as a means for participants to assert their agency and address power imbalances temporarily. These efforts often escalated the violence and control exerted by aggressors and yielded only short-term results.
In the context of resistance strategies, it is crucial to explore the nuanced challenges faced by young Iranian women, particularly in relation to the concept of “geyrati.” This cultural notion, deeply ingrained in Iranian society, signifies a man's inclination to exert control over female family members or his partner, often motivated by a desire to shield them from unwanted sexual attention. It can occasionally be misinterpreted as an expression of love, blurring the distinction between a genuinely caring partner who respects boundaries and one who exerts control under the guise of protection. Such a misconception may inadvertently justify invasive and possessive actions, including continuous monitoring. Understanding the impact of “geyrati” is essential as it illuminates the complexities influencing perceptions of control within relationships. This cultural background is crucial for interpreting the findings, which revealed that aggressors utilized coercive control strategies such as isolation, surveillance, monitoring, or reprimands to discourage resistance and maintain dominance over young women: Sometimes I blamed myself for his behavior and then I thought he was “geyrati.” I had lost the ability to distinguish. He wanted complete control over me anywhere at any time… If I stood up to him, he would resort to his forms of punishment, exercising greater control over me under the pretext of “geyrat.” (P7, 21 years)
Help-Seeking
Some participants created “safety zones” through their relationships with friends and family, or by seeking formal help to obtain emotional support and find solutions to address and mitigate DV both during and after their relationships. They utilized formal support from professionals like psychologists or university health services. Friends were often relied upon for immediate needs and emotional support during and after the relationship ended.
Seeking Informal Help and Dominant Gendered Discourse
Many participants refrained from seeking informal assistance from their friends; as young women involved in intimate and sexual relationships frequently experience community judgments and rumors influenced by gender stereotypes, which can tarnish the family honor. Nevertheless, some participants described that their friends did provide support in dealing with controlling and violent partners, aiding them in making informed decisions throughout various stages of their relationships. However, it's worth noting that seeking emotional support from friends didn’t always yield the anticipated results. Three participants mentioned that their friends placed blame on them, as they believed they had opted to sustain and endure a violent relationship, as one participant conveyed in the following excerpt: My friend told me: “The first time he forced you to have sex, you should have ended the relationship, and I believe you are to blame as well. How did you agree to continue this relationship? I wouldn’t answer his phone if I were you”. (P8, 17 years)
Furthermore, out of the participants, only three individuals disclosed the violence they endured both during and after their relationships with their families. This decision was influenced by their apprehension about their families’ reactions, primarily stemming from concerns about revealing their sexual activity and the fact that their families were unaware of their relationships. Remarkably, just one participant characterized her family as a source of emotional support during this challenging period. The remaining two participants encountered an attempt to rationalize and normalize DV by labeling it as “geyrati.” The participants were encouraged to continue their relationships despite the violence and control. For example, one participant's sister advised, “You need to change your behavior, and all men have controlling tendencies; he's just ‘geyrati.’ It was your fault if he reacted strongly to your actions or had relationships with other girls” (P5, 23 years). Her sister consistently urged her to remain in a relationship with her ex.
Barriers to Accessing Formal Support Services
While some participants sought formal help, others were unaware of available services in Canada for victims of DV, particularly during emergencies. They noted that their universities or colleges did not provide information on resources for young women in DV. Consequently, due to a lack of awareness of formal resources for help-seeking, they turned to both the university campus health services and psychologists external to the university. After the breakup, two participants sought campus health services, but they received an inadequate response. For instance, one participant called the university health center to explain her situation of DV, but she was referred to a general practitioner with an appointment scheduled several weeks later: “After the breakup, I experienced suicidal thoughts, depression, and a week of loss of appetite… The university health center told me to contact a general practitioner, who informed me that there were no available appointments until the following month” (P1, 21 years).
Another participant also attempted to contact the campus emergency service for psychological emergencies, but she was informed that they did not provide services for this type of emergency and directed her to a general practitioner. In addition, two participants who sought help from psychologists before and after ending their intimate relationships expressed that they had not received appropriate intervention and adequate support. A psychologist offered a participant a suggestion that did not consider the context of DV, as well as the cultural and familial aspects of her situation: I visited a Canadian psychologist and explained that my boyfriend forced me to have sex… I also shared that engaging in sex goes against my cultural and family values. The psychologist advised me that I should only have sex when I feel ready and should talk with my boyfriend. The psychologist did not understand my position at all. (P14, 20 years)
Indeed, while she sought greater autonomy in personal and sexual decisions, this participant also desired to generally remain integrated within her family. In other cases, one participant's experience with a psychologist illustrates that not only did the psychologist seem to lack knowledge regarding DV, but also conveyed a discourse that favored the perpetrator while placing blame on the victim: “This psychologist repeated exactly the words of my ex who told me that it was always my fault… I had been trying to get rid of this blame for a long time” (P1, 21 years).
Unveiling and Resisting Gender Stereotypes Through Critiques of Patriarchal Discourse
Participants recognized the impact of patriarchal culture and religion on their experiences of violence. They both implicitly and explicitly conveyed that the patriarchal discourse had led them to either stay in a violent relationship or hesitate to terminate it at certain times. In this context, one participant attributes her partner's behaviors and beliefs to the patriarchal culture and religion: “My ex held a firm belief in the inherent superiority of men and viewed women as less wise, less capable of judgment, and less responsible… These notions were rooted in patriarchal cultural and religious influences” (P17, 25 years).
Similarly, another participant expressed that she stayed in a violent relationship for three years due to the normalization of violence and control in the environment in which she grew up: I think maybe it's because I grew up with the belief that this is just what life is and all men are like that, and you have to toughen up and endure such a violent situation. My grandmother always said, “The fights between a couple are the salt of life.” (P1, 21 years)
This participant noted a well-known Iranian proverb that rationalizes and normalizes violence within intimate relationships. It further underscores the cultural pressure on women to prioritize family unity, even in the face of male violence, and to make sacrifices for their well-being.
The participants’ narratives revealed their resistance to the prevailing discourse surrounding an ideal partner, often characterized by stereotypical gender norms like “geyrati.” This narrative tends to mask violent behaviors and heighten the risk of DV by perpetuating traditional patriarchal male roles: He was constantly by my side as if I couldn’t go anywhere or talk to anyone without his presence. I thought he was just very “geyrati” … After a while, I realized that his controlling behavior was excessive, I couldn’t do anything without his permission. (P17, 25 years)
Moreover, participants displayed resilience in challenging the entrenched feminine gender roles such as “good girl” (referred to as “khanum”). This concept encompassed various dimensions, including adhering to modest attire and behavior, abstaining from premarital sexual relations, and marrying at a young age, all while nurturing the fear of remaining unmarried: In the eyes of Iranian society, I felt like I had surpassed the typical age for marriage, and I was seen as not conforming to the traditional expectations of being a “good girl.” The community and my family would repeatedly emphasize the shame of being single, with comments like, “There must be something wrong if you can’t find a spouse.” But as time went on and I read more about women's rights, I came to realize that I only wanted to marry to silence the judgment of people around me. (P2, 29 years)
The findings indicated that due to their partner's controlling behavior as well as gender expectations instilled by the dominant discourse, the participants were prompted to acquire information online about women's rights, the definition, and the repercussions of DV. The obtained information enabled them to recognize that they were indeed facing DV and empowered them to decide to leave their violent relationships, as one participant explained in the following extract: When I was in Iran, women's issues and their rights always caught my attention. When I got into a relationship with my ex, his behavior really made me start thinking about my rights and the control he had over me. I can say that the books and articles I found online, and sometimes even on Facebook, played a huge role in helping me understand the extent of violence in the relationship and ultimately ending it. (P3, 24 years)
Leaving the Relationship
In response to the persistent and intensifying patterns of coercive behavior exhibited by their partners, the participants opted to leave their relationships. The participants explicitly cited the following reasons for terminating their relationships: the recognition of the experienced violence, the escalation of violence, and the establishment of financial and emotional support.
Each participant employed the leaving strategy within a unique context and at varying times. The primary reasons included identifying their partner's behaviors, especially controlling behaviors, as violent. Notably, most participants decided to terminate their relationships due to the escalation of violence, particularly emotional and sexual types, illustrating the challenging nature of leaving a violent relationship: “I didn’t think that if he hurt me psychologically, it meant violence… I told myself that at least I didn’t experience any serious physical violence. I thought that victims of violence had to have bruises and black eyes” (P1, 21 years). Indeed, cultural discourses linking victimhood mainly to severe physical violence led participants to doubt the gravity of the violence and control. These discourses shaped young women's perspectives on relationship dynamics and their definitions of a violent partner, affecting their decision-making at various relationship stages.
Establishing a financial and emotional support network empowered three participants, affording them a pathway to reclaim agency and autonomy in their lives. Notably, key determinants, such as securing income and independent housing, emerged as crucial factors that significantly facilitated their capacity to leave their relationships: I found myself in a situation where I was on my own and uncertain about how to look after myself… I felt like I had nowhere else to turn. I owe my life to a woman who, after hearing my story, offered me temporary accommodation in her home, which provided me with the opportunity to find a job. (P11, 21 years)
Indeed, these participants felt trapped in their relationship due to the lack of financial and emotional support caused by immigration. In this regard, building a support network has been considered an act of agency toward DV.
Discussion
This study highlighted remarkable instances of young women's agency to create safety zones facing DV and cultural and religious constraints, despite the prevailing control exerted by their partners and their families and communities to preserve gender stereotypes. In alignment with the fundamental premise of intersectional feminism, which posits that male violence and domination affect women differently, agency manifests diversely. This variance is contingent upon diverse social divisions and the socio-cultural context in which gender relationships unfold (Campbell & Mannell, 2016; Herrera & Agoff, 2018). According to Collins, the structural and disciplinary domains are generally resistant to change while negotiation can occur in the cultural and interpersonal domains located in the interstices of the structure (Collins, 2002, 2006). The spaces in which women can find fissures with which to recast and resist hegemony are also where they can envision individual action (Collins, 2002, 2018).
In the interpersonal domain, the collected data highlighted that the various forms of strategies can range from avoidance to confrontation with the aggressor, passing from more abstract strategies to more concrete ones, as discussed by Stark (2007). The participants attempted to “exercise control in the context of no control” (p. 216). These strategies were deemed the most effective, as they were evaluated by young women based on their realistic assessments of the opportunities and constraints in their daily lives, influenced by various social divisions. These strategies also exhibited variability, dependent on the circumstances and various stages within the relationship. These stages encompassed the initial onset of violence in a relationship, the aspiration to end the violence and return to nonviolent phases, the persistence of violence by the aggressor, and the escalation of violence. It is worth noting that when the participants attempted to reclaim their lost autonomy, their partners intensified their tactics of violence and control.
Nevertheless, certain participants in this study expressed feelings of guilt for not terminating the relationship when they initially encountered DV. This underscores the intricate nature of DV occurrences and the strategies employed by aggressors, which vary depending on the circumstances. This complexity is a result of the intersection of various systems of oppression in shaping, perpetuating, and reinforcing prevailing discourses surrounding women who have experienced violence and the perceived ease with which they can leave a violent partner.
In the cultural domain, according to Collins and Bilge (2016), to comprehend people's agency, it is essential to examine “how people critique the ideas or thoughts that uphold a given social order and imagine alternatives to it” (p. 194). In this light, young women referred to the dominant male gender structures that sometimes restricted their agency in the relationship, they sharply criticized the controlling behaviors of young men as well as the contradictions in the sexual double standard in the dominant discourse. In this way, they identified the cultural constraints contributing to their subjugation and sought to eliminate them and regain their freedom. They challenged sexist inequalities related to controlling images such as “being a good girl,” and “being geyrati,” which were perceived as positive gender characteristics, and achieved emancipation through their reactions. In other words, the young women in this study expressed their agency and resisted stereotypical definitions of gender, actively attempting to redefine these stereotypes while being very attentive to the family honor that limited their agency.
Moreover, knowledge is a vitally important part of the social relations of domination and resistance (Collins, 2015). In this sense, members of subordinated groups are compelled to replace their ways of knowing with those of the dominant group through the matrix of domination (Collins, 2018). In this study, some young women reevaluate the definitions they have encountered through online resources, such as various websites, Facebook, and articles, concerning DV and women's rights. They juxtapose these definitions with the prevailing cultural understanding of violence in intimate relationships within the Iranian community. Young women undergo a transformative process as they critically assess and, at times, reject elements of cultural or institutional knowledge that perpetuate objectification and dehumanization. This process of critical reevaluation and resistance contributes to their empowerment (Collins, 2015), as it allows them to redefine their roles and resist stereotypical definitions of gender while remaining sensitive to the family honor that often constrains their agency.
Regarding the disciplinary domain, it is crucial to consider institutional management, which can perpetuate systemic manifestations of oppression (Collins & Bilge, 2016). This study, inspired by Chbat et al. (2014), focuses on the interactions between young immigrant women and professionals, including psychologists and campus healthcare providers. The results have highlighted a lack of consideration for the specific experiences of participants in the context of DV. Psychologies have overlooked crucial and culturally relevant aspects related to their culture, religion, and nationality, leading to inappropriate interventions and gaps in understanding DV. Additionally, participants noted that when they sought assistance from university campus healthcare services, they were referred to a physician to address their health problems despite experiencing violence. They received care primarily focused on the consequences of the violence rather than addressing the DV. Consequently, the participants experienced feelings of being unrecognized, unheard, and misunderstood, which deepened their sense of entrapment within violent relationships, leaving them isolated and without sufficient support. This also heightened their mistrust of healthcare professionals. Previous research has highlighted how the complexity and inaccessibility of the healthcare system often impede immigrant women's access to formal and appropriate assistance in addressing IPV (Dastjerdi, 2012; Thomson et al., 2015).
The structural domain involves the establishment of structures and policies that generate and perpetuate social inequalities (Collins, 2002). It can encompass policies related to immigration and immigration status (Chbat et al., 2014). However, since all the participants were permanent residents or Canadian citizens, they did not face the same obstacles documented in other research on immigrant women experiencing IPV (Chbat et al., 2014; Harper, 2012). In this study, participants faced barriers in accessing support services for DV. These barriers were primarily due to a lack of awareness about available formal services and resources to address DV, similar to Couture-Carron's (2020) findings. Thus, the underutilization of resources by young women could be seen as a part of the inefficiency or absence of DV prevention programs offered by universities and colleges for immigrant young women. In this regard, the lack of awareness and available information can be seen as a structural and institutional barrier that hinders immigrant women from accessing crucial resources to protect themselves and address their financial requirements in cases of DV.
Implications
This study provides direct information and valuable insights into young Iranian immigrant women and emphasizes the complexity of their agency to DV, influenced by historical, cultural, and religious norms. It calls for a culturally sensitive and holistic approach to DV prevention and intervention within this specific group. To address the multifaceted nature of the response to DV in this context, education programs should move beyond mere DV awareness to address the intricate dimensions of DV in the context of immigration and cultural or religious norms. Equipping young Iranian women, as well as professionals, educators, and community members, with the knowledge and skills to navigate these multifaceted challenges enhances their agency and empowerment, fostering more effective interventions. Furthermore, the analysis highlights the significant role of cultural gender constructs in shaping young women's strategies when facing DV. While these cultural values and norms may not exert uniform influence across all young Iranian women's experiences, it is crucial for support service providers, whether in healthcare or social services, to grasp the nuances of these constructs. This awareness informs the development of tailored education and support programs, promising more favorable outcomes for young Iranian women navigating the complex terrain of DV within their cultural and immigration contexts.
To shed more light on the conditions under which young women implement these various strategies, ranging from abstract approaches to concrete ones, as discussed by Stark's concept of a “safety zone,” further research is imperative. This research should aim to comprehensively refine the existing typology of strategies, acknowledging the potential adverse consequences (e.g. socioeconomic hardships, increased surveillance, and the imposition of micro-regulations), as well as the positive outcomes. Such research can provide a deeper understanding of the intersection of diverse social divisions influencing the agency and experiences of young Iranian immigrant women in the context of DV. It would enable professionals to develop more targeted and effective interventions and support systems that consider both the challenges and strengths of these women. This, in turn, will contribute to the development of more comprehensive and culturally sensitive approaches to addressing DV within this specific population.
Conclusion
This study has illustrated how young women actively exercise their agency to end DV, with a particular emphasis on intersectional feminism. The participants were able to demonstrate their agency by applying various strategies to address DV. They challenged both familial and societal dominance over their bodies through sexual relationships and transcended institutionalized patriarchal structures within their cultural and communal contexts, despite cultural constraints and potentially dishonoring their family. As a result, they were able to challenge the dominance and control exercised by family, community members, and the aggressor, and reclaim the freedom they had been deprived of. In conclusion, the study emphasizes the significance of recognizing the diverse forms of oppression that have shaped young women's agency within the context of DV. In light of this understanding, this article concludes by providing concise recommendations for service providers, educators, and researchers.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
