A Qualitative Study of Intimate Partner Violence Among Women in Nigeria

Study Area

The study was carried out in rural and urban wards of Akinyele Local Government Area (LGA) in Ibadan, Oyo State, south-western region of Nigeria. The LGA covers an area of 575 square kilometers and consists of a small urban area surrounded by many rural settlements. It has a total population of 342,626 people (National Population Commission, 2006). The majority of the people are of the Yoruba ethnic group. The majority of those living in the urban areas are traders and artisans, while residents of the rural areas are mostly farmers.

Sample

A purposive sampling technique (Robson, 2011) was used for selecting participants for the FGDs. The FGD participants consisted of women of reproductive age (women aged 15-49 years) living in the rural and urban communities in the LGA. All the women were of Yoruba origin and could speak the Yoruba language. Participants in the FGDs were recruited and selected from both rural (Ijaiye) and urban (Ojoo) communities. The participants were recruited for the FGD with the assistance of health workers from the respective communities and were invited to participate in the FGDs after the purpose of the study had been explained to them. A total of 56 women were recruited for the six FGDs conducted; three FGDs each were conducted in the rural and urban communities. Each group consisted of 8 to 10 participants. Homogeneity of participants is recommended in FGD (Krueger & Casey, 2000); therefore, participants were women of reproductive age sub-divided into similar age groups comprising of women aged 15 to 20 years, 21 to 35 years, and 36 to 49 years in the three groups in each site; the youngest women group were not married while the middle and oldest women group were married based on the assumption that young and single women may have different perspectives and experiences from married women with regard to IPV. Women were grouped by age categories to ensure uniformity and because the Nigerian culture does not expect younger women to express their opinions in the presence of older women as a mark of respect for them. This issue was taken into consideration in delineating the age categories of the FGD participants.

Data Collection

The women were invited to the health centers in their communities and a FGD guide was used to obtain information on types and causes of IPV, perception of wife beating, consequences of IPV, societal norms causing IPV, coping strategies, reasons why women stay in abusive relationship, and best ways of preventing IPV (see the appendix).

A team of three persons were involved in conducting the FGD: a moderator (the principal investigator); an assistant moderator, who also served as an observer (a Health Promotion and Education researcher); and a recorder (a junior resident doctor) who documented the discussion and operated the tape recorder during the discussion. Each FGD session lasted about 1.5 hrs.

Data Management

The FGDs were recorded on audiotape after the moderator had obtained permission from the women to do so. Recorded audiotapes were played back and discussions were transcribed. The data gathered provided contextual information on Nigerian women’s experiences and perspectives on societal norms, attitude, coping strategies, and prevention measures related to IPV.

Data Analysis

A thematic analysis (Robson, 2011) was undertaken to ascertain women’s knowledge about the cause and their experience of IPV, their perception toward IPV, consequences of IPV, coping strategies, reasons why women stay in abusive relationship, and ways of preventing IPV.

Ethical Considerations

The WHO Guidelines on Ethics and Gender Based Violence was used as a guide to implementing the study (WHO, 2001). Ethical approval was obtained from the Joint University of Ibadan and University College Hospital Institutional Review Committee. Verbal informed consent was obtained after explaining the purpose of the study to the respondents. Before the FGDs commenced, for both ethical and safety reasons the study was introduced to the wider community as a survey on women’s health and not on IPV. When the FGDs commenced, the respondents were informed that the study was on IPV. Women were assured of confidentiality of all the information given; they were informed that they were free to leave at any period during the FGD, and do not have to respond to any question they were uncomfortable with. None of the women opted out of the FGD throughout the duration of the discussion.

Findings From the FGDs

The findings from the FGDs are grouped based on similar themes: awareness of types of IPV, causes and experiences of IPV, societal norms that contribute to IPV, attitude to physical violence, consequences of IPV, coping strategies and reasons for staying in abusive relationship, and ways of preventing IPV. Quotes are used to illustrate and illuminate the themes identified.

Participants

A total of 56 women participated in the FGDs; 28 participants each, with 8 participants aged between 15 and 20 years, 10 aged 21 to 35 years, and 10 aged 36 to 49 years, in both the rural and urban communities participated in the study.

Awareness of Types of IPV

All the women across all the age groups in both the rural and urban areas felt that IPV was very common, especially among married women or partners; women were reported to be mostly victims. The major types of IPV mentioned by majority of women participants included physical, sexual, psychological/emotional IPV, and controlling behaviors. Women reported being ignored, denied sex, and beaten by partners. Some complained their partners always insisted on knowing their whereabouts.

One participant stated,

IPV is very common. Some men actually beat their wives. (FGD 36-49, U)

Another woman stated,

A form of violence we often experience is when the man monitors the wife everywhere she goes. He wants to know about her whereabouts at every point in time and must ask for his permission before she goes anywhere. (FGD 36-49, R)

Causes and Experiences of IPV

Generally, the women felt that relatives from the husbands’ families are very intolerant especially when women marry from other tribes, due to cultural differences, they are at risk of experiencing IPV from relatives. Another major cause of IPV reported by most of the participants was situation in which women were more financially empowered than their partners and possessed lands, built houses, or owned businesses without the partner’s knowledge. According to the women, the level of prosperity of the partners was an issue that could trigger violence, as identified in some of their responses.

When a woman has more money than the husband, violence can occur. (FGD 21-35, R)

When husbands don’t want their wives to prosper: they believe they are their servants, part of their properties; and should not be prospering. (FGD 36-49, U)

Some of the women also related IPV to having a higher level of education than their partners. One of the women stated,

When the woman is more educated than the partner, it could lead to violence. (FGD 15-20, R)

The women in both the rural and urban communities, across the different age groups, also attributed the causes of IPV to other factors. The older women (36-49 years; in both the urban and rural areas) stated that women’s stubborn attitude, men’s irresponsibility, and having extramarital affairs by either partner were causes of IPV. However, among the women aged 21 to 35 years in the rural areas, the major causes of IPV mentioned by most of the participants were women denying the partner sex, not obeying his instructions, disobedience, and non-submission to the partner. These reasons were corroborated by all the FGD participants in the same age group in the urban area. In addition, women aged 21 to 35 years in the urban area reported that infertility, late food preparation, men regarding women as inferior and thus “considering women as men’s possession” were also causes of IPV.

Furthermore, younger women group (15-20 years) in the urban area indicated that inappropriate dressing and keeping friends that the partner does not approve of were causes of IPV. This was also mentioned by one of the women aged 21 to 35 years.

For example, women indicated that

Sometimes the responsibility of the upkeep of the children is left alone for the wife and this result in violence when the man refuses to give her what she needs for taking care of the family. (FGD 36-49, U)

Violence can occur when a woman is not submissive and disobeys her husband’s instructions. (FGD 21-35, R)

When a woman dresses inappropriately, in a way that her husband does not approve of, it results in violence. (FGD 15-20, U)

Violence can occur when partners don’t want their wives to dress well, and don’t want their wives to go out, especially to social clubs. (FGD 21-35, U)

Societal Norms That Contribute to IPV

Generally, all the women participants in both the rural and urban communities felt that there were social norms which favored IPV. Women across all age groups in the rural area reported that societal norms dictate that a woman be submissive to her partner to ensure peace in the home and prevent IPV. However, among women in the urban area, it was highlighted that the issue of in-laws was a societal norm that could trigger IPV.

Examples of some of the quotations include the following:

A woman is expected to be submissive to and in agreement with what the partner says or does. He should always have the final say and when a woman chooses not to comply with these norms, she will have problems, which usually lead to violence. (FGD 36-49, R)

A woman reported:

A newly married woman is expected to respect every member of her husband’s family whether they are younger than her or not. Her in-laws must not be called by their first names. A woman must call her husband’s 6 year old brother “uncle” and “auntie” if she is a girl. (FGD 36-49, U)

Attitude to Physical Violence (Physical IPV)

Overall, most of the women in both the urban and rural areas said violence in any form is not justifiable or acceptable. A man should not physically abuse his partner whatever she might have done.

Some women reported as follows:

Women are weaker vessels and they should be honoured and never be beaten; it is not biblical. (FGD 36-49, R)

It is not justifiable for a man to beat his wife. Even if what the woman did was wrong, if the man should beat her then the man too is wrong. (FGD 36-49, R)

However, a few of the women especially among the rural younger women (15-20 years) and urban older women (35-49 years) held a different view. One of the FGD participants indicated that

Sometimes the woman does something that the partner does not want her to do especially after she has been seriously warned not to do it, then the man can beat the wife; it is just that the beating should be moderate. (FGD 15-20, R)

In addition, another woman (FGD 36-49, U) highlighted that when women are negligent of their duties, are unfaithful to their marital vows, and the man becomes aware of these, he is justified to physically abuse his wife.

Consequences of IPV

Various effects of IPV on women’s well-being were mentioned. The women in both rural and urban areas stated that IPV could affect women’s ability to carry out their daily activities efficiently, lead to health problems, and cause women to age fast. For example, the older women (35-49 years) in the rural area specifically mentioned that IPV could lead to mental disorder or madness. Women in the urban area said forcing a woman to have sex daily or frequently can damage her reproductive system.

The women reported that

It is when a woman is happy and satisfied that she can work; if the woman is not happy she won’t have the strength to carry out her activities. (FGD 36-49, R)

The woman will be sad, depressed, and can have hypertension. (FGD 15-20, R)

Having sex everyday can cause vaginal tears, ulcers or erosions. (FGD 21-35, U)

A woman recounted her experience:

There was a time my husband and I were not talking to each other in the house; we were like enemies even though we were living in the same house; in fact our clothes must not touch each other on the bed, it was that serious. Then one day I heard a bad news about some money I was expecting and because I was already stressed emotionally, I fainted and was admitted in the hospital. (FGD 36-49, R)

Coping Strategies and Reasons for Staying in Abusive Relationship for IPV

The FGD participants reported that the main reason why women stayed with their abusive partners and endure the suffering was because of their children. Women believed that their children would suffer if they left the relationship. The older women reiterated that it was unacceptable for a woman to leave her husband’s home once she is married. They also highlighted that leaving an abusive marriage does not guarantee that the next relationship will be better and that it is inappropriate for a woman to move from one relationship to another. The majority of the younger women said that if a man “disvirgins” (i.e., her first sexual partner) a girl, she will not want to leave the relationship in spite of experiencing IPV.

A woman in the urban area said,

In Yoruba land, we believe our children are our husbands. It is usually because of them we don’t leave when situations (like IPV) occur; so we don’t leave because of the children, we would rather endure. (FGD 21-35, U)

Another woman stated,

In my family, you cannot leave your husband’s house. If a woman does not stay in her husband’s house but goes about having children for different men; by the time she dies they will not know where to bury her since she had children for different husbands. (FGD 21-35, U)

A younger woman stated,

Some girls believe that if a man “disvirgins” them he should be the one to marry them so even if the man should beat them, they will not leave the relationship. (FGD 15-20, R)

Furthermore, the women in both the rural and urban communities also reported that most women stay in abusive relationships because efficient social services that could support victims of IPV or legal services that address issues related to IPV were not available. In the rural area, women reported that the police station was the only existing social service that helped to address IPV, while the urban participants said elders in the neighborhood sometimes helped to solve IPV-related problems. However, most of the women said IPV can be reported to in-laws but some said this might not always be helpful.

Women stated about reporting IPV,

Some women don’t report as this may worsen the situation on ground. (FGD 36-49, R)

Sometimes the woman might have been warned not to go into the relationship, so when she starts having problems, there is usually nobody to turn to. (FGD 21-35, R)

Prevention of IPV

Although women in both urban and rural communities believed IPV was not acceptable, they also felt the responsibility of preventing it rested mostly with the women. Various ways of preventing or reducing IPV were highlighted by the women. Women stated that prayers, counseling sessions with pastors or other religious leaders, good character of the woman, sexual satisfaction, among others were ways through which IPV could be prevented.

Some suggested ways of preventing IPV include

Women should be submissive, honest, have a good character, and be patient. (FGD 21-35, R)

Women should have forbearance and longsuffering. It is he that endureth to the end that shall be saved. Women should forbear because of their children. (FGD 36-49, U)

Women should know their partners, what they want and do not want before they get married; when they get married, there won’t be many problems. (FGD 15-20, U)

All the women however stated that leaving the relationship may be considered as a last option if the woman’s experience of IPV may lead to her death.

Some of the women reported that

If the violence gets too much, the woman will leave. (FGD 15-20, R)

It is better for her to leave and be separated from her partner than to die staying with him. (FGD 36-49, U)

Limitations of the Study

The study was qualitative in design thus prevalence of IPV could not be ascertained and data may not be representative. The study was on a sensitive topic and thus there were cultural biases in disclosure of physical and sexual violence. We overcame these by ensuring privacy and assuring respondents of confidentiality of information given.