Abstract
The article examines the representation of women as espoused in a number of Akan (Niger-Congo, Kwa) proverbs. The objective is to analyze traditional views on the perceptions and roles of the woman in Akan society and explore the interrelation between language, gender and culture. Using a (Feminist) Critical Discursive Approach, 62 Akan proverbs about women, selected from both written and oral sources, are examined. We argue that although the contexts within which these proverbs are used may not always be gendered, by focusing on women (and men), Akans tend to present women in particular stereotypical ways through the use of these gendered proverbs, most of which can be interpreted as derogatory, negative or subservient. We also argue that although women are sometimes represented positively, such representations, which are seen as virtues, often lure them into accepting and playing these traditional stereotyped roles, thus reinforcing hegemonic masculinity and femininity.
Keywords
Introduction
This article examines the representation of women as espoused in a number of Akan proverbs. The objective is to analyze traditional views on the perceptions and roles of the woman in Akan society (and, by extension, Ghanaian society) and explore the interrelation between language, gender and culture. It is a long-held view that language and culture are intertwined. More recently, studies in the area of language and gender (e.g. Baxter, 2003; Cameron, 2005; Lazar, 2005; Mills, 2008; Sunderland, 2004) have demonstrated that language can be a critical vehicle in issues of gender construction and deconstruction. This article is an attempt to investigate the nexus between language, gender and culture within the Ghanaian context and especially within Akan society. It particularly examines the cultural and traditional representations of the female through these supposedly witty communal expressions.
Different societies have different ways of indicating the relationship between language, gender and culture. Some languages, for instance, may use lexical items which are semantically/grammatically male for general reference (e.g. in English – ‘freshman’ for a first-year undergraduate student). Akan is not one such language. In expressing the relationship between language, gender and culture, it exploits its rich inventory of idioms and proverbs. Through these sayings and expressions, both socio-cultural roles and society’s expectations of women are gleaned.
Research on proverbs abounds, especially from the African continent (cf. Anderson, 2012; Messenger, 1965; Mieder, 1993; Mieder and Dundes, 1981; Muwati et al., 2011; Owomoyela, 1972, 1981; Wang, 2012), some of which looks at proverbs as a medium for the expression of gendered norms and practices. For instance, in his study of how proverbs deal with the relationship between and characterization of men and women in a peasant society in Northern Sweden, Anderson (2012) argues that ‘the gender conceptions found in the proverbs form a system of gender hegemony that supports masculine superiority and feminine subordination’ (p. 10). For example, whereas men are the choosers (an active position) in the ‘marriage market’ – that is, looking for partners for marriage – women are the chosen (a passive position). Such male superiority and female subordination is seen as the idealized relationship between men and women – a point which this study supports. Wang (2012) also looks at sex discrimination in English and Chinese proverbs and comments that both languages exhibit a ‘gender-biased ideology’ (p. 152) because men are considered superior to and stronger than women.
In Ghana, there has been some fairly extensive work done on proverbs, especially in Akan society (cf. Asimeng-Boahene, 2009, 2010, 2013; Boadi, 1972; Christensen, 1958; Oduyoye, 1979; Yankah, 1986, 2012, on Akan proverbs; Awedoba, 2000; Yitah, 2007, 2011, on Kasena proverbs). A few of these studies (Asimeng-Boahene, 2013; Oduyoye, 1979; Yitah, 2007, 2011) have examined the utilization of proverbs in the expression and construction of female identities.
Oduyoye (1979) suggests that through our articulation of Akan proverbs, the image of women is reinforced and their socially assigned roles are justified. Yitah’s (2007, 2011) work on women from Northern Ghana concentrates on how Kasena women exploit the jokey relationship existing between them and their husband’s kin to critique existing proverbs. They amend existing gendered proverbs to express their reservations and sometimes even resentment about the construction of their identities, particularly those that equate womanhood with motherhood.
Asimeng-Boahene (2013: 123) looks at the use of African proverbs (with a focus on Akan ones) ‘to situate or socially construct African women in both matriarchal and patriarchal systems in Africa’. Through a critical discursive analysis of the narratives and views of 200 Akan women on a selected number of African/Akan proverbs, his findings reveal that ‘the use of proverbs has become the tool through which men control positions of social and economic influence by limiting women’s participation to domestic spheres’ (p. 126). The consequence of this is that women become non-productive dependents on men, which then weakens their bargaining power both at home and within larger society. He demonstrates that women, through these proverbs, are constructed as objects of men’s pleasure. Consequently, they are denied the right to their own sexuality and sexual pleasure. Additionally, women are considered as difficult to manage or understand. In spite of the weak representation that is often ascribed to women, they are, ironically, expected to be hard-working. Thus, his findings reveal both negative and positive representations of women.
Although Asimeng-Boahene’s (2013) study is similar to the current article in many respects (e.g. he uses Akan proverbs, and some of the emerging themes coincide), he focuses on sociological perspectives, by analyzing how, through personal narratives and interviews, his research participants view gendered proverbs. Our focus in this article is to do a linguistic analysis of selected gendered proverbs, specifically those that include the explicit mention of women. We examine how women are represented in the proverbs themselves, while noting some of the linguistic strategies employed in the construction of such proverbs. Our objective is to achieve an understanding of the traditional norms and thought that necessitated these proverbs via the medium of language. Thus, we attempt an appreciation of the socio-cultural parameters that govern our gendered talk, through an examination of these linguistically witty structures.
The rest of this article is organized as follows. A brief socio-cultural and linguistic overview of the Akan people is followed by a definition of the proverb and consideration of why it is such a pervasive tool for the communication of cultural truisms. The section also examines certain linguistic structures that we find in these proverbs. Next, the theoretical framework for the analysis of the selected proverbs, Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis ((F)CDA, hereafter FCDA), is presented. This is followed by a discussion of the concepts of hegemonic masculinity and femininity. We then look at the data and the methods used, before discussing the representations of women in Akan proverbs based on the various identified categories. We finish with a discussion of the findings, and then the conclusion.
Akan society in Ghana
With over 90 ethnic groups in Ghana (Baden et al., 1994), native Akans form 47.5% of the nation’s population (Ghana Statistical Service (GSS), 2012). Although there are some differences, these ethnic groups share many beliefs and socio-cultural practices, some of which are gendered. For instance, as people living in a patriarchal society, women in Ghana generally play supporting roles to men (who are expected to take up dominant and leading positions).
Like many cultures, the traditional roles of Akan (Ghanaian) women are mainly taking care of domestic tasks, while the men go out and work to fend for the family. In the past, where women had to work outside the home, this included subsistence farming and petty trading. These roles and expectations were deeply entrenched in traditional family settings, and women (and men) were expected to perform practices and construct identities that conformed to such expectations. As we shall show later in our analysis, most of the proverbs reflect these (expected) socio-cultural practices and roles of women. In recent times, however, perceptions of socio-cultural norms and expectations about appropriate gender practices, as well as the social status of many Akan (Ghanaian) women, have changed as a result of education, finance, exposure to cosmopolitan lifestyles and globalization; however, these have not eroded perceptions and expectations of what it means to be an ideal Akan or Ghanaian woman – submissive, respectful, hardworking, dutiful, etc.
Women are also traditionally perceived as repositories of wisdom and knowledge across Ghana. For instance, in traditional lore, ‘the aberewa [Akan], the old lady, is considered the epitome of wisdom, oral history, and eloquence’ (Yankah, 1995: 70), as illustrated in the popular saying ‘we are going to consult the old lady’. 1 The ‘old lady’ (and, by extension, women) is therefore seen as a symbol of wisdom and knowledge. However, as we shall discuss in relation to example 23, articulating such wisdom is subject to some social constraints (see also Yankah, 1995).
Linguistically, Akan is the dominant indigenous language in Ghana. It is estimated that 47.5% of the nation’s population use it as their native language, while about two-thirds of the population use it as a lingua franca (Gordon, 2005; GSS, 2012; Obeng, 2005). This makes Akan the major language in Ghana, although it is not officially recognized as a national language. It has about 11 dialects, out of which three (Asante, Akuapem, Fante – from which the proverbs in this study come) have been codified and are used in schools. Since Akan is the major Ghanaian language, data from Akan is largely representative of data from the country at large.
Proverbs
Proverbs are, by and large, universal phenomena. They permeate communication across societies. Societies collectively take responsibility for the content of proverbs, leaving little room for innovation and individuality. 2 Durkheim (1933: 170–171) defines a proverb as ‘a condensed statement of a collective idea or sentiment relative to a determined category of objects’. He contemplates the collective and communal nature of the proverb by suggesting that ‘[a]s every thought tends towards an expression adequate to it, if it is common to a certain number of individuals, it necessarily ends by being enclosed in a formula that is equally common to them’ (p. 171).
Durkheim’s definition demonstrates the collective nature of the proverb; it is the whole society that takes ownership of it. Thus, it is considered the collective view of the community which is reflective of communal thought and takes precedence over individual preferences and opinions. Asante (2002: 4) also suggests that (Akan) proverbs are ‘often an expression of some fact of life deduced from careful observation’. They may be considered a set of cultural heritage, which is reflective of the communal thought regarding an issue at stake.
According to our language consultant, 3 the use of proverbs demonstrates eloquence; it cuts a long story short and allows for anonymity. This accounts for the pervasive use of proverbs in many African communities. The utterer of the proverb cannot be held liable for the content of the proverb, as it is generally understood that they are not the originators of the proverb; rather, they are only reiterating the collective communal wisdom captured by the particular proverb in question. Thus, the use of the proverb becomes an acceptable means of communicating difficult and often sensitive cultural ‘truths’.
Proverbs tend to be carefully couched utterances, which exhibit various linguistic strategies that serve to reinforce the underlying messages communicated by the proverbs. Some of the recurrent linguistic strategies we identify include similes, metaphors and conditional clauses (this clause type is the most popular linguistic structure in Akan proverbs; cf. examples 7–9, 12–17, 32, 42–44).
Simile
A simile involves explicit comparison and the use of words such as ‘like’ and ‘as’. Two entities are compared and certain characteristics of both are considered identical. The use of simile occurs in a number of these proverbs (e.g. 24, 26). As we see in such examples, the addressee of the proverb is not left to their own imagination as to the exact comparison to make, as the explicitness of the clause that follows in the second part of such proverbs is a clear indication of the specific characteristics expected to be associated with the woman.
Metaphor
Traditionally, a metaphor is considered to be similar to a simile except that the comparison in this case is direct; one entity is described in terms of another. Later research on metaphors (e.g. Lakoff and Johnson, 1980), which led to the evolution and development of Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT), considers that metaphors are central to human thought. Lakoff (1993: 203) explains that metaphor in contemporary metaphor research suggests a cross-domain mapping; thus, a metaphor ‘is the surface realization of such a cross-domain mapping’. 4 In using a metaphor, a speaker conceptualizes one mental domain in terms of another. We identify the use of animal (example 23) and floral (examples 11, 25) metaphors in some of the proverbs in our database. The metaphors, we observe, are used to reinforce the dominant roles expected of men and the accompanying subdued roles of women as well as their vulnerability and weakness.
Conditional clauses
A number of the proverbs make use of conditional clauses, presenting the condition which allows for the fulfilment of a particular situation. The conditional construction in Akan involves a conditional (subordinate) clause and a main clause. Conditionality is expressed by a discontinuous marker sϵ . . . a, where sϵ is optional. 5 Examples 42–44 instantiate instances where proverbs make use of conditional clauses. These conditional clauses provide the conditions for the realization of the proposition expressed in the main clauses. Often, the use of conditional clauses in these proverbs serves to ‘warn’ women not to usurp the powers and authority of men (cf. ‘women as usurpers’).
The various linguistic strategies employed by these proverbs serve as potent verbal strategies in communicating what may be considered cultural truisms about the social roles expected to be played by women in traditional Ghanaian societies. Making use of such verbal strategies allows speakers to hide behind linguistic artistry to communicate sensitive cultural expectations.
Feminist critical discourse analysis (FCDA)
Society is saddled with many social problems including dominance and power abuse. These are enacted and reproduced in discourse in ways that may not always be obvious (see Fairclough, 1992; Fairclough and Wodak, 1997; Van Dijk, 2001). Lazar (2007: 141), for instance, argues from a Feminist Critical Discourse Analytical (FCDA) perspective that ‘issues of gender, power, and ideology have become increasingly more complex and subtle’ in present times. It can be argued that proverbs, by their nature, present more complex and subtle understandings. That is, by their opaque and sometimes ambiguous meanings, proverbs often hide their intended meanings, thereby making their ideological underpinnings subtle, but quite pervasive. Proverbs can therefore serve to sustain (hierarchically) gendered social arrangements, in which the woman is disadvantaged, and these may be presented in very subtle ways. The work of FCDA is to critique such unequal gender relations. It is in this light that we find it a useful analytical approach for this study.
FCDA may be considered as a subset of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) because, in simple terms, FCDA is doing CDA from a feminist perspective. We shall therefore briefly outline some major tenets of CDA which are also the building blocks for FCDA.
According to Litosseliti (2006), CDA ‘has an explicit interest in making transparent the “hidden agenda” of discourse – which, for instance, may be responsible for creating and sustaining gender inequalities’ (2006: 55–56). Wodak, however, describes it as fundamentally ‘interested in not only analyzing opaque but also transparent structural relationships of dominance, discrimination, power and control as manifested in language’ (2002: 11). Similarly, Van Dijk defines CDA as a ‘discourse analytical research that primarily studies the way social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context’ (2001: 352). CDA therefore critiques social inequalities as reflected in language.
In critiquing social inequalities then, CDA’s interest ties in with the emancipatory goal of feminism, which is also of interest to FCDA. 6 The central concern of FCDA, therefore, is ‘critiquing discourses which sustain a patriarchal social order: that is, relations of power that systematically privilege men as a social group and disadvantage, exclude and disempower women as a social group’ (Lazar, 2005: 5). Accordingly, the overriding aim of FCDA (like CDA) is to develop an analytical resistance to these unequal gender practices. But, in the spirit of postmodern feminism – which argues for the diversity of gender practices and creates room for the reinterpretation and contestation of meaning and different subject positions in different contexts – our focus in this study will not only be on critiquing the representations that disadvantage women, but will also highlight those that (appear to) work in their favour.
Hegemonic masculinity and femininity
In critiquing gender inequalities, which FCDA seeks to do, two concepts that are useful for consideration in patriarchal societies are hegemonic masculinity and femininity. Patriarchal societies are noted for promoting male rule and female subordination, i.e. the domination of men over women. Men are seen as authority figures who hold the power, and this is seen as legitimate or largely inherent (cf. Connell, 1987, 1995).
Deeply entrenched in patriarchal societies are notions of hegemonic masculinity and femininity. According to Connell (1995), hegemonic masculinity is:
the configuration of gender practice which embodies the currently accepted answer to the problem of the legitimacy of patriarchy, which guarantees (or is taken to guarantee) the dominant position of men and the subordination of women. (p. 77)
Schippers (2007) also defines it as ‘the qualities defined as manly that establish and legitimate a hierarchical and complementary relationship to femininity and that, by doing so, guarantee the dominant position of men and the subordination of women’ (p. 94). As shown in these definitions, hegemonic masculinity legitimates the domination of men over women – but it also operates through the subordination or marginalization of other masculinities of which ‘gay masculinity is the most conspicuous’ (Connell, 1995: 79; see also Connell, 1987; Edley and Wetherell, 1995; Wetherell and Edley, 1999). On the other hand, hegemonic femininity
consists of the characteristics defined as womanly that establish and legitimate a hierarchical and complementary relationship to hegemonic masculinity and that, by doing so, guarantee the dominant position of men and the subordination of women. (Schippers, 2007: 94)
Connell (1987) calls this ‘emphasized femininity’ and defines it as ‘compliance with’ and ‘subordination [to men, which] … is oriented to accommodating the interests and desires of men’ (p. 184). Hegemonic femininity therefore complements hegemonic masculinity by guaranteeing the dominant position of men and the subordination of women, that is, an acceptance of, and compliance with, a traditional understanding that men are superior to women.
Corresponding to the wider understanding of hegemony, both hegemonic masculinity and femininity operate and establish themselves through consensus (e.g. persuading or ‘luring’ women to accept that certain types of femininities are positively valued) and not through force. Thus, as a number of these proverbs suggest (see our Discussion section), by being positively valued for certain (usually) domestic roles, women are subtly 7 made to accept and even enjoy their subordinate roles in society.
However, as Wetherell and Edley (1999) rightly observe, although hegemonic masculinity is centrally connected to the subordination of women, it is not automatic that all women will be subordinate to all men. Rather, hegemonic masculinity and femininity involve ‘contest and constant struggle’ (p. 336) because speakers sometimes challenge or resist traditional notions of masculinity and femininity in certain contexts. Thus, women (or men) may challenge hegemonic masculinity in some contexts through various ‘strategies of resistance or forms of non-compliance’ (Connell, 1987: 184) – what Schippers refers to as enacting ‘pariah femininities’ (2007: 95). It is for this possible ‘non-compliance’ that proverbs like those discussed under ‘women as usurpers’ are used as ‘warning’ signals or checks for women seeking to contest the dominant positions of men. This forms part of what may be referred to as ‘a discourse of socio-culturally unacceptable gender practice’, in other words language use (proverbs, in this case) that indicates gender practices that are socio-culturally unacceptable (see also Diabah, 2011: 166).
The data
The discussions in this article are based on 62 proverbs that relate to women. Most of these proverbs explicitly mention ᵓbaa (or its plural form mmaa), the Akan word for female, which in many instances is aptly translated as ‘woman/women’. In a few instances, a derivative of ᵓbaa (such as ᵓbaatan, ‘mother’) or a synonym of it (e.g. oni, ‘mother’) is used; 53 of these proverbs were taken from Appiah et al.’s (2007) extensive collection of 7015 Akan proverbs: Bu me bϵ: Proverbs of the Akans. Nine are from direct oral sources (our language consultant and other native speakers we encountered during presentations of aspects of our work).
Proverbs which explicitly mention ᵓbaa or mmaa or its derivative or synonym were extracted from Appiah et al.’s (2007) collection and direct oral sources. The data were analyzed by looking for recurring patterns or themes in the selected proverbs. The proverbs were then put into 13 identified categories 8 by the researchers based on the researchers’ understanding of the proverbs, formed as a result of their native speaker competences and prolonged contact with the language community. Subsequently, each category and the meaning of each proverb were verified with our language consultant. The consultations were done through two sets of interviews, each lasting for approximately two hours, on different days with a two-week interval. Interaction with our language consultant and other native speakers who we encountered during presentations of aspects of this article, as well as our extensive reading on the literature on proverbs in Africa, resulted in a reorganization of the categories.
Representations of women in Akan proverbs
In the sub-sections that follow, we discuss the various ways in which women are represented in the selected Akan proverbs – some of which are culturally preferred feminine practices (‘ideal conforming’ in Honeck, 1997: 139) and others, culturally unwanted gender practices (‘ideal disconforming’). We also discuss alongside these some linguistic strategies employed in the proverbs, and how they inform or reinforce the meanings expressed by these proverbs.
Motherhood/mothering
Motherhood/mothering is an important concept in many cultures, including Africa. We identified motherhood/mothering as one of the central themes in our database of gendered proverbs, and the following sections consider the sub-themes of this.
Women as source of life/procreators
One sub-theme of motherhood is the representation of women as givers or sources of life. This is exemplified in the following proverbs:
(1) Wo na wu a, na w’abusua asa.
9
When your mother dies, then you have no family. (2) ᴐbaa na ᴐwo ᴐbarima. It is a woman that gives birth to a man. (p. 15, no. 67)
In these examples, women are considered as the source of life. In example 1, for instance, the mother is considered the central figure in the family around whom life revolves; once she dies, there is no longer family. This is similar to Muwati et al.’s (2011) claim that among the Shona and the Ndebele people of Zimbabwe, mothering/motherhood is celebrated as the ‘defining centerpiece of African-centered existence’ (p. 2). With examples from Akan proverbs (e.g. ‘a woman must not be killed’), Asimeng-Boahene (2013) also notes that women are ‘the mother[s] of life, and to kill the woman is to kill children’ (p. 129). He further notes that not only do women ‘bear life, but they nurse, they cherish, they give warmth, they care for life since all human life passes though their bodies’ (p. 129). In a similar vein, the renowned Ghanaian educationist, Dr Kwegyir Aggrey, is quoted as saying ‘If you educate a man, you educate an individual; but if you educate a woman, you educate a nation’ (cf. Asimeng-Boahene, 2013: 123). This quotation emphasizes the importance of women on the grounds that since women are the givers (of course, together with men) of life and the nurturers of the lives they give birth to, educating them amounts to educating the whole human race.
Of particular importance in example 2 is the fact that the woman gives life not only to another woman, but to ‘a man’. In other words, in spite of how weak or powerless we may consider a woman to be, she is the one who gives life to the stereotypically powerful and strong human being – a man. In effect, this may be interpreted as representing women as equally powerful as, if not more powerful than, men.
Women as carers/nurturers
Another sub-theme of motherhood/mothering is the representation of women as carers or nurturers. The following are some examples from our data:
(3) ᴐbaa na ᴐnim ne kunu yam kᴐm. A woman knows when her husband is hungry (lit. her husband’s stomach hunger). (p. 15, no. 66) (4) ᴐbaatan na onim deε ne ba bεdie. It is a mother who knows what her children will eat. (5) Akokᴐ a ᴐbεn oni na odi abεbε serε. It is the chicken that is close to its mother that eats the thigh of a grasshopper.
Through the use of a stereotypically feminine practice (providing food), the above examples indicate that one of the marks of a good wife and mother is her ability to provide for the nutritional needs of her family. In other words, a good woman is the one who knows when her husband and children need to be fed (3 and 4, respectively). The import of example 5 is that the child who stays close to the mother is the one who is most nourished. These proverbs therefore highlight some of the ways in which the Akan people conceptualize the worth of women (wife/mother).
Women as homemakers/caretakers
Closely linked to the representation of women as carers/nurturers is the representation of women as homemakers or caretakers. This stereotypically feminine role encompasses taking care of all kinds of domestic work such as cleaning, washing, cooking, etc., as well as bringing up children and making sure the family is well supported. The following proverbs illustrate this:
(6) ᴐbaa mmᴐdemmᴐfoᴐ/ᴐbaasima na ne ba hyᵋ n’ akyiri a, ᴐsoa nnoᴐma. If the hard-working/ideal woman puts her child on her back, she carries a load at the same time. (p. 16, no. 77) (7) ᴐbaa brᵋfoᴐ kᴐ awareᵋ a, ᴐde ade pa ba fie. If a hard-working woman gets married, she brings good things home. (p. 14, no. 44) (8) ᴐbaa kwadwofoᴐ kᴐ awareᵋ a, wᴐde praeᵋ na ᵋpam no. If a lazy woman goes to get married, they take a broom to drive her away. (p. 15, no. 62)
As shown in the above proverbs, the key phrase to describe a good homemaker or caretaker is ‘hard-working’ (examples 6–7). For instance, in examples 6 and 7, it is noted that only a hard-working woman enjoys the good of marriage (the lazy woman gets sacked, example 8). The woman’s ability to work hard (including multi-tasking) and keep her family together is what makes her an ᴐbaasima (‘ideal woman’) (6). These proverbs therefore highlight certain ideals of femininity – multi-tasking, hard-working – within the Akan (Ghanaian) socio-cultural context. These attributes are what make a woman a good homemaker or caretaker.
Importance of marriage for women
In most cultures (especially in Africa), marriage is considered an important milestone in a woman’s life. The following are some examples:
(9) ᴐbaa biara te sᵋ deᵋbᵋn ara, na ᴐgyae awareᵋ a, n’anim mma nyam. No matter how outstanding a woman is, if she is always divorcing, she has no respect. (p. 14, no. 39) (10) ᴐbaa animuonyam ne awareᵋ. A woman’s glory (lit. what causes her to be respected) is marriage. (p. 16, no. 70) (11) ᴐbaa yε turo mu nhwiren, ne kunu yε ne ho ban. A woman is a flower in the garden, her husband is the fence.
Because men are stereotypically strong and powerful, they are considered to be the protectors of women (11), and marriage is seen as a source of protection and the glory of women (9–11). An unmarried woman is therefore seen as vulnerable (11) and she is not respected in society (9–10). Her unmarried status is often linked to lacking the qualities of an ideal woman (such as those mentioned in the previous sections). Additional examples of the importance of marriage for women, as well as of what is expected of them in marriage, can be found in Appendix 1 (e.g. 53–56).
Women and physical appearance
One feminine stereotype is the perception that women pay particular attention to their physical appearance (see Liu et al., 2012). This is in fulfilment of the expectation that women should be physically attractive (perhaps in fulfilment of their role as ‘sex objects’, i.e. being the focus of attention for men’s sexual desires; see ‘Women as sex objects’ later). This stereotype is reproduced in the following proverbs:
(12) ᴐbaa kᴐ adwareᵋ na ᴐmma ntᵋm a na ᴐresiesie ne ho. If a woman goes to the bathroom and she doesn’t come back quickly, then she is dressing up. (p. 15, no. 57) (13) ᴐbaa nya adwareᵋ pa dware a, ᴐkyᵋre ne hᴐ. If a woman gets a good bathroom to bathe in, she stays there a long time. (p. 16, no. 73)
Women as dependents
Another traditional stereotype is the representation of women as dependent on men for various kinds of provisions. These include financial, emotional and material support. For instance, in the typical African family setting, women are considered to be the caretakers of the home. They are primarily absorbed in domestic activities. As a result, they become dependent on men for their material needs. It is therefore not surprising that the man takes credit for his wife’s beauty and achievements (14–15). In Akan, the dependence of women on men is represented in the following proverbs:
(14) ᴐbaa ho yᵋ fᵋ a, na ᵋfiri ᴐbarima. If a woman is beautiful it is due to a man. (p. 15, no. 54) (15) ᴐbaa bᵋyᵋ yie a, na efiri ᴐbarima. If a woman will be wealthy/successful, it is due to a man. (p. 17, no. 102) (16) ᴐbaa wᴐ mpempem a, ᴐbarima na ᴐhwᵋ no soᴐ. However rich a woman may be (lit. if a woman has thousands and thousands), it is a man that looks after her. (p. 17, no. 99) (17) ᴐbaa tᴐ ᴐdwan a, ᴐbarima na ᴐyᵋn no. If a woman buys a sheep, it is a man who rears it. (p. 17, no. 95)
As mentioned earlier, a woman’s progress (physically, financially) is attributed to the man. On her own, she is considered incapable of personal achievement. Beneath the message of women’s dependence on men in some of the proverbs is the expression of women’s subordination to men. For instance, in example 16, the subordination of the woman to the man is reflected in the fact that the man still has power over her, irrespective of how wealthy she may be. Similarly, in example 17, even though the sheep belongs to the woman, it is the man who rears it – again showing the power of the man over the woman.
Representation of virtue
Through the use of phrases like ᴐbaa pa (‘a good woman’) and ᴐbaasima (‘an ideal/virtuous woman’), the following proverbs stipulate what are considered, within the Akan (Ghanaian) socio-cultural context, as characteristics of virtue: hard work (multi-tasking, 18), the ability to cook delicious food (19) and submissiveness (20).
(18) ᴐbaa mmᴐdemmᴐfoᴐ/ᴐbaasima na ne ba hyᵋ n’ akyiri a, ᴐsoa nnoᴐma. If the hard-working/ideal woman puts her child on her back, she carries a load at the same time. (p. 16, no. 77) (19) ᴐbaa pa na ntᵋtia kᴐkᴐᴐ nam n’apakyie aseᵋ. A good woman is the one that small red ants crawl over the back of her gourd. (p. 16, no. 79) (20) ᴐbaa pa ne deᵋ ᴐtie ne kunu asᵋm. A good woman is she who listens to her husband’s advice. (p. 16, no. 80)
Carrying a child and a load are two demanding tasks. Yet women are expected to do both, as shown in example 18. This is commendable and admirable – such a woman is described in complementary terms (ᴐbaa mmᴐdenmmᴐfoᴐ/ᴐbaasima, ‘an ideal/virtuous woman’). With reference to the points raised by our language consultant, food in a gourd attracts red ants (e.g. 19). Accordingly, a good woman is the one who cooks regularly and always has food in her kitchen so people can come and eat. Akan society values this domesticated role of the woman, serving not only members of her household, but also others within the community. In example 20, it is also considered a virtue for a woman to listen, that is submit, to her husband.
Constructions of submissiveness
Another socio-cultural expectation, that is, an ideal feminine characteristic in patriarchal societies, is the submissiveness of women. For most feminists, however, the submission of the woman also translates into her subordination, a concept which is at the heart of feminist research. In other words, when women submit to men, men end up taking advantage of them and dominating them. As shown in Akan proverbs, however, the submission of a woman is interpreted positively as a virtue (20 above), an expression of love (21) or an indication of wisdom (22):
(21) ᴐbaa a ᴐpᵋ ne kunu, ᴐse: ‘Mehwᵋ wo ara.’ A woman who loves her husband says: ‘I look up to you.’ (p. 14, no. 37) (22) ᴐbaa nyansafoᴐ na ᴐse: ‘Mehwᵋ deᵋ abusua bᵋka.’ A wise woman says: ‘I look to what my matriclan will say.’ (p. 16, no. 75) (23) akokᴐ bere nso nim adekyeε, nso ᴐhwε onini ano. The hen also knows daybreak, yet she waits for the rooster’s crow.
In example 23, the woman is compared to the hen, and she is expected to submit to the rooster (the man) by not crowing even though she also knows when it is daybreak. Through the use of a metaphor (women are hens and men are roosters), this proverb gathers its authority from the fact that it is the ‘rooster’ that crows and not the ‘hen’. Although women are traditionally perceived as repositories of wisdom and knowledge in Ghanaian society (as shown in the popular Akan saying yεrεkᴐbisa aberewa, ‘we are going to ask/consult the old lady’), articulating such wisdom is subject to social constraints (Yankah, 1995). Thus, certain communication practices in mixed-sex situations are traditionally ‘reserved’ for men. For instance, it is generally believed among Ghanaians (see Diabah, 2011) that it is the man’s traditional discursive role to ask about or tell of a group’s mission 10 (unless there is no man in the group). Again, in Diabah’s (2011) work on the construction of gender identities by Ghanaian men and women in the UK, her participants note that it is socio-culturally unacceptable for a woman to take (be seen as taking) a leading role in mixed-sex communications. It is therefore ideal for the woman to show submission to the man (especially in marriage) by allowing him to ‘lead’, including making final decisions. In other words, women may have the wisdom (knowing that it is daybreak), but articulating such wisdom should be left to the men (waiting for the rooster’s crow), since men are traditionally expected to take the leading role in society.
A similar proverb (‘it is the rooster that should crow (not the hen)’, in Bergfors, 1981: 28, 73, as cited in Anderson, 2012: 19) is found among a peasant society in Northern Sweden; and, as Anderson rightly notes, this indicates that ‘the man has the right to decide, not the woman’ (p. 19).
Women as gullible/vulnerable
Women are not always represented positively, as in the previous subsection. They are also represented as gullible or vulnerable, as shown below:
(24) ᴐbaa te sᵋ akokᴐ; yᵋde aburoo na ᵋsᴐne no. A woman is like a chicken; we use corn to lure her. (p. 16, no. 92) (25) ᴐbaa yε turo mu nhwiren, ne kunu yε ne ho ban. A woman is a flower in the garden; her husband is the fence/shed.
The gullibility/vulnerability of women is foregrounded in example 24 through the use of a simile, namely comparing them with a chicken. The addressee of the proverb is not left to their own imagination as to which characteristics the chicken has in common with the woman; the second part of the proverb mentions these. The chicken is generally considered a weak and timid domestic animal. However, the specific attribute of the chicken that is brought to the fore in the comparison is its susceptibility; it can be easily lured – all one needs is some inexpensive corn. Such is the woman – she can easily be lured or deceived. Perhaps, then, she cannot be entrusted with valuables. This representation denigrates or belittles women since they are represented as though they have no agency or mind of their own.
In example 25, a metaphor (a woman is a flower) is used to reinforce the vulnerability and weakness of women. Like the previous simile, the addressee of the proverb is not left to their own imagination as to which characteristics the flower has in common with the woman. Note that flowers also connote positive attributes like beauty, care, affection and love, which the addressee can infer if the second part of the proverb (ne kunu yε ne ho ban, ‘her husband is the fence’) is excluded. But, by including the second part, the vulnerability and weakness of the flower (woman) are rather highlighted, as it needs the fence (man) to shield or protect it – thereby accentuating the strength and power of men. This is in line with Diabah’s (2011) argument that metaphors are ideological because they can make an intended meaning more vivid by highlighting a particular aspect of reality while hiding others. Similarly, Semino (2008: 32) notes that ‘metaphors are seldom neutral: constructing something in terms of something else results in a particular view of the “something” in question, often including specific attitudes and evaluations’ (see also Koller, 2004; Koller and Semino, 2009). That is, by highlighting (and excluding or backgrounding) certain aspects of the things in question, one (re)presents a particular aspect of reality – which, in this case, is the weakness and powerlessness of women as against the strength and power of men (25).
Women as opportunistic/selfish
In another set of examples, women are represented as selfish and opportunistic. The following demonstrate this notion:
(26) ᴐbaa te sᵋ ohuriiᵋ; ᴐnom mogya na ᴐmma mogya. A woman is like the tsetse fly; she drinks blood but she doesn’t give blood. (p. 17, no. 93) (27) Mmaa pᵋ ᵋdᵋ kyiri ᵋka. Women like pleasure (but) abhor debt. (p. 17, no.111) (28) Mmaa pᵋ deᵋ [adeᵋ]/[sika] wᴐ. Women love (to be) where [possessions are]/[money is]. (p. 17, no. 112)
Like the previous set of examples, these proverbs cast women in a negative light, as people who are only interested in what they can get from a man, and unwilling to give anything in return (e.g. 26). Through the use of a simile in example 26, the parasitic nature of women is highlighted by comparing them to the tsetse fly, that is, like the tsetse fly, a woman sucks blood but does not offer anything good in return. This is also a reproduction of the (African) stereotype that women love wealth and so they are more interested in getting into relationships with wealthy men. This is often shown in African movies, in which parents force their daughters to get married to wealthy men, irrespective of whether they love them or not.
It can be argued that this stereotype is an offshoot of the socio-cultural expectation that it is the man’s duty to provide (financially) for his family since women, in the past, were primarily restricted to the domestic setting. Consequently, women wanted men who could give them (and their children) some financial security. This is supported by an Akan saying that ‘when you get riches, bring it to your family, but when you get debt, give it to your husband’ (this is a piece of advice given to women during marriage ceremonies). It is therefore no surprise that example 27 indicates that ‘women like pleasure [i.e. good things] (but) abhor debt’.
Women as ‘sweet-talkers’
Women are also presented as sweet-talkers:
(29) Mmaa rekamfo wo duaforo no, na wᴐrekamfo w’akyakya. While women are admiring your tree-climbing, they are admiring your hunchback. (p. 17, no. 108) (30) Mmaa rekamfo w’ahoᴐfᵋ no, na wᴐrekamfo w’akabᴐ. While women are admiring your good looks, they are admiring your expenditure. (p. 17, no.109) (31) Mmaa se: ‘Wo ho yᵋ fᵋ!’ a, ᵋne ka. If women say: ‘You are handsome!’, it leads to debt. (p. 17, no. 113)
Beneath this representation is the understanding that women are good at flattery, that is, luring men into doing what they would ordinarily not do; the end result is often not pleasant. For instance, their ‘victims’ may end up with a hunchback resulting from a fall (29), or in debt (30–31). It must, however, be noted that the ulterior motive behind such flattery is not necessarily to look for the downfall of the man. Rather, it is about what they can get from the man (often riches), which will eventually be unpleasant for him (e.g. resulting in debt/bankruptcy). This representation is in line with that described in the earlier section, that women are only interested in what they can get from men, rather than in what they have to give.
Women as sex objects
Findings from most feminist research on gender stereotypes indicate that women are often represented as sex objects (see Chytkova and Kjeldgaard, 2011; Kilbourne, 2005; Lakoff, 1975; Patterson et al., 2009; Stern, 1999). In support of these, we found a relatively large number of proverbs that represent women as sex objects – 11 out of 62. The following are some examples (see also examples 45–52 in Appendix 1):
(32) ᴐbaa yare a, ne twᵋ nyare bi. If a woman is sick, her vagina is not sick too. (p. 17, no. 99) (33) ᴐbaa a ne kunu nni hᴐ na yᵋdi no. It is a woman whose husband is absent that we have sex with. (p. 14, no. 33) (34) ᴐbaa Yaa Ataa se n’ani yᵋ den, nso yᵋde ne twᵋ so nwi na ᵋto hyeᵋ. The woman Yaa Ataa says she is wild (lit. her eyes are hard), but we use the hair of her vagina to mark the boundary. (p. 17, no. 100)
These proverbs objectify the female body in ways that not only serve as a source of pleasure for men (32), but also as a representation of their vulnerability (33) and weakness (34). Example 32 represents women as passive objects for sex (with no agency), in that even when she is sick, it does not mean the vagina is also sick; so the man can have sex whenever he wants. This references the subordination of the woman, being at the beck-and-call of the man. In example 34, however, Yaa Ataa is representative of women who are resolute and determined and dare to go against socio-cultural norms and expectations. This is based on the understanding that among the people of Ghana, twins (Ataa) are often perceived to be troublesome (especially the younger ones), daring and difficult to overcome. Using the pubic hair of such a person to mark a boundary means reducing her to nothing. In other words, no matter how strong a woman may consider herself to be, she is not strong enough to withstand the powers of men.
Women as ‘supporters’/subservient, not pacesetters
Another classic stereotype which is at the heart of feminist research is the treatment or representation of women as subservient or subordinate to men. In most cultures, a woman’s ‘appropriate’ position is below or second to a man’s, never before. A woman is therefore expected not to rise above the husband (financially, professionally, educationally, etc.) or take a leading role. Rather, she is to play a supporting role. The following proverbs tend to remind women of their ‘appropriate’ subordinate position in society:
(35) ᴐbaa da ᴐbarima akyi. A woman lies behind a man. (p. 15, no. 45) (36) ᴐbaa [sene bᴐama]/[yᵋ kyᵋm] a, ᵋtwere ᴐbarima dan mu. (Even) If a woman [carves a drum]/[makes a shield], she keeps it in a man’s room. (p. 16, no. 87)
In example 35, for instance, a woman’s position (which is behind that of the man) is clearly stated. In example 36, the supporting/dependent role of the woman is presented subtly. Traditionally, women are not expected to play drums, let alone carve them. But even if she does, because she lives with the man, it is the man who takes charge of the instrument. In other words, no matter what a woman does or achieves (including socio-culturally unacceptable gender practices), she is still under the control of the man (similar examples are 16 and 17 earlier).
The strength and power of women
Strength and power are two of the most popular ideals of masculinity. That is, men are often stereotypically represented as strong and powerful, whereas women are represented as weak and powerless. In spite of the frequent representation of women as weak and powerless, however, there are instances where they may also be represented as strong or powerful, but these are often subtle or presented in such a way that it appears undesirable. The following are some proverbs which represent women in this way:
(37) ᴐbaa na ᴐwo ᴐbarima. It is a woman that gives birth to a man. (p. 15, no. 67) (38) Mmaa atopagyengyen na ᵋkum mmarima. Women’s violent shakings of the hips kill (i.e. give them power over) men. (p. 18, no. 115)
In example 37, it is literally true that a woman gives birth to a man. Upon a critical look, however, it can be argued that a woman is considered strong or powerful because, in spite of how weak we may consider her to be, she gives birth (life) to the man – the stereotypically strong or powerful being. In other words, the underlying message (which has been presented subtly) is that if a man is strong and powerful, then the one who gives birth to him is even stronger and more powerful. In example 38, the representation of women as ‘sex objects’ (see ‘Women as sex objects’, earlier) is used here as a source of power for women. In other words, because of men’s strong sexual urge, women use sexual guile as a form of power to keep them in line – for example, a man may agree to any request from a woman so long as she is ready to sleep with him. This is often referred to in Ghanaian parlance as ‘bottom power’ (see also example 57 in Appendix 1).
Similar to this is Lazar’s (2007) study of how women are represented in adverts for beauty and body enhancement products in some newspapers and women’s magazines in Singapore. Her findings indicate an emergence of what she calls ‘a discourse of popular postfeminism’ (p. 156), which ‘paints a world in which power relations have become reversed: it is women who, through their sexual prowess, wield power and control over men’ (p. 157, my emphasis; see also Lazar, 2004, 2006).
Conformity to traditionally assigned roles/stereotypes
One socio-cultural expectation for most cultures, especially patriarchal societies, is for people not to ‘transgress’ by crossing masculine and feminine boundaries. In the following examples, the Akan people lay down the expectations of the various sexes, with a particular emphasis on what is traditionally unacceptable for women:
(39) ᴐbaa tᴐn nyaadewa na ᴐntᴐn atuduro. A woman sells garden eggs, but she doesn’t sell gunpowder. (p. 17, no. 96) (40) ᴐbaa di ᴐbaa adeᵋ, na ᴐbarima di ᴐbarima adeᵋ. A woman inherits a woman’s things and a man inherits a man’s things. (p. 15, no. 49) (41) ᴐbaa ne ᴐbarima hyia a, ᴐbaa yᵋ ᴐbaa na ᴐbarima nso yᵋ ᴐbarima. When a woman and a man meet, the woman remains (lit. is) a woman and a man remains (lit. is) a man. (p. 15, no. 68)
As shown in the above proverbs, it is traditionally unacceptable for a woman to sell gunpowder (39), inherit a man’s properties (40) or pretend to be or behave like a man (41). The underlying message of all these is that women should not rub shoulders with men, but rather stick to their socio-culturally assigned roles and behaviours (note that in 39 gunpowder paints an image of war, a stereotypically masculine arena). Failure to follow the laid down rules will mean facing the consequences of their actions, as noted in examples 42–44 next. These proverbs therefore tend to denigrate the efforts of feminists in their fight for gender equality.
Women as usurpers
As noted above, it is socio-culturally unacceptable to ‘transgress’ by crossing masculine and feminine boundaries. Women are therefore expected to stick to what society has assigned them, for crossing masculine boundaries amounts to usurping the powers and the socially assigned roles of men, and this has dire consequences. A woman who contradicts societal norms on gender practices by engaging herself in ‘male-centered activities’ may thus be reprimanded through the use of Akan proverbs like the following (42–44) – which forms part of what may be referred to as ‘a discourse of socio-culturally unacceptable gender practice’:
(42) Besia suankye banyin ne suankye a, ne nsa ho fᴐw (Fa). If a woman urinates like a man does, her hands get wet. (43) Besia gor mbanyin gor a, wᴐkyer no mbanyin kyer (Fa). If a woman plays like a man, she gets defeated as a man. (44) ᴐbea tenten so abε a, ᴐnwan di (Ak). When a tall woman carries palm nuts, the toucan eats them.
In examples 42 to 44, the consequences of usurping the powers and roles of men are spelt out. In translating example (42) literally, men often urinate by holding their genitals while standing. A woman who does the same will definitely get her hands wet (because the shape of her genital is different from that of the man). In other words, women who want to rub shoulders with men should be prepared for defeat (42). Similarly, if women want equality with men, then they should be ready to forfeit all the benefits, respect and treatment accorded them as ‘the weaker sex’ (she will be ‘defeated as a man’, in 43). In example 44, men are expected to be physically tall. Being tall as a woman is disadvantageous. Being tall is also, more importantly for this study, interpreted as being above others in terms of achievements. The import of this proverb, therefore, is that women are neither expected to rise above men nor be on the same level with them – for there are no benefits (rather, woes are) associated with a woman trying to be like a man.
An interesting feature of the set of proverbs here is the use of conditional clauses, which provide the conditions for the realization of the proposition expressed in the main clause. For instance, in (42), the condition for a woman’s hands to get wet is for her to urinate like a man. Through the use of such a proverb captured by this conditional construction, the user of this proverb suggests that the woman who tries to venture into male-dominated enterprises gets hurt in the process. However, she saves herself the trouble if she does not enter into such male-dominated enterprises. The use of conditional clauses in these proverbs therefore serves to ‘warn’ women not to usurp the powers and authority of men.
Discussion
From the analysis of the data, three categories of the representation of women can be identified:
Positive representations: women as givers or source of life or procreators, women as carers/nurturers, women as homemakers/caretakers, representation of virtue, the strength and power of women, construction of submissiveness. 11
Neutral representations: women as dependent, importance of marriage for women, women and physical appearance.
Negative representations: women as gullible/vulnerable, women as opportunistic/selfish, women as ‘sweet-talkers’, women as sex objects, women as ‘supporters’/subservient, not pacesetters, conformity to traditionally assigned roles/stereotypes, women as usurpers.
These may further be divided into representations conforming to traditional gender stereotypes and ideals, and those challenging them. Apart from representing women as usurpers and strong – which challenges traditional gender stereotypes and ideals, and is thus socio-culturally unacceptable – the rest are socio-culturally acceptable, as they reproduce or reinforce traditional gender stereotypes and ideals.
In our interpretation of how the proverbs reinforce traditional gender stereotypes and ideals, we make reference to two notions which are at the heart of our analytical approach (FCDA): hegemonic masculinity (which legitimizes the traditional authority, power or control of men over women) and hegemonic femininity (which guarantees the dominant position of men and the subordination of women, i.e. an acceptance of, and compliance with, a traditional understanding that men are superior to women). We argue that these gendered proverbs tend to be hegemonic because the power and authority of men, as prescribed by society, are often made to appear unquestionable. That is, by reproducing a lot of these traditional stereotypes and providing sanctions for women who desire to rub shoulders with men (see the use of conditional clauses earlier), these proverbs tend to persuade women into believing and accepting that hegemonic masculinity and femininity are positively valued because they constitute the socio-culturally accepted norms of gender practice. This is in line with how hegemony establishes itself through consensus rather than force. For instance, it is considered a virtue to:
be submissive to one’s husband (a man): ᴐbaa pa … ‘a good [/ideal]ideal woman is she who listens to her husband’s advice (example 20; see also 21);
play a supporting (not a leading) role to the man: ‘a woman who loves her husband says: “I look up to you”’ (example 21);
accept and value the power of men over women (examples 21 and 23).
These examples are similar to Liu et al.’s (2012) findings on Romanian women immigrants in Italy, that there is a traditional gender discourse which describes an ideal woman as ‘selfless, caring, and faithfully enduring’ (Chytkova and Kjeldgaard, p. 210).
By presenting most of the traditional gender stereotypes positively (e.g. as a virtue), it becomes difficult for women to challenge them. Therefore, in line with FCDA’s claim that gendered discourses have hidden agendas (see Lazar, 2005; Litosseliti, 2006), we argue that most of these proverbs tend to serve the interests of men by safeguarding hegemonic masculinity. For instance, women are often not portrayed in complimentary terms (but as sex objects, weak and vulnerable, opportunists, usurpers, etc). They are expected to do the ‘right’ things, which include not rubbing shoulders with men (cf. ‘women as usurpers’). Not rubbing shoulders with them means that men will continue to enjoy what Connell refers to as ‘patriarchal dividend’ (1995: 79; i.e. the benefits of patriarchy).
In other cases, women are represented in positive and complimentary ways (carers/nurturers, homemakers/caretakers, multi-taskers, submissive, virtuous, etc.), but these also tend to serve the interests of men as they sustain or reinforce traditional gender stereotypes and ideals. For instance, representing women as ᴐbaasima (‘an ideal woman’) or ᴐbaa brεfoᴐ (‘a hard-working woman’) because she is multi-tasking (18), ᴐbaa pa (‘a good/ideal woman’) because she cooks delicious food (19) or submits to her husband (20), or loving because she looks up to the man (21), ‘lures’ them into continuing the ‘good’ work – which means men will continue to enjoy such ‘patriarchal dividends’ as being the boss of the home and abstaining from cooking and other domestic chores (but obviously, these have not been stated in the proverbs in question, i.e. the hidden agenda).
Conclusion
To conclude, proverbs are reflective of traditional thought. Through them we identify traditionally assigned feminine/female roles, which women are expected to play without transgressing – for transgressing has its consequences, as expressed in the ‘women as usurpers’ proverbs. It is, however, true that in recent times the social roles of many (Akan/Ghanaian) women have changed (e.g. we have women playing leading roles in the public and private sectors; some as Ministers of State and chief executive officers (CEOs) of thriving organizations), and continue to change, but the changing trends are sometimes hampered by these entrenched views which result from ‘traditional wisdom’ – which proverbs are noted for. As women continue to ‘crash through the glass ceiling and reach the highest levels in politics, government institutions and corporate organizations’ (Holmes, 2005: 31), they are often reminded of who they are (‘women’) and, thus, of the need to ‘slow down’. Any change of attitude and expectation will mean extensive education about the potential of women vis-a-vis the delimitations of such entrenched societal views.
Footnotes
Appendix 1
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank our audiences at the 6th Annual Linguistics Association of Ghana conference and the Department of Linguistics Seminar Series for their contributions during earlier presentations of aspects of this article. We also wish to thank Mr Apenteng Sackey for his help. Any remaining errors are our own.
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.