Constructing Professional Intervention with IPV Across Generations in a Faith-Based Society: An Intersectional Perspective

Abstract

The intersectionality between the social and personal dimensions influencing the construction of intimate partner violence in the ultra-Orthodox Jewish community is examined by studying attitudes toward professional intervention among community members coping with IPV. Semi-structured interviews were conducted among 38 information-rich participants coping with IPV, from three generations in the ultra-Orthodox community. Three themes emerged: “Don't think you can do it alone”: Professional intervention as a preferred option; “I did everything to hide the situation”: The end of the era of shame?;“If it's not his problem, then it's my problem”: Professional intervention as a concept of reference. The study findings indicate the ways in which professional intervention among ultra-Orthodox couples coping with IPV is affected and affects the community.

Keywords

social construction intimate partner violence intervention faith-based community intersectionality

The purpose of this article is to explore the intersectionality of social and personal dimensions impacting on the construction of intimate partner violence (IPV) among three generations of couples belonging to the Haredi (ultra-Orthodox Jewish) community in Israel. Like other faith-based communities, the Haredi community is undergoing a period of intensive change as a consequence of exposure to the values and norms of the surrounding non-religious communities (Kook & Harel-Shalev, 2021). Being Haredi and involved in IPV means that this group is doubly marginalized (as explained below).

The intersectional perspective enables an in-depth look into the multiple ways in which inequality and oppression affect social and personal identity (Crenshaw, 1989). One way to examine the social and psychological construction of such complex interactions is by looking at help-seeking attitudes.

IPV and Minority Groups: Attitudes, Cultural Values, and Intimate Violence

Empirical evidence indicates that attitudes and values in support of violence are related to the perpetuation of violence both by an individual and by the community (Waltermaurer, 2012). Men with patriarchal attitudes toward women tend to be more violent in their intimate relationships. Women with a traditional worldview tend to blame themselves and have a lower tendency to report intimate violence perpetrated against them. The norms and atmosphere that either encourage or prevent violence reflect the cultural background underlining them, and influence how violent behavior is perceived (Waltermaurer, 2012). Traditional patriarchal communities tend to support attitudes that justify IPV (Capaldi et al., 2012; Dalal et al., 2012; Titilayo et al., 2014). However, exposure to Western norms and values in such communities are bringing about a change in attitudes toward violence and its justification, e.g., in Africa (Pierotti, 2013; Titilayo et al., 2014).

IPV is relatively more prevalent in minority groups in Western society, such as the African American and Native American populations or among immigrants (Stockman et al., 2014; Tehee & Esqueda, 2008). Studies of these minorities point to a more tolerant attitude toward IPV (Beauchamp et al., 2012; Tehee & Esqueda, 2008). In addition, a correlation was identified between a high degree of assimilation to the liberal Western cultural values, which fosters gender equality, and attitudes that oppose violence against women. At the same time, a definite link between traditional beliefs about gender roles and justification of violence against women exists in the general population (Beauchamp et al., 2012; Gracia & Tomas, 2014).

The Haredi Community as a Minority Group

The Haredi faith-based community is a subgroup in the predominantly secular Israeli society. It is perceived as a minority group, due to this community's distinct lifestyle and the tendency to differentiate itself from the surrounding society (Schnitzer et al., 2011). This is a subgroup in Orthodox Judaism, which views itself as responsible for preserving religious Jewish tradition across the generations. Such perceptions constitute the basis for the Haredi community's unique way of life, emphasizing meticulous adherence to the religious commandments (“mitzvot”) pertaining to all areas of life. This is expressed in clothing, behavior, family values, and relationships between individuals and the community (Fass & Lazar, 2011; Serebro, 2010). Conservative values and norms such as modesty, erudition, family-centered values, devotion, and obedience toward religious leaders are at the heart of their lives (Almog & Perry-Hazan, 2011). As in other collectivist societies, high commitment to the community and its values comes at the expense of the individual's needs and desires (Band-Winterstein & Freund, 2018; Neriya-Ben Shahar, 2017). The relationship between the individual and the community is based on community care and support regarding all aspects of individual needs in exchange for loyalty and submission. While the surrounding Western culture emphasizes individual rights and the right to choose, the ultra-Orthodox Jewish community (UOJC) believes that individual fulfillment is achieved by living according to Jewish religious tradition (Goodman, 2001) and total adherence to its values.

The UOJC includes three main streams: Hasidic, Lithuanian, and Sephardic (Rier et al., 2008). Although the various groups are often differentiated from each other (Popovsky, 2010), a clearly defined set of values characterizes all of the groups. They all obey the Halacha (Jewish Law), strictly fulfill the religious commandments, and are characterized by resistance to secularism.

Intimate Partner Violence in the Ultra-Orthodox Jewish Community

The UOJC sees its main goal as defending the community's central values and its cohesion against outside influences (Jones & Fowler, 2009). Such resistance is fundamental and relates to all social phenomena within the community, including intimate partner violence. This community views the ultra-Orthodox way of life as the only acceptable way to uphold values and spirituality. Consequently, its members assume that in a society that lives strictly according to the Jewish commandments, no violence of any kind should exist. Therefore, they tend to understate deviant behavior as an isolated case that in no way characterizes the community as a whole. This attitude has prevented the leaders of the community from perceiving intimate partner violence as a social problem, and thus has hindered the provision of solutions appropriate to the UOJC (Ringel & Bina, 2007; Sweifach & Heft-LaPorte, 2007). In fact, until recent years, the UOJC denied and concealed the problem of IPV (Sweifach & Heft-LaPorte, 2007). Women coping with IPV were pressurized to refrain from turning to police, and instead were encouraged to consult the rabbi, who would usually prefer to keep the family intact, consistent with community norms (Farber, 2006). To this day, the stigma attached to IPV elicits feelings of guilt and shame, leading the women to refrain from reporting these incidents and maintain silence in order to avoid damaging their own reputation and that of their family. They are further aware that any deviance from the norms of their community will harm not only their family's good name, but also destroy their children's prospects for a good marriage (Greenberg et al., 2012; Weiss et al., 2013). In addition, any referral to an external source of help—such as the police or an outside institution—is unacceptable, perceived as slander and a violation of the community's reputation, and hence discordant with community norms (Farber, 2006; Shechory-Bitton, 2014). Nevertheless, studies have shown a growing number of referrals for family violence offenses of people in the Haredi community to external sources of social control, such as the Israel Police and public welfare institutions, despite the assumption that most women continue to maintain their silence (Weissblei, 2010).

Being Marginalized from the Inside Out as a Consequence of IPV

Marginalization adds another dimension to IPV at the intersection of identity, social status, social processes, and social policy. As a minority, members of the ultra-Orthodox sector feel discriminated against by the general society (Buchbinder & Shoob, 2013; Buchbinder et al., 2015). Those experiencing IPV are marginalized twice: first, as a minority, and second, because members of their own community view them as deviants and “hide” their existence (Shechory-Bitton, 2014). In the surrounding society, people experiencing IPV are increasingly turning to professional help (Messing et al., 2015), while within the UOJC, this channel remains less acceptable for various reasons (Band-Winterstein & Freund, 2018). The range of options available to ultra-Orthodox couples dealing with IPV and the availability of professional intervention are limited.

A multigenerational perspective of a doubly marginalized group dealing with previously unacknowledged social problems goes beyond the group itself and has the potential to provide an inside look into the experience of similar groups.

The following questions underly the present research:

What are the ways in which members of the UOJC from three generations, who are experiencing IPV, deal with the option of professional intervention?

How does such a change in attitudes to professional intervention indicate and shape social processes occurring in the ultra-Orthodox Jewish community?

Method

This study is part of a larger research that focused on the social construction of intimate partner violence in the ultra-Orthodox Jewish community in Israel. It was conducted according to the interpretive phenomenological tradition and used a qualitative methodology along with a social constructivist approach to data analysis and interpretation (Smith et al., 2011).

Sample and Population

The purposeful sample (Patton, 2002) consisted of 38 information-rich participants from the UOJC in Israel, who were coping with intimate partner violence. The participants were 17 men and 21 women from three age groups: 8 women and 5 men from the younger generation (from 25 to 37 years of age, mean age 30.07); 7 women and 7 men from the middle-aged generation (from 38 to 55 years of age, mean age 45.5), and 6 women and 5 men from the older generation (from 56 to 70 years of age, mean age 61.2).

The participants came from a variety of socioeconomic backgrounds and from different ultra-Orthodox sectors (Hassidic, Sephardic, and Lithuanian). The choice of participants from three generations enabled the examination of changes within the UOJC over time. The choice of interviewees from the different ultra-Orthodox sectors (Hassidic, Sephardic, and Lithuanian) enabled the researchers to view the commonalities and differences between the perceptions of the various sub-groups among the population. All of the participants were over 18 and were either currently or previously living in a violent intimate relationship. They were approached by their social workers and gave their written consent to participate in the study. The final sample size was determined according to the principle of theoretical saturation, according to which saturation is reached when the researcher gathers data to the point of diminishing returns or when no new information is added (Bowen, 2008; Green & Thorogood, 2006).

Data Collection

Data collection was performed through semi-structured interviews using an interview guide that included three content categories: 1) The social and cultural context of the experience of living with IPV, e.g., How does the community in which you live relate to violence? 2) The personal and family context of the experience of living with IPV, e.g., What effect did violence have on your daily life? 3) IPV—the time dimension: A retrospective and prospective view, e.g., When you were 20, how did people in your community treat the IPV phenomenon?

Throughout the data-gathering process, the researchers addressed and considered the sensitivity of IPV as a research topic (Renzetti & Lee, 1993), and ensured the necessary confidentiality (Campbell & Dienemann, 2001). The participants were recruited through social services, and the researchers contacted each one to obtain their consent to take part in the interviews. The interviews were conducted individually in a neutral location to ensure privacy, prevent exposure, and ensure the confidentiality of the information. All identifying information was changed to ensure confidentiality and protect the participants. Each participant received a written explanation of the study and signed a written consent form. The study was approved by the Research Authority Ethics Committee of the University of Haifa, Israel. All interviews were recorded and transcribed. Each interview lasted about 90 to 100 min.

Data Analysis

Data analysis was performed according to the interpretive phenomenological method (Smith et al., 2011). First, we read each interview carefully. Then, we began the horizontal coding process by finding statements related to the participants’ experiences of the phenomenon, e.g., identifying various statements that express changes in self-perception as a result of seeking professional intervention.

In the next step, we grouped the statements into units of meaning, including quotes describing the interviewees’ experiences and perceptions, e.g., gathering quotes related to the relationship between the individual and the community. In the fourth step, we identified the emerging themes by shifting from descriptive to interpretive levels of analysis (King & Horrocks, 2010). Thus, the main themes that emerged were assumed to reflect the study participants’ experiences.

Trustworthiness

Trustworthiness was achieved in several ways: The interviews were analyzed by three researchers, and quotes illustrating the participants’ points of view were chosen. Systematic data analysis, grounded in rich descriptions of participants’ narratives (Morse, 2015), further enhanced the study's credibility (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). All of the researchers are very familiar with the ultra-Orthodox sector, and one is a member of the UOJC. Through reflection and bracketing, the researchers dealt with the influence of the interviewer–interviewee interaction (Flick, 2002; Gearing, 2004). To establish bracketing, the researchers reflected on their experiences, biases, and prejudices regarding intimate partner violence and faith-based communities (Gearing, 2004). As a result of this process, the researchers increased their self-awareness, which enabled them to focus more accurately on the participants’ experiences (Finlay & Gough, 2003).

Findings

Three major themes emerged from the analysis of the findings related to seeking professional intervention as a response to coping with IPV. The themes indicate changing attitudes toward professional intervention among ultra-Orthodox Jewish community members and leaders, expressing a shift from a concept of collectivist reflectivity with an emphasis on the community image to an individualistic concept of reflectivity: “Don't think you can do it alone”: Professional intervention as a preferred option; “I did everything to hide the situation”: The end of the era of shame? and “If it's not his problem, then it's my problem”: Professional intervention as a concept of reference.

For the UOJC members, emotional therapy and even a simple consultation with a professional was, for many years, not perceived as a legitimate option. This is because the UOJC, as a minority group, is characterized by a conservative and wary approach to modern Western teachings, including psychotherapy, which is perceived as a “Gentile method” and should therefore be treated with suspicion.

Theme 1:

“Don't think you can do it alone”: Professional intervention as a preferred option.

This theme describes the change in community members’ attitudes to the option of seeking professional intervention. The following quote by Yair (from the younger generation) illustrates the ultra-Orthodox community's stance regarding seeking professional intervention:

I would go to marriage counselling … (to learn) how to live as a couple. Sometimes there are difficult situations, yelling, quarrelling, (learning about) time-out. You know what time-out is? It means going outside to vent for five minutes and coming back. Be assertive, be present, and be empathic. Compromise a lot … I want to say to all men: ‘Before you get married, get some advice on marriage, go to a good counsellor, before jumping into the sea. Jump in with a life preserver or learn to swim [first], and don't think you can do it alone.’ Sometimes the sea is stormy, and the waves are high. Marriage is a stormy sea; sometimes it's calm, sometimes there's a white flag, sometimes there's a black flag. You need to become a good swimmer to know how to deal with the black flags as well. (Yair, separated, age 27)

For Yair, seeking out and participating in professional intervention as early as possible is not only part of the normative course, but is seen as the most effective and optimal way to deal with difficulties that arise throughout the marriage. He uses the “stormy sea” versus “quiet sea” metaphors and expresses the idea that professional intervention is about acquiring “swimming skills,” namely, the tools needed to better cope with situations of conflict on both the behavioral and emotional levels, and thus prevent conflict escalation.

As the study findings show, however, members of the UOJC only became open to actively doing something about IPV after years of ongoing, agonizing coping. This change in behavior is related to changes undergone by the community as a whole in recent years. Michal (from the middle-aged generation) expressed this view:

Today there is more awareness. Today you hear more of ‘I went to professional intervention’ … Once, [people] were ashamed … Today, we know that everyone is dealing with problems … Everyone is wallowing in the mud. Really, everybody has problems … I talked to our rabbi's wife. She told me: ‘You don't have a home where everything is fine.’ I mean, there's been a kind of upheaval in our public domain as well. Things are more out in the open now … everything has changed. Just everything … l went through hell … Today my husband regrets it, but he's not the type to participate in professional intervention. I don't know if it was because he was ashamed or because he thought he knew everything. But in the end, he did go to counselling … I contacted the rabbi. I wrote to him and told him I would divorce my husband unless he intervened.

Q: Did the rabbi intervene?

Yes, he told him to get counselling.

(Michal, married, age 53)

Michal, from the middle-aged generation's perspective, points out the change process that the UOJC has undergone in recent years, which has led to a “makeover” in relation to issues which, in the past, were considered as deviating from the norm. Being different is now more acceptable, so that members of the community feel less and less of a need to hide their difficulties. As a result, referral to professional intervention becomes more legitimate in community life. At the individual level, people are less likely to hide their problems and more likely to initiate solutions that were previously unacceptable, such as divorce. At the community level, today, unlike the past, it is recognized that problems and difficulties exist and must be addressed. On a personal level, this change is also reflected in Michal's coping with her husband's violence. If, in the past, she was helpless in the face of her husband's violent behavior, the current change at the community level and the rabbi's wife's assertion that she does not have a home “where everything is fine”, serve as a sort of confirmation on the part of an authority figure. This validation means she is entitled to stop the concealment and demand that her husband goes to professional intervention. The rabbi's intervention, by instructing the husband to seek professional intervention, also constitutes support.

Theme 2:

“I did everything to hide the situation”: The end of the era of shame?

This theme illustrates moving from community-level visibility and condemnation to an emphasis on personal and family well-being. The entry of external health care providers into the UOJC has led to a change in community members’ attitudes to IPV. The change is reflected in the shift from emphasizing the need to maintain the family's “good name” and to prevent an intrusion of privacy—even at the cost of no professional intervention—to a willingness to confront the social cost of revealing the secret of violence. Adel (from the older generation) describes this as follows:

Two years ago, I went to the social worker and asked for help … It was the first time I disclosed the difficulties and talked about them with someone outside the family.

Throughout the years, I didn't want to go to professional intervention because of the exposure, because of the shame. I did everything to hide the situation so that no one outside would know … It was very difficult for me to start talking about the things I’d been going through for so many years. She [the social worker] really needed to draw things out of me … I feared him then, was scared to death … There (in therapy), I learned to talk. I learned to hear that you can't live like that … I was taught to cope, to think about myself, too … And then I decided I wouldn’t go on [living that way].

(Adel, divorced, age 63)

Adele's narrative indicates that, for many years, she did everything in her power to conceal the violence, even at the cost of ongoing harm to herself and her children. Keeping the secret was perceived as essential in the face of possible harm to the family's social and public status. The silence that had become a way of life had been a barrier to professional intervention for many years, even when it had become more acceptable and legitimate in her community. Therefore, even when she finally initiates and begins therapy, the therapeutic language is foreign to her, and she has great difficulty overcoming her feelings of fear and shame. The statement “I was taught to cope, to think about myself” emphasizes the formation of personal and interpersonal processes that bring about perceptual and behavioral change.

Similarly, Ariel (from the middle-aged generation) describes how referral to professional intervention puts him in the position of overcoming shame when forced to accept the recommendation to participate in group therapy:

Look, I'm known here in town, in the synagogue, and because of the Torah activity that I do. And naturally, the guys who might come here might know me … I was very, very ashamed. So, in [individual] therapy, I was OK because I didn't meet familiar faces. Because even if they saw me and asked me what I was doing here, I would somehow get along. But then there was another recommendation that I must go to group therapy. I strongly objected to this because I knew that it was now time for me to sit down with the guys. So, because of my ego … in the first few meetings, I was very closed. I didn't share, just came because I was told to come. Today, I’m more open and thank G-d … In fact, I don't have to participate in group therapy anymore. I don't have a court order or probation officer or anything like that … I'm here voluntarily. I recognize that it's good for me … I prefer not to go home. I come here to rest, so as not to miss the group session.

(Ariel, married, age 42)

Ariel demonstrates how the fact that he receives professional intervention causes damage not only his self-image, but to his public and religious image as well. As a well-known public figure in the community and as a religious teacher, he finds it very difficult to switch to the position of patient. Nevertheless, he chooses to cooperate with the therapist's recommendation. The fact that he is now continuing voluntarily indicates the trust he has gained in the therapists’ professionalism and the effectiveness of the therapy.

Theme 3:

“If it's not his problem, then it's my problem”: Professional intervention as a concept of reference.

This theme is accompanied by questions about the self and the processes that lead to changes in perception and self-identity, as shown in the following quotes, for example, by Abigail (from the younger generation):

I wanted to go to emotional therapy … I felt guilty; I was afraid to talk about what he was doing because if it wasn't his problem then it was my problem. So, I didn't say anything. The professional intervention really reduced a lot of stress. She [the therapist] also provided a safe haven in my life…an island that was only mine… where I’m the only one who decides … because I couldn't cry, either. Only at the beginning (when I first married), I cried a little. But then I learned to bottle it all up and now [in therapy], I had to learn how to open up …

(Abigail, separated, age 25)

The fear of being labelled as ‘problematic’ and the hidden sense that she was guilty of the situation prevented Abigail from telling anyone about the violence. Her fear was so deeply ingrained that only professional intervention could change her thinking and behavior. Thus, with the help of a therapist, Abigail undergoes a process of perceptual change, at the end of which she is able to look at her life from a new and different perspective. She is no longer silenced and can see herself and put herself at the center.

Efrat (from the middle-aged generation) also talks about changes in her perception of her place and role in the world as a result of undergoing the professional intervention process:

The Center for the Prevention of Violence is the thing I am most thankful for. It's a second home for me, you see. First of all, that's where they actually found out that I had been abused. I didn't know it was abuse … I was silent for years—years. I was silent and gave the impression outwardly that everything was rosy. I don't know where I got the strength to do that. When I first came [to therapy] it was very difficult for me to speak. But slowly, I realized that they would help me… [I understood that] I was going through some sort of process, helping myself, understanding who I am. I've always been subordinate. He always controlled me. Things always had to be as he said … He always decided.

(Efrat, separated, 42)

Efrat and her children experienced years of severe physical and verbal abuse by her husband, which started when they were first married. Her coping strategy had been to pretend that the violence did not exist. The statement “I don't know where I got the strength to do that” has multiple meanings—attributing the ability to pretend as a strength, as well as attributing turning to professional intervention as a strength. Joining therapy is about moving beyond looking at herself as part of a collective, to see herself as a private woman, who deserves to be rescued from her plight. Similarly, Rachel (from the older generation) talks about the change that has taken place since she began participating in group therapy sessions for women dealing with violence. She describes a beneficial relationship with another participant in the group, which expresses a change in perception after many years of suffering:

You know … I have one girlfriend. I don't have many friends … He didn't let me have contact with anyone … And then I got to know her … She's young, she's 35, but she's learning from me today and I’m like a mentor to her. As a birthday present, she invited me to go to Eilat with her for three days … So, I agreed, and we went there and came back, and it helps to sit there, looking at the sea, and thinking about your life that's passed by. Here I am, already 62 years old. I’ve done nothing. What have I done? What did I live for? What did I enjoy in life? No, I didn't enjoy it. The whole time I've been around the kids … Now I can take a time-out and see life in a completely different way. Nurture myself and buy things for myself; instead of just constantly looking around and helping everyone … No, I'm not broken. I’m happy and I stand on my own two feet. This time I'm not giving up. There was very severe violence; I was a victim for 40 years. Today, no more. That's it; it's over.

(Rachel, separated, 62)

Rachel points out the barriers that prevented her from seeking help and delayed professional intervention. One is the social isolation she experienced. Another is related to the demanding intensity of life as an ultra-Orthodox woman, who is the mother of a family with many children. For Rachel, referral to professional intervention becomes possible only after fulfilling her obligations to the family members. Now, for the first time in her life, she puts herself at the center. The professional intervention and the associated reflective process seem to allow her a kind of time-out to re-examine her right to a violence-free life.

Discussion

The ultra-Orthodox Jewish community, a faith-based community, is a case in point of intersectionality among social and psychological factors constructing IPV. The present article, which examined the attitudes of community members dealing with IPV regarding the option to seek professional intervention, focuses on a population group that has been doubly marginalized: As ultra-Orthodox, they belong to a community which views itself as a rejected minority (Fass & Lazar, 2011) and, within their community, they are perceived as having failed to live up to the expectations of the ultra-Orthodox way of life. Therefore, they are marginalized and ignored, at best, and rejected at worst. Focusing on aspects related to seeking professional intervention by ultra-Orthodox couples who are dealing with IPV is a kind of kaleidoscope that allows the reader to better understand the changes occurring in the UOJC, which impact and are impacted by the social construction of IPV in the UOJC.

Studies examining faith-based communities indicate similarities in the multiple ways in which religious perceptions and values influence the way community members relate to IPV (Jones & Fowler, 2009; Popescu et al., 2009). Such similarity in attitudes to IPV in these societies can be attributed to their traditional and conservative value system. Modern values and perceptions are rejected unless they fit into and pose no threat to the conservative worldview. For example, Christianity, Judaism, and Islam are religions with a distinct patriarchal structure, in which men have a higher and more important status than women. The hierarchy, the clear and rigid gender roles, and the distinctly important status of the community and the family over individual needs are common and taken for granted in all three religions (Haj-Yahia, 2000; Longman, 2008). An additional characteristic shared by faith-based communities is the perception of the surrounding society as a threat to their religious and social values. This concept is accompanied by a suspicious and hostile attitude toward personnel and therapists supplied by the social control establishment (e.g., courts, police, and welfare agencies) from outside the community (Fagan et al., 2012; Ringel & Park, 2008).

The UOJC lifestyle is based on the foundations of Torah - Jewish religious law, emphasizing the continuity of “Beit Abba” (literally “father's house”, i.e., the Jewish ancestral tradition). These create a moral and ethical framework that directs members of the UOJC to choose those specific behaviors which are expected of them, and prevent unacceptable or undesirable conduct through accounts, explanations, and arguments drawn from their unique cultural context (Berger & Luckmann, 1966; Burr, 1996).

From an intersectional perspective, the construction of identity is not a state of being but rather of becoming (Carastathis, 2014). The study participants showed signs of changing and evolving identities, which expanded over time and seemed to become more flexible. In addition, the treatment language also enabled the creation of new identity patterns and configurations leading, in turn, to both personal and environmental change, as the personal aspect is reflected in the social aspect. Thus, a hermetically closed identity becomes increasingly open and flexible and may affect other domains of life.

According to social constructionist theory, exposure to an alternative symbolic world, such as individual rights or the advancement of women's status, may either influence or alter the existing symbolic world and thus threaten the accepted social institutional pattern (Berger & Luckmann, 1966; Gergen, 1985). For instance, studies from conservative communities indicate women's empowerment as a factor that leads to social change and affects attitudes toward IPV (Ahrens, et al., 2010; Schuler & Nazneen, 2018). Such a perceptual change can also occur as a result of changes in behavior patterns. The fact that as a result of economic constraints more ultra-Orthodox women now work outside the home, has led to a change in the traditional gender division of roles (Freund, et al., 2019). Consequently, there has been a change in women's status within the UOJC (Kook & Harel-Shalev, 2021). On a practical level, because of the need to earn a living, the traditional perceptions regarding the nature of men and women, also in relation to their parental role and their occupational capacity, has become more flexible. At the perceptual level, more liberal values - contrary to the conservative values of UOJC - have permeated this population group (Wagner, 2015). Similarly, study participants described a perceptual change that occurred as a result of exposure to professional intervention agencies.

The findings of this study show that exposure to social norms that oppose the use of IPV can also occur in conservative, patriarchal and relatively closed societies. The study findings showed that the way in which IPV is addressed in UOJC has changed over the years and is reflected in the choice to seek professional intervention. This choice expresses a change in thinking patterns about intimate violence, which is no longer perceived as an issue that must be hidden and denied - even at the cost of irreversible harm to the personal well-being of those coping with it. An informal legitimacy of seeking professional help emerged, which confronts the bond of silence that has accompanied this phenomenon historically. Those who seek professional intervention are exposed to a fundamentally different worldview than the one they know, which places the individual psychological well-being at the center and emphasizes the rights of survivors to seek and realize change.

Practical Implications of the Study

Given the resistance to change and the newness of the entire process, it is critical to enhance therapeutic intervention in the ultra-Orthodox Jewish community while developing culturally sensitive methods. These methods must take into account the complexity described while supporting those who dare to seek professional help, despite the obstacles. The therapeutic process seems to facilitate successful coping with social perceptions, stigma, and the subsequent pressure which perpetuate various forms of oppression and inequality. The therapeutic model encourages reflective processes combined with efforts to empower the persons involved by combining sensitivity to needs and special attention to their rights. Such interventions may foster change on the individual, family, and community levels. It is likely to lead to changed priorities among the involved individuals, as personal well-being becomes more important than community visibility and approval.

Research Limitations and Recommendations

Out of ethical considerations, and in order to ensure the safety of the participants, only people known to the social services were interviewed. Therefore, it is recommended that future research will make use of social networking in the community. It is also recommended that future studies will separately focus on each subgroup, in order to understand the effects of the unique characteristics of each subgroup, considering the diversity of the UOJC. In addition, we propose to conduct parallel studies in other conservative religious communities and societies worldwide.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Ilanit Tuito

Author Biographies

Ilanit Tuito, PhD, is a lecturer at the School of Social Work, University of Haifa, Israel. Her recent writings have dealt with intimate partner violence in the ultra-Orthodox Jewish community in Israel. She is a research fellow in the Minerva Center on Intersectionality in Ageing (MCIA).

Tova Band-Winterstein, PhD, is an associate professor at the Department of Gerontology, Faculty of Social Welfare & Health Sciences, University of Haifa, Israel. She has specialized in elder abuse and neglect, as well as in other topics, and is an experienced qualitative researcher. She is the chair of the Minerva Center on Intersectionality in Ageing (MCIA).

Zvi Eisikovits, PhD, is a professor emeritus of social work and former director of the Center for the Study of Society at the University of Haifa. He specializes in research on various forms of intimate violence including violence against women, the elderly, and children in the family context. His research is mostly qualitative and focuses on the life world of the persons experiencing violence in intimate relationships.

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