Abstract
Throughout the life span, individuals engage in affectionate touch with close others. Touch receipt promotes well-being in infancy, but the impacts of touch in adult close relationships have been largely unexplored. In this article, we propose that affectionate touch receipt promotes relational, psychological, and physical well-being in adulthood, and we present a theoretical mechanistic model to explain why affectionate touch may promote these outcomes. The model includes pathways through which touch could affect well-being by reducing stress and by promoting well-being independent of stress. Specifically, two immediate outcomes of affectionate touch receipt—relational-cognitive changes and neurobiological changes—are described as important mechanisms underlying the effects of affectionate touch on well-being. We also review and evaluate the existing research linking affectionate touch to well-being in adulthood and propose an agenda to advance research in this area. This theoretical perspective provides a foundation for future work on touch in adult close relationships.
An embrace at the end of a first date is followed years later by wedding vows sealed with a kiss. A conflict is ended by an outstretched arm, and a soft caress triggers a smile. A stressful event is approached hand-in-hand, and a positive disease diagnosis is eased in the arms of a friend. Affectionate touches such as these are common and customary in the development and maintenance of close relationships throughout the life span (e.g., Bell, Daly, & Gonzalez, 1987; Guéguen, 2007; Guerrero & Andersen, 1991). Although touch is a normal/common relational behavior, is present (to some extent) in almost all close relationships, and has been explored by several research disciplines (e.g., neuroendocrinology, developmental medicine/psychology, communication studies), touch has been mostly neglected by relationship scientists. Excellent reviews of the extant touch research have been published from other diverse perspectives (see Dunbar, 2010; Field, 2010; Gallace & Spence, 2010; Hertenstein, Verkamp, Kerestes, & Holmes, 2006); however, social psychologists (and relationship scientists, in particular) have much to contribute to understanding the importance and effects of affectionate touch in adulthood.
The consequences of affectionate touch in adult close relationships are just beginning to be explored. Affectionate touch is defined as touch intended to demonstrate affection (e.g., love, care, fondness, and appreciation; Floyd, 2006) or touch behavior that is typically associated with the demonstration of affection. It has been well established that relational behaviors can promote or detract from the quality of close relationships as well as an individual’s psychological and physical well-being (e.g., Cohen, 2004; Eisenberger, 2013; Thoits, 2011; Wright & Loving, 2011); affectionate touch may be one such behavior with important relational and individual consequences. Specifically, affectionate touch may facilitate the development of high-quality, intimate social relationships, and it may be one behavior that can be used in the context of a close relationship to demonstrate support and acceptance to promote individual well-being. There are several theoretical reasons why receiving touch in adult close relationships might promote an individual’s relational, psychological, and physical well-being, and there is initial evidence to support these links in adulthood. The aims of the current article are (a) to propose a theoretical mechanistic model linking affectionate touch receipt to relational, psychological, and physical well-being and (b) to review the direct and indirect evidence for the proposed model. Both of these aims serve the broader goal of providing a foundation for future research on the effects of touch in adulthood and the mechanisms underlying these effects. Before we address these aims, we describe affectionate touch and specify our particular focus on the receipt (rather than provision) of affectionate touch.
Affectionate Touch
Interpersonal touch is a diverse behavior; people touch one another in many ways, for many reasons, and in many contexts (Jones & Yarbrough, 1985; Pisano, Wall, & Foster, 1986). A touch is considered affectionate if it is intended by the touch provider to demonstrate love, care, fondness, or appreciation (Floyd, 2006), or if that type of touch is typically assumed to indicate affection, such as hugging, kissing, caressing, holding hands, stroking another person’s face, hair, arms, back or legs, and other non-sexual physical contact (e.g., K. L. Johnson & Edwards, 1991; Jones & Yarbrough, 1985; Pisano et al., 1986). People generally like to give and receive affectionate touch in their close relationships and do so regularly (e.g., Anderson & McCormack, 2014; van Anders, Edelstein, Wade, & Samples-Steele, 2014). Sexual physical contact also may be included in a definition of affectionate touch, but it is a specific subcategory of touch that differs from other types of physical affection (Birnie-Porter & Lydon, 2013). Sex is a biological drive with a specific reproductive function, and it may or may not be affectionate depending on the meaning and behaviors involved in the sexual encounter. Thus, this theoretical perspective will emphasize non-sexual affectionate touch in adult close relationships.
In addition, the theoretical model we propose focuses on receiving affectionate touch from a close other (e.g., romantic partner, best friend, sibling). Touch is, by definition, a dyadic behavior, and touch interactions often include both receiving and providing touch in a reciprocal and synergistic exchange. Our definition of affectionate touch receipt includes situations in which one receives an affectionate touch that a partner initiated or reciprocated. We also include static touch interactions such as lying next to one’s romantic partner with bodies touching or intertwined, as long as the partner initiated the touch or reciprocated the touch (e.g., by moving closer, by extending the duration of the touch). Providing affectionate touch strictly without receiving touch (e.g., rubbing one’s partner’s back without receiving a response) may also have benefits, but we argue that these benefits may operate through different pathways and are therefore not included in the current theoretical model.
Model of Affectionate Touch in Adulthood: Overview
The theoretical model that we propose (see Figure 1) depicts a causal relationship between receiving affectionate touch in adult close relationships and long-term beneficial outcomes in three domains of well-being: relational well-being, psychological well-being, and physical well-being. We focus on relational, psychological, and physical well-being outcomes because they broadly represent three domains in which an individual can thrive, and there is theoretical and empirical evidence that relational behaviors can affect each of these outcomes (e.g., Feeney & Collins, 2015; Thoits, 2011).

Theoretical model linking affectionate touch receipt to relational, psychological, and physical well-being.
Relational well-being includes satisfaction with and commitment to one’s relationship, low levels of conflict/distress in the relationship, and relational persistence; psychological well-being includes positive moods, subjective well-being, and a lack of psychological distress or disorder; and physical well-being includes avoiding illness/disease and associated pre-disease states, a lack of physical symptoms, and other indicators of physical functioning (Feeney & Collins, 2015). These well-being outcomes are bidirectionally linked (e.g., Cohen, 2004; De Vogli, Chandola, & Marmot, 2007; Hawkins & Booth, 2005; Loving & Slatcher, 2013; Proulx, Helms, & Buehler, 2007; Robles, Slatcher, Trombello, & McGinn, 2014; Umberson & Montez, 2010); therefore, the impact of touch on one outcome may be due, in part, to its influence on another outcome. For example, individuals who experience physical well-being may have fewer relational conflicts about their health maintenance, or individuals who have better relational well-being may experience more positive mood and have greater psychological well-being.
Despite these bidirectional links, we propose that affectionate touch receipt specifically affects each domain of well-being. Mechanistic paths linking affectionate touch to each long-term outcome are illustrated in Figure 1 and described in the following sections. One broad mechanism we will describe involves reducing daily stress and stress reactivity to promote well-being (Figure 1, Paths A, B). This pathway is based on the stress-buffering hypothesis, which states that social support may promote health by mitigating stress’ negative impact on health (Cohen & Wills, 1985). We propose that affectionate touch reduces daily stress and stress reactivity to prevent stress from detracting from well-being (i.e., affectionate touch buffers the negative effects of stress). However, we propose that affectionate touch also promotes well-being independent of stress. We describe two specific mechanistic pathways—a relational-cognitive pathway and a neurobiological pathway—that we propose will buffer stress to promote well-being and promote well-being independent of stress.
First, the interpretation of touch as affectionate (i.e., indicative of the touch provider’s love and care) may catalyze changes in the touch recipient’s relational and self-perceptions, which we refer to as relational-cognitive changes (Figure 1, Path C, D). Second, touch may induce changes in neurobiological systems that result from the touch experience itself, predominantly independent of any interpretation (Figure 1, Path G). We propose that these immediate outcomes of touch buffer stress (Figure 1, Paths E, H) and promote well-being independent of stress (Figure 1., Paths F, I) so that affectionate touch receipt will promote long-term well-being. In the following sections, we describe the relational-cognitive and neurobiological changes that result from affectionate touch receipt, and we provide theoretical and empirical evidence that these changes contribute to improvements in relational, psychological, and physical well-being.
In summary, Figure 1 outlines a normative mechanistic model to link receiving affectionate touch to long-term relational, psychological, and physical well-being. In elaborating this model, we also describe how the type of affectionate touch one receives as well as situational, personal, relational, and cultural factors might moderate the interpretation of touch to influence the relational-cognitive path (Figure 1, Path J). In addition, we consider whether touch’s interpretation could interrupt or modulate the neurobiological path (Figure 1, Path K), and we consider how physical properties of touch might influence the degree to which affectionate touch induces neurobiological changes (Figure 1, Path L). In the next several sections, we describe and provide evidence for each mechanistic link proposed in the model. First, we provide evidence that touch reduces stress; then, we explain how the immediate outcomes of touch (relational-cognitive changes and neurobiological changes) could affect long-term relational, psychological, and physical well-being both through their contributions to buffering stress and independent of stress.
Affectionate Touch Buffers Stress to Promote Well-Being (Figure 1, Paths A, B)
We propose that affectionate touch may promote well-being, in part, by reducing or preventing stress. Stress is well-known to undermine relational, psychological, and physical well-being, so a reduction in stress is both relationship- and health-protective (e.g., Uchino, 2006, 2009). In close relationships, stress reduces time spent together, worsens communication quality, interferes with relationship maintenance behaviors, and can lead to conflicts (Figure 1, Path B1; e.g., Neff & Karney, 2004, 2009; Randall & Bodenmann, 2009). Stress also harms psychological (Figure 1, Path B2) and physical (Figure 1, Path B3) well-being because stressed individuals neglect health behaviors (e.g., exercise, balanced eating, meditating) and engage in harmful coping strategies (e.g., smoking, consuming alcohol, rumination; e.g., Cohen, Janicki-Deverts, & Miller, 2007). People who are chronically stressed are more likely to develop health problems and to have severe and persistent illnesses than less stressed individuals (e.g., Cohen et al., 2012; Cohen et al., 2007; Cohen, Tyrrell, & Smith, 1991; Kiecolt-Glaser, Marucha, Malarkey, Mercado, & Glaser, 1995; O’Leary, 1990). In addition, repeated hyper-reactivity of the physiological stress response can damage health by suppressing immunity, causing inflammation, and accelerating disease progression (e.g., Ader, Cohen, & Felten, 1995; Herbert & Cohen, 1993; Lovollo, 2005; McEwen, 1998; Segerstrom & Miller, 2004). For instance, a meta-analysis has shown prospectively that greater cardiovascular stress reactivity is associated with later cardiovascular health problems (Chida & Steptoe, 2010).
There is accumulating correlational and experimental evidence for the proposed theoretical link between receiving affectionate touch and reduced stress (Figure 1, Path A). Evidence suggests that affectionate touch is associated with lower daily stress (Burleson, Trevathan, & Todd, 2007; Floyd et al., 2009; Holt-Lunstad, Birmingham, & Light, 2008) and lower stress reactivity (Ditzen et al., 2007; Light, Grewen, & Amico, 2005). Researchers have used self-reported perceived stress and physiological stress markers as measures of stress in this research. Salivary alpha-amylase and salivary cortisol are biological markers of stress responses in the two primary stress systems, the autonomic nervous system (ANS) and the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis, respectively (e.g., Berntson, Quigley, & Lozano, 2007). Alpha-amylase has been used as an indirect measure of sympathetic-adrenal medullary axis (SAM) activation in the ANS (Chatterton, Vogelsong, Lu, Ellman, & Hudgens, 1996; Nater & Rohleder, 2009), and it increases in response to stress (Nater et al., 2006; Nater et al., 2005). Cortisol is used as a biological marker of the level of activity in the HPA axis and has also been shown to increase reliably in response to stress (Kirschbaum & Hellhammer, 1994).
In daily diary studies, individuals had lower stress (i.e., lower levels of salivary cortisol) on days that they reported higher levels of affectionate touch (Ditzen, Hoppman, & Klumb, 2008), and affectionate touch receipt predicted fewer events perceived as stressful the following day (Burleson et al., 2007). An intervention study extended these correlational findings (Holt-Lunstad et al., 2008). Couples were randomly assigned to either a 4-week warm touch enhancement intervention (i.e., training in and daily practice of touch and massage techniques) or a control group in which couples reported their touch behaviors for 4 weeks but did not modify their behavior. Participants in the touch intervention group experienced greater declines in alpha-amylase (but not cortisol) over the intervention period than individuals in the control group. These studies suggest that receiving affectionate touch reduces naturally occurring daily stress, although future experimental research with an active control group (e.g., in which participants complete an alternative relationship enhancement intervention) would provide even stronger evidence.
Receiving affectionate touch also has been shown to attenuate stress reactivity during specific stressful experiences. In an experimental investigation of affection broadly, participants who were instructed to engage in an affectionate interaction with their romantic partner (i.e., affectionate touch while discussing a positive relational experience) before they completed a stressful speech task had lower heart rate and blood pressure reactivity to the task than participants who rested alone (Grewen, Anderson, Girdler, & Light, 2003). Affectionate touch, in particular, also has been shown to mitigate laboratory stress. Individuals who reported receiving more frequent hugs in their normal day-to-day relationship interactions had smaller heart rate increases during a stressful laboratory task than individuals who reported less frequent hugs (Light et al., 2005). Experimentally manipulated affectionate touch reduces stress reactivity as well (Ditzen et al., 2007). Specifically, participants who were randomly assigned to receive affectionate touch—a standardized neck and shoulder massage—from their partner prior to a stressful task had lower cortisol and heart rate reactivity during the task than participants assigned to a no-support condition in which they came to the lab alone. Participants who received touch also had marginally lower heart rate reactivity than participants who received another form of social support, verbal support, from their partners. Imagining affectionate touch receipt provides a similar stress-diminishing benefit; recalling and imagining supportive affectionate touch were effective to lessen the perceived stressfulness of a socially evaluative task, and it attenuated stress more effectively than imagining instances of a partner saying something supportive (Jakubiak & Feeney, in press-a).
Affectionate touch receipt also has been demonstrated to facilitate recovery after a stressor. The amount of affectionate touch an individual received from his or her partner after a stressful laboratory task (observationally coded) predicted reductions in distress, such that greater amounts of touch predicted greater reductions in distress (Robinson, Hoplock, & Cameron, 2015). Stress attenuation before or after a stressor may occur because affectionate touch from a close other reduces the stressfulness or threat of challenging situations. Evidence from one study supports this conjecture; under the threat of a painful electric shock, participants had less neural activation in brain areas associated with threat while holding their partners’ hands than when they were not holding hands (Coan, Schaefer, & Davidson, 2006).
Taken together, this extant research indicates that receiving affectionate touch from close others or having a history of physical affection has a protective effect on stress and stress reactivity in adulthood. Empirical evidence from infants and comparative research in animals provide additional, convergent evidence for this causal link. Infants who receive affectionate touch during infant stress tasks (i.e., “still-face” tasks in which parents create stress for an infant by being unresponsive) are protected from the psychological and physiological stress of the task (Feldman, Singer, & Zagoory, 2010; Jean & Stack, 2009). In addition, premature infants assigned to receive increased skin-to-skin contact from their caregivers have attenuated stress responses 10 years later compared with infants who received standard care (Feldman, Rosenthal, & Eidelman, 2014). Relatedly, grooming reduces stress for non-human primates and rodents (Dunbar, 2010; Harlow & Zimmerman, 1959; Weaver et al., 2004). For instance, rat pups that receive maternal licking and grooming experience changes in gene expression that result in reduced HPA responses to stress (Weaver et al., 2004).
We propose that the broad casual link between affectionate touch and lower stress (Figure 1, Path A) is explained by immediate relational-cognitive or neurobiological effects of touch receipt, which is why we indicate this path with a dotted line. We also propose that immediate relational-cognitive and neurobiological effects of touch may promote relational, psychological, and physical well-being directly, independent of stress. Next, we describe the relational-cognitive pathway, which begins with the touch recipient’s interpretation of the touch.
Relational-Cognitive Pathway (Figure 1, Paths C, D, E, F)
Touch’s Interpretation Promotes Relational-Cognitive Changes (Figure 1, Paths C, D)
Interpretation (Figure 1, Path C)
When an individual receives an affectionate touch such as a hug, kiss, or warm caress, the individual will likely interpret the meaning of the behavior. Normatively, an affectionate touch within a close relationship should be interpreted as an expression of the touch provider’s love and care because affectionate behaviors often—but not always—indicate true affection (Floyd, 2006). Touch also conveys a message that the relationship is close (Ben-Ari & Lavee, 2007); individuals ascribe greater intimacy to relationships in which they receive touch or observe touch compared with relationships with less touch (Burgoon, Buller, Hale, & deTurck, 1984; K. L. Johnson & Edwards, 1991; Mackey, Diemer, & O’Brien, 2000; Pisano et al., 1986; Thayer, 1986). This normative, positive interpretation of affectionate touch receipt leads to a series of relational-cognitive changes that we describe next.
Relational-cognitive changes (Figure 1, Path D; Figure 2)
When an individual receives an affectionate touch and interprets this touch as affectionate, a series of relational-cognitive changes may occur to link affectionate touch receipt to relational, psychological, and physical well-being. A detailed, elaborated depiction of these relational-cognitive changes is shown in Figure 2. First, receiving affectionate touch serves as a salient indicator of physical and emotional closeness to another person and therefore demonstrates social inclusion (Figure 2, Path A). It is considered a fundamental human need to form and maintain close relationships and to maintain proximity to significant others, and theorists propose that inclusion in close relationships permits individuals to thrive (e.g., Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Bowlby, 1969/1982, 1973; Coan, 2010; Deci & Ryan, 2000; Feeney & Collins, 2015). Receiving affectionate touch normatively indicates that one is included in a social group; the reminder of one relational connection may increase the salience of social inclusion broadly because memories of inclusion will be most accessible when individuals feel included currently (e.g., Singer & Salovey, 1988).

Relational-cognitive changes that result from affectionate touch receipt and its interpretation.
In addition, receiving touch that is interpreted as affectionate (i.e., indicating love and care) may promote felt security (Figure 2, Path B). Felt security includes immediate feelings of safety and calm, the global perception that one is cared for and accepted, and trust in one’s partner’s (the touch provider’s) continuing love, commitment, and responsiveness (e.g., Collins & Feeney, 2004). According to attachment theory, individuals experience felt security through repeated experiences in which others demonstrate availability, responsiveness, and care (e.g., Baldwin, 1992; Bowlby, 1969/1982, 1973; Bretherton, 1985; Carnelley & Rowe, 2007; Gillath, Selcuk, & Shaver, 2008; Sroufe & Waters, 1977). Affectionate touch demonstrates these attributes; thus, receiving affectionate touch (either spontaneously or in response to care seeking) is theorized to promote felt security in adulthood.
Indeed, preliminary research supports the idea that affectionate touch receipt promotes felt security in adulthood (e.g., Jakubiak & Feeney, in press-b; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2007b). Adults can be primed to feel secure by looking at pictures of individuals engaging in affectionate touch (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2007b). In addition, individuals who imagined touch experiences subsequently had greater accessibility of security-related words (e.g., calm, supported, loved, trusting) than individuals who instead imagined the details of a room, consistent with the activation of felt security (Jakubiak & Feeney, in press-b, Study 1). In another experiment, participants who were randomly assigned to receive affectionate touch from their romantic partners during a neutral television-watching task reported greater felt security after the task than participants whose partners interacted normally but refrained from providing touch (Jakubiak & Feeney, in press-b, Study 2). Finally, research has shown that when individuals receive affectionate touch from their romantic partners, they subsequently report that they feel “close to, secure with, cared for, and understood” by their partners (Debrot, Schoebi, Perrez, & Horn, 2013, p. 1376). Touch in infancy and childhood similarly promotes security (Anisfeld, Casper, Noyzce, & Cunningham, 1990; Duhn, 2010; Gurol & Polat, 2012; Hertenstein & Campos, 2001; Korja et al., 2008; Lowinger, Dimitrovsky, Strauss, & Mogilner, 1995; Miyake, Chen, & Campos, 1985; Weiss, Wilson, Hertenstein, & Campos, 2000).
Together, the perception of social inclusion and trust in one’s partner’s continuing love and responsiveness should foster the belief that support is available if needed (Figure 2, Paths C, D). Individuals expect that when they are included in social groups, others will provide support at a level commensurate with the relationship’s closeness (e.g., Arriaga, Goodfriend, & Lohmann, 2004; Coan, 2010). This perception that support is available is a powerful belief that is theorized to attenuate stress and facilitate autonomous behaviors, as described in later sections. Moreover, the perception that a touch provider will provide support is likely to be accurate because individuals are motivated to provide support when they feel greater closeness, and touch can be a gauge of the touch provider’s perceived closeness (e.g., Clark, Mills, & Powell, 1986; Feeney & Collins, 2001).
A second potential outcome of experiencing felt security (safety, feelings of acceptance, and trust in one’s partner’s continuing love, acceptance, and responsiveness) is the touch recipient’s willingness to increase dependence and closeness in the relationship (Figure 2, Path E). Individuals in close (especially romantic) relationships are interdependent—part of a unitary, cooperative unit—but they can choose to intensify or limit this dependence (e.g., Agnew, Van Lange, Rusbult, & Langston, 1998; Murray, Holmes, & Collins, 2006). According to self-expansion theory, individuals in close relationships expand their self-concepts to include close others’ resources, attributes, and goals (e.g., Aron, Aron, & Smollan, 1992; Aron, Aron, Tudor, & Nelson, 1991; Aron & Fraley, 1999). As their commitment and dependence increase, they become slower to differentiate their traits from their partner’s (e.g., Aron et al., 1992), they share their resources with their partners (e.g., Aron et al., 1991), they sacrifice for their partners (e.g., Van Lange et al., 1997), and they view their outcomes as linked to their partner’s outcomes such that one person’s failure or success affects both individuals (e.g., Aron, Mashek, & Aron, 2004). Individuals are simultaneously motivated to increase dependence so that they can experience the fulfillment of connection and to limit dependence because it can result in rejection, being taken advantage of, and other relational risks (Murray, Derrick, Leder, & Holmes, 2008; Murray et al., 2006). Research has demonstrated that individuals are only willing to risk increasing dependence (including experiencing positive regard for their partners) when they believe that their partners care for them and trust that their partners will continue to be loving and responsive (Murray, Holmes, & Griffin, 2000). If receiving affectionate touch leads to the appraisal that one’s partner can be trusted, individuals may choose to accept the risk of increasing closeness to and overlap with their partners.
Figure 1 indicates that relational-cognitive changes occur as a result of an affectionate interpretation of the touch receipt (i.e., an affectionate interpretation is important for linking affectionate touch receipt to relational-cognitive changes). However, it is possible that affectionate touch could lead a touch recipient to increase dependence without any conscious interpretation. Some research supports this possibility: A casual touch from a stranger increases compliance with the stranger’s requests, regardless of whether individuals are consciously aware that they have been touched (e.g., Crusco & Wetzel, 1984; Erceau & Guéguen, 2007; Fisher, Rytting, & Heslin, 1976; Guéguen, 2002). Because affectionate touch involves physical overlap between two individuals, it may also facilitate their cognitive overlap automatically. Theories of embodied cognition suggest that physical posture and movements can influence cognition because the mind and body are interconnected (Barsalou, 1999, 2010; Meier, Schnall, Schwarz, & Bargh, 2012; Niedenthal, Barsalou, Winkielman, Krauth-Gruber, & Ric, 2005). Indeed, research supports a bidirectional linkage between mind and body; for instance, individuals who experience physical instability also evaluate their relationships as more unstable (Forest, Kille, Wood, & Stehouwer, 2015). Extending this idea, physical overlap that occurs when an individual receives touch (by including another person into one’s body space) may facilitate psychological overlap because body states may activate a linked, dyadic self-concept. Cross-sectional research has demonstrated that touch in romantic relationships correlates positively with self-reported feelings of psychological self–other overlap (Ledbetter, 2013).
In sum, receiving affectionate touch may lead to immediate relational-cognitive changes and downstream processes that ultimately link receiving touch to long-term relational, psychological, and physical well-being. In the following two sections, we describe how these relational-cognitive changes may protect relational, psychological, and physical well-being indirectly by buffering stress’ negative impact on well-being (Figure 1, Paths E, B) or by promoting well-being directly (Figure 1, Path F).
Relational-Cognitive Changes Buffer Stress (Figure 1, Paths E, B)
The proposed relational-cognitive changes (resulting from affectionate touch) may affect relational, psychological, and physical well-being in part by buffering stress and threat. The perception of a partner’s positive regard and the resulting perceptions of social inclusion, felt security, and social support availability can collectively reduce or prevent stress (e.g., Brown, Sheffield, Leary, & Robinson, 2004; Ditzen & Heinrichs, 2014; Lepore, Allen, & Evan, 1993; Thorsteinsson & James, 1999). Stress occurs when individuals appraise a threat or difficulty to outweigh their ability to cope with it (e.g., Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Proximity to close others can decrease the perception that difficulties or obstacles are stressful because close others are expected to provide assistance if needed (e.g., Bowlby, 1973; Coan, 2010). This is especially likely when a close other is both proximally and emotionally close and involved in an interdependent relationship. For instance, individuals who were told they would have to walk up a hill with a friend estimated the gradient of the hill as less steep than individuals who were told they would have to ascend the hill alone (Schnall, Harber, Stefanucci, & Proffitt, 2008).
In addition, individuals who expect that their partners are available and will provide social support responsively if needed (as a result of affectionate touch) may be less reactive to stress. Support providers who behave responsively are theorized to restore felt security during threats (Bowlby, 1969/1982, 1973) and mitigate physiological stress (e.g., Uchino, Cacioppo, & Kiecolt-Glaser, 1996). Indeed, research indicates that social support receipt can reduce stress reactions during challenging tasks (e.g., Ditzen et al., 2007; Kane, McCall, Collins, & Blascovich, 2012). Individuals may perceive caregiver availability, acceptance, and interdependence through affectionate touch, and these perceptions may shield against stress.
There are also neuroimaging data to suggest that the perception of support availability reduces stress reactivity (Figure 1, Path E; Eisenberger, 2013). For instance, individuals who reported greater social support in their daily lives had less activity in areas of the brain associated with distress and threat (dorsal anterior cingulate cortex and Brodmann’s Area 8) during social exclusion than individuals who reported less daily support (Eisenberger, Taylor, Gable, Hilmert, & Lieberman, 2007). Viewing pictures of close others also reduced neural activation related to distress (dorsal anterior cingulate cortex, bilateral anterior insula) and increased activation related to safety signaling (ventromedial prefrontal cortex) during a threatening pain task (Eisenberger et al., 2011). This is consistent with evidence that affectionate touch helps to reduce activation in neural areas associated with stress responses and increase activation in neural areas associated with safety (Coan et al., 2006).
Relational-Cognitive Changes Promote Well-Being (Figure 1, Path F)
The relational-cognitive changes that result from affectionate touch may promote relational, psychological, and physical well-being independent of stress by facilitating relationship- and health-protective thoughts and behaviors. We discuss links between relational-cognitive changes and each domain of well-being next.
Relational well-being (Figure 1, Path F1)
First, the link to relational well-being may occur because individuals who receive affectionate touch and infer their partner’s affection may perceive their relationships more positively. The expectation of partner responsiveness that results from affectionate touch receipt might assure touch recipients that their attachment needs are met, and they may therefore feel satisfied with the relationship (Gleason, Iida, Shrout, & Bolger, 2008). In addition, individuals perceive their partners more positively when they believe that their partners also view them positively (Murray et al., 2000). Therefore, when individuals receive touch and infer that it means their partner loves and accepts them, they may feel comfortable to love and accept their partner. In addition to these protective relational perceptions, individuals who receive affectionate touch may enact relationally protective behaviors. Affectionate touch promotes felt security, and research has shown that individuals who feel secure resist behaving defensively, think and behave with greater empathy, and provide responsive support, which could each promote and protect relationship quality (e.g., Mikulincer, Shaver, Bar-On, & Sahdra, 2014; Mikulincer, Shaver, Gillath, & Nitzberg, 2005; Mikulincer, Shaver, Sahdra, & Bar-On, 2013).
Furthermore, when individuals feel loved and increase dependence and closeness (as a result of receiving affectionate touch), they may forego self-interested behaviors in favor of behaviors that benefit their partners and the relationship (Finkel & Rusbult, 2008; Rusbult & Agnew, 2008; Rusbult & Van Lange, 2003). Theorists have suggested that individuals attend to the needs of others with whom they are close and interdependent because they may see the others’ needs as their own (Aron et al., 2004), and they may feel a communal motivation to respond to their partner’s needs and goals (e.g., Clark & Mills, 1979, 2011; Clark et al., 1986). Specifically, individuals may support one another’s goals, cope communally with one individual’s problems, cooperate during joint decision making, and aim to resolve conflicts in such a way that both individuals benefit. Individuals may also avoid reciprocating negativity, blaming, and other damaging relational behaviors if they accept their interdependence with their partners. Receiving affectionate touch may also help individuals to resolve conflicts and cooperate because it represents a form of “emotional capital,” defined as reservoirs of positive, shared experiences that help individuals to endure relationship difficulties (Feeney & Lemay, 2012). These pro-relationship behaviors have been shown to promote relational well-being (e.g., Carstensen, Gottman, & Levenson, 1995; Kumashiro, Finkel, & Rusbult, 2002).
There is indeed empirical evidence that receiving affectionate touch facilitates relationship-protective behaviors as this theoretical perspective suggests. Touch from a stranger can encourage pro-social behaviors such as helping (Guéguen & Fischer-Lokou, 2003; Paulsell & Goldman, 1984); touch between teammates facilitates cooperation in team sports (Kraus, Huang, & Keltner, 2010); and touch through grooming promotes cooperation (e.g., the formation of social alliances) in non-human primates (Dunbar, 2010). Importantly, affectionate touch often occurs in a dyadic interaction where both individuals provide and receive touch. Therefore, both partners may simultaneously experience pro-relational thoughts and enact pro-relational behaviors that can synergistically benefit the relationship.
Psychological well-being (Figure 1, Path F2)
The relational-cognitive changes that result from affectionate touch may also promote psychological well-being, including positive mood and subjective well-being. Close relationships contribute to personal happiness and well-being, and are the most important determinant of happiness for most individuals (Myers & Diener, 1995; Ryff, 1989). Reminders of social inclusion and acceptance may therefore promote positive mood and prevent negative mood. Indeed, research has shown that individuals who are primed with reminders of closeness and security report more positive mood and regulate their affect more effectively than individuals who do not experience these primes (e.g., Gillath et al., 2008; Mikulincer, Hirschberger, Nachmias, & Gillath, 2001; Selcuk, Zayas, Günaydin, Hazan, & Kross, 2012). A daily diary study provided correlational evidence that the relationship between receiving affectionate touch from a romantic partner and positive mood is partially explained by the touch recipient feeling close with and accepted by his or her partner (Debrot et al., 2013).
Feeling valued and accepted, as a result of affectionate touch receipt, may also increase the touch recipient’s self-esteem. According to the sociometer theory of self-esteem (e.g., Leary & Baumeister, 2000; Leary, Tambor, Terdal, & Downs, 1995), self-esteem functions like a gauge to indicate one’s level of social connection. According to this theory, low self-esteem and negative affect result when individuals feel that they lack adequate social connection, and it motivates them to restore social connection or develop new relationships. Because affectionate touch indicates a close social connection and makes that connection salient, individuals who engage in affectionate touch may experience high self-esteem in addition to positive affect. Additional research is needed to substantiate this theoretical proposition. However, consistent with this idea, research indicates that individuals who are reminded of their close relationships through priming report increases in self-esteem (Gillath et al., 2008).
Physical well-being (Figure 1, Path F3)
Finally, the relational-cognitive changes that result from affectionate touch receipt may promote physical well-being. Individuals who feel that they are included in close relationships are protected from physical health problems; they are less at risk of all-cause mortality, cardiovascular disease, cancer, and infections (e.g., Cohen, 2004; Cohen, Doyle, Skoner, Rabin, & Gwaltney, 1997; Holt-Lunstad & Smith, 2012; Seeman, 1996). In contrast, individuals who report loneliness or a lack of social connections are at greater risk of mortality and health problems (Berkman & Syme, 1979; Hawkley, Berntson, Burleson, & Cacioppo, 2003; Luo, Hawkley, Waite, & Cacioppo, 2012; Patterson & Veenstra, 2010; Sorkin, Rook, & Lu, 2002). Thus, to the extent that receiving affectionate touch makes social inclusion salient, it may protect health.
Felt security, as a result of affectionate touch receipt, may also contribute to physical well-being. Feeling secure may help individuals to engage in exploration (i.e., to be active in the environment and take on challenges) to promote physical well-being (Feeney, 2007; Feeney & Collins, 2015; Jakubiak & Feeney, in press-c). For instance, individuals may embrace the opportunity of training for a race or hiking, which could improve physical health; these opportunities could result in failure or difficulties, so individuals are most likely to accept these challenges to the extent that they feel secure and know that they have a close other to provide support if needed (e.g., Bowlby, 1988; Feeney & Thrush, 2010). Feeling included also helps people to persist longer on tasks (Walton, Cohen, Cwir, & Spencer, 2012), so salient social inclusion and felt security as a result of touch may jointly help individuals to pursue and achieve health goals.
Finally, individuals may be motivated to perform health behaviors (e.g., exercising, diet management) and to avoid behaviors that harm health (e.g., smoking, excessive drinking) when they feel interdependent with a close other. When individuals are cognizant that the positive and negative repercussions of their health behaviors also influence their partner, they may be motivated to take care of themselves as a way of caring for their partner and their relationship. Enacting health behaviors in this way would protect an individual’s physical well-being.
Neurobiological Pathway (Figure 1, Paths G, H, I)
We propose another mechanistic pathway, a neurobiological pathway, that acts complementary to the relational-cognitive pathway to promote well-being when adults receive affectionate touch from close others. Empirical evidence suggests that the physical encoding or processing of a touch experience leads to changes in biological systems. The immediate neurobiological changes that result from receiving and sensing touch (Figure 1, Path G), primarily independent of any interpretation, may link to the neurobiological systems responsible for heightening or dampening stress reactions (Figure 1, Path H) or may link to well-being outcomes directly (Figure 1, Path I).
Recent neurobiological evidence suggests that humans have a specialized neural pathway to detect and process socially relevant touch (e.g., Walker & McGlone, 2013). Unlike touch to identify or manipulate objects, socially relevant (and affectionate) touch tends to be soft, slow, stroking touch on hairy skin (e.g., Morrison, 2012). It is coded and transmitted by a class of unmyelinated peripheral nerve receptors called C tactile afferents (CT afferents; for example, Morrison, 2012; Morrison, Löken, & Olausson, 2010) and is especially reinforcing (e.g., Gordon et al., 2011; Löken, Wessberg, Morrison, McGlone, & Olausson, 2009; Olausson et al., 2002). Stimulation of these CT afferents generates a pleasurable and rewarding experience because CT afferents activate social-processing, emotion-sensitive, and reward areas of the brain, including the posterior insular cortex, orbitofrontal cortex, superior temporal sulcus, pregenual anterior cingulate cortex, and the amygdala (e.g., Gordon et al., 2011; Lindgren et al., 2011; McGlone et al., 2012; Walker & McGlone, 2013). Based on this evidence, researchers have argued that the skin is not only a sensory organ but also a social one, tuned to code for interpersonal interactions and make these interactions rewarding (e.g., Morrison et al., 2010; Walker & McGlone, 2013). Affectionate touch receipt, likely encoded by CT afferents in many cases, may both buffer stress and promote well-being independent of stress through neurobiological changes that occur after touch is encoded.
There is some evidence that this neurobiological path is a necessary addition to the relational-cognitive path because receiving physical contact itself affects well-being even when it is not provided by a close friend or partner. Specifically, research on the effects of massage has shown that people experience health benefits of physical massage from strangers, individuals who are not considered close others or expected to provide support if needed (e.g., Lindgren et al., 2011; Moyer, Rounds, & Hannum, 2004). A meta-analysis across 144 studies provided evidence that receiving massage can reduce state and trait anxiety, state blood pressure, state heart rate, trait depression, and pain (Moyer et al., 2004), and massage has also been shown to reduce depression and to enhance immune function (Billhult, Lindholm, Gunnarsson, & Stener-Victorin, 2009; see Field, 2010, for a review). Relatedly, research on therapeutic touch in nursing contexts suggests that patients who receive touch experience less anxiety, physiological stress, and pain than patients who do not receive touch (e.g., Aghabati, Mohammadi, & Esmaiel, 2008; Busch et al., 2012; Papathanassoglou & Mpouzika, 2012; Vannorsdall, Dalquist, Pendley, & Power, 2004). Holding a soft, inanimate object also has positive effects. The negative effects of social exclusion and thinking about one’s death were reduced for individuals who held a teddy bear (Koole, Sin, & Schneider, 2013; Tai, Zheng, & Narayanan, 2011). These beneficial outcomes of receiving affectionate touch from a non-close other may be explained, in part, by a neurobiological pathway that buffers stress and promotes well-being.
Two important potential neurobiological changes that could link affectionate touch receipt to improvements in well-being outcomes are oxytocin and endogenous opioids because both are triggered by affectionate touch (Figure 1, Path G) and both interface with stress systems and can downregulate stress responses (Figure 1, Path H; e.g., DeVries, Glasper, & Detillion, 2003; Diamond, 2001). In addition to buffering the negative effects of stress, preliminary evidence suggests that oxytocin and endogenous opioids may promote approach tendencies and may therefore link to well-being independent of stress (Figure 1, Path I).
Neurobiological Changes That Result From Touch (Figure 1, Path G)
Oxytocin is a neuropeptide produced in the paraventricular nucleus (PVN) of the hypothalamus. Although oxytocin is released in response to many social situations including social stress (e.g., Onaka, 2004), it has been christened the “cuddle hormone” because hugs, kisses, and other affectionate types of touch increase the release of oxytocin (e.g., Insel, 1992, 1997; Nelson & Panksepp, 1998; Uvnäs-Moberg, 1997; Uvnäs-Moberg, Arn, & Magnusson, 2005). For instance, people who receive more frequent hugs have higher oxytocin (Light et al., 2005); oxytocin levels are positively correlated with the frequency of touch in early stages of romantic relationships (Schneiderman, Zagoory-Sharon, Leckman, & Feldman, 2012); and couples who completed a warm touch intervention had greater oxytocin following the intervention than couples who did not complete the intervention (Holt-Lunstad et al., 2008).
A second critical biological change that results from affectionate touch is an increase in endogenous opioids, specifically beta-endorphins. Research in talapoin monkeys has indicated a positive relationship between grooming and endorphin release (Keverne, Martensz, & Tuite, 1989). Furthermore, research in humans has suggested that affectionate touch may activate the brain’s opioid system and result in greater opioid receptor binding (Machin & Dunbar, 2011; McGlone, Wessberg, & Olausson, 2014). Other biological mechanisms also may be involved in the links between affectionate touch receipt and well-being. Candidate mechanisms include serotonin and dopamine because massage has been shown to increase both serotonin and dopamine levels (Field, Diego, Hernandez-Reif, Schanberg, & Kuhn, 2004; Hernandez-Reif et al., 2004). Affectionate touch may similarly affect these alternative mechanisms to buffer stress or promote long-term relational, psychological, and physical well-being (e.g., Hanley & Van de Kar, 2003). However, oxytocin and endogenous opioids are most strongly and consistently linked to stress attenuation and well-being so we focus on these neurobiological changes as potential mechanisms. Next, we describe how increases in oxytocin or endogenous opioid release could buffer stress or promote well-being independent of stress.
Neurobiological Changes Buffer Stress (Figure 1, Path H)
Research has suggested that oxytocin has anxiolytic effects and reduces stress reactivity (for a review, see A. S. Smith & Wang, 2012), which makes it a potential mechanism to explain how affectionate touch could buffer stress to promote well-being. Specifically, oxytocin has been shown to attenuate the HPA axis and ANS stress responses in animals (Neumann, 2008; Petersson & Uvnäs-Moberg, 2007; Uvnäs-Moberg, 1997) as well as in humans (e.g., Gibbs, 1986; A. S. Smith & Wang, 2012). For instance, oxytocin administered to humans reduced salivary cortisol (e.g., Ditzen et al., 2009; Linnen, Ellenbogen, Cardosa, & Joober, 2012), amygdala activity (Kirsch et al., 2005), and subjective stress ratings (Heinrichs, Baumgartner, Kirschbaum, & Ehlert, 2003) during stressful laboratory tasks, and it helped individuals to recover more quickly and effectively from a stress task (Kubzansky, Mendes, Appleton, Block, & Adler, 2012).
In addition, in Holt-Lunstad and colleagues’ (2008) warm touch intervention study, participants’ level of oxytocin was inversely related to alpha-amylase, a marker of daily stress. These effects may be due, in part, to oxytocin’s influence on individuals’ perceptions of threat. Intranasally administered oxytocin has been demonstrated to reduce attention to threats in the environment (e.g., DiSimplicio, Massey-Chase, Cowen, & Harmer, 2009). The stress-reducing effect of oxytocin may depend on situational or personal factors, as many effects of oxytocin are context-dependent (e.g., Bartz, Zaki, Bolger, & Ochsner, 2011). However, if affectionate touch receipt promotes oxytocin release, as research has indicated, it may mitigate stress reactivity and perceived stress through this neurobiological mechanism.
Endogenous opioids also have analgesic properties and reduce stress (e.g., Stein, Schäfer, & Machelska, 2003). Research indicates that endogenous opioids downregulate the HPA axis and ANS stress systems (e.g., Bilkei-Gorzo et al., 2008; Drolet et al., 2001; Joëls & Baram, 2009; McCubbin, 1993). Because touch receipt can increase endogenous opioid release and opioids can reduce stress, we propose that affectionate touch may also affect well-being through an opioid system pathway.
Finally, oxytocin and endogenous opioids may reduce stress by promoting synchrony and coregulation (i.e., “interwoven physiology”) between adults (Sbarra & Hazan, 2008, p. 148). Synchrony can help individuals to regulate their affect by linking with their partner, and affectionate touch has been described as a bio-behavioral regulator to promote synchrony through biological changes (Diamond, 2001; Feldman, 2012; Hofer, 1987, 1994). There is preliminary research to support that individuals experience biological coregulation with close others, and that this coregulation is facilitated by touch. Specifically, romantic partners had greater autonomic coupling when they touched compared with when they were not touching (Chatel-Goldman, Congedo, Jutten, & Schwartz, 2014). In addition, stress reactivity has been shown to spread automatically from mother to child when the mother undergoes a stressful task, but this physiological covariation only occurs if mothers are able to touch their infants (Waters, West, Karnilowicz, & Mendes, 2015; Waters, West, & Mendes, 2014). Calm physiological states may similarly spread to close others, and the transmission may be facilitated by affectionate touch behaviors and resulting neurobiological changes.
Neurobiological Changes Promote Well-Being (Figure 1, Path I)
In addition to stress-buffering effects, there are also likely to be direct effects of increases in oxytocin and endogenous opioids on relational, psychological, and physical well-being outcomes. Although the research supporting this pathway is less clear, touch has been shown to increase oxytocin in non-stress contexts, and oxytocin has beneficial effects beyond reducing stress. Endogenous opioids may also have a direct effect on each domain of well-being by facilitating positive affect (e.g., Naranyan et al., 2004) or by activating the reward system (i.e., the mesolimbic dopaminergic pathway) to encourage approach (Le Merrer, Becker, Befort, & Kieffer, 2009; Roth-Deri, Green-Sadan, & Yadid, 2008).
Relational well-being (Figure 1, Path I1)
Oxytocin has been linked to components of relational well-being in empirical research. For instance, experimentally administered oxytocin produced trust and pro-social behaviors in humans (e.g., Kosfeld, Heinrichs, Zak, Fischbacher, & Fehr, 2005; Zak, Stanton, & Ahmadi, 2007). Based on this research, theorists have suggested that oxytocin may facilitate social bonding and promote positive relational behaviors (for a review, see A. Campbell, 2010; Feldman, 2012). There is evidence that oxytocin promotes pair bonding in animal models and facilitates the pair bond between mother and infant (e.g., Galbally, Lewis, van IJzendoorn, & Permezel, 2011). Thus, oxytocin release, in response to affectionate touch receipt, may promote relational well-being independent of stress buffering. Experimental research also has demonstrated that oxytocin stimulates positive relational behaviors during interpersonal conflicts (Ditzen et al., 2009). Specifically, adults who received intranasal oxytocin before a conflict discussion with their romantic partners engaged in greater proportions of positive to negative interpersonal conflict behaviors than individuals who received a placebo.
However, there also has been evidence that the effects of oxytocin are context-dependent, and under some conditions, oxytocin can lead to negative relational behaviors such as gloating (e.g., Bartz et al., 2011; Grillon et al., 2013; Olff et al., 2013; Shamay-Tsoory et al., 2009). Recent theoretical perspectives on the effects of oxytocin suggest that oxytocin may facilitate an approach motivation toward social relationships generally, including positive approach behaviors (e.g., trust, cooperation) and negative approach behaviors (e.g., aggression), depending on the context (Harari-Dahan & Bernstein, 2014; Kemp & Guastella, 2010, 2011). When oxytocin is released in response to affectionate touch receipt, this affectionate and safe context may be especially likely to facilitate pair bonding, encourage positive approach behavior, and promote relational well-being.
Endogenous opioids may also have a direct effect on relational well-being because endogenous opioids produce positive affect (Naranyan et al., 2004), and positive affect can also lead to more positive relational perceptions (e.g., Forgas, 1995). Furthermore, endogenous opioids are theorized to make social interactions rewarding and facilitate social bonding and attachment relationship formation (e.g., Depue & Morrone-Strupinsky, 2005; Dunbar, 2010; Panksepp, Herman, Vilberg, Bishop, & DeEskinazi, 1981), which could promote long-term relational well-being. Collectively, oxytocin and endogenous opioids release, as a result of touch, may facilitate relational well-being. These neurobiological changes may also promote psychological and physical well-being through similar processes.
Psychological and physical well-being (Figure 1, Paths I2, I3)
In addition to motivating individuals to approach relationships, oxytocin is theorized to promote approach tendencies more broadly (Harari-Dahan & Bernstein, 2014). Indeed, oxytocin administration has been shown to encourage individuals to approach a stressful task as a challenge rather than a threat (e.g., to be more confident, enthusiastic, interested; Kubzansky et al., 2012). If an increase in oxytocin release (as a result of affectionate touch receipt) leads to a general approach orientation, this neurobiological change could also promote psychological and physical well-being. For instance, individuals may accept opportunities for growth such as pursuing autonomous goals and enacting difficult health behaviors to improve their long-term psychological and physical well-being (e.g., Feeney & Collins, 2015). Indeed, there is evidence that oxytocin is related to better immune functioning and less severe psychological disorder symptoms (see IsHak, Kahloon, & Fakhry, 2011; A. S. Smith & Wang, 2012, for review).
Endogenous opioids may also have a direct effect on psychological and physical well-being by facilitating positive affect (e.g., Naranyan et al., 2004); positive affect has been shown to promote psychological and physical well-being in stress and non-stress contexts (e.g., Cohen & Pressman, 2006; Kok et al., 2013; Ong, 2010; Steptoe, O’Donnell, Marmot, & Wardle, 2008). Furthermore, the opioid system is linked to reward processing and may encourage individuals to approach health behaviors by making these behaviors reinforcing (Le Merrer et al., 2009).
Moderators of the Normative Model (Figure 1, Paths J, K, L)
The normative model linking affectionate touch receipt to long-term relational, psychological, and physical well-being may be affected by the context in which touch is received, the type of affectionate touch behavior, or physical properties of the touch. Next, we describe several factors that may alter the interpretation of touch as affectionate (Figure 1., Path J) to shape the relational-cognitive pathway. In addition, although we do not expect that an affectionate interpretation is necessary for neurobiological changes to occur, we describe how touch’s interpretation may modulate the neurobiological pathway (Figure 1, Path K). Finally, physical properties of touch may moderate the neurobiological changes resulting from affectionate touch receipt (Figure 1., Path L). The following sections elaborate on these potential moderators that we expect will shape the normative theoretical model.
Moderators of the Interpretation of Touch (Figure 1, Path J)
When an individual receives an affectionate touch (any touch that is intended to indicate affection or is typically associated with the demonstration of affection), he or she will normatively interpret this behavior as indicative of the touch provider’s affection. However, in some cases, individuals may not make this affectionate interpretation, or the degree to which they make these interpretative inferences may vary. Previous research and theory have highlighted how the type of touch as well as personal, situational, relational, and cultural factors might affect the interpretation of affectionate touches. The interpretation of touch is critical for the relational-cognitive pathway; therefore, these moderators may affect the degree to which affectionate touch promotes well-being through the relational-cognitive pathway.
Type of touch
Although several types of touch are used to indicate affection and are typically associated with demonstrating affection (e.g., kissing, hugging, backrubs/massages, holding hands, and caressing/stroking), the degree to which these touch behaviors generate an affectionate interpretation may vary. Within romantic relationships, individuals rate kissing on the lips or face and hugging as most expressive of love, whereas backrubs and massages are less expressive of love (Gulledge, Gulledge, & Stahmann, 2003). The type of touch one receives may similarly influence the degree to which one infers affection in any adult close relationship. Individuals tend to infer affection more strongly in any close relationship when they receive holding or caressing touches compared with spot touches or pats (Jones & Yarbrough, 1985).
Personal moderators
Personal characteristics that should shape the interpretation of received affectionate touches include attachment orientation (for a review, see Mikulincer, Shaver, & Pereg, 2003) and preference for touch. Attachment orientations have been shown to shape attributions for and perceptions of partner behaviors such as social support and may similarly influence interpretations of touch (e.g., L. Campbell, Simpson, Boldry, & Kashy, 2005; Collins & Feeney, 2004; Collins, Ford, Guichard, & Allard, 2006; Simpson, Winterheld, Rholes, & Oriña, 2007). Attachment orientations are based in one’s history of experiences with attachment figures and represent beliefs about whether the self is worthy of love and affection from others, and whether close others are trustworthy and responsive. Securely attached individuals may interpret affectionate touch as indicating love and care most strongly because they view themselves as worthy of love and affection and trust that their partners care for them (Cassidy & Shaver, 2008; Hazan & Shaver, 1987; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2007a). Individuals high in anxious and/or avoidant attachment are less willing to accept that their partners value them, so they may seek alternative explanations for affectionate touch behavior (e.g., the partner is making up for a secret offense or being manipulative).
One’s preference for how much touch they would ideally receive may also influence how touch is interpreted, and this preference may also be related to attachment orientation. Research has shown that securely attached individuals prefer the greatest frequencies of affectionate touch in their close relationships, avoidantly attached individuals prefer not to engage in touch, and anxious attachment is often unrelated to preferences for affectionate touch (Brennan, Clark, & Shaver, 1998; Brennan, Wu, & Loev, 1998; Chopik et al., 2014; Jakubiak & Feeney, 2014). Avoidantly attached individuals prefer to maintain relational distance, so they may interpret touch as intrusive, overbearing, and uncomfortable and prefer to avoid it (e.g., Mikulincer et al., 2003; Simpson et al., 2007). Individuals high in anxious attachment strongly desire to be close to their partners but are suspicious of others’ motives and are concerned about rejection during attempts at closeness; therefore, they may both desire and resist affectionate touch. This contradictory response to touch is evident in anxiously attached individuals’ responses to maternal touch in infancy as well (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978). Individuals high in avoidant and/or anxious attachment may have more negative or uncomfortable touch experiences, which could also explain their preferences to avoid touch (Ainsworth et al., 1978). Individuals who have a tendency to resist touch report less liking and connection to touch providers (Sorensen & Beatty, 1988). When touch is not desired for any reason, it may not be interpreted as indicative of the touch recipient’s affection. Instead, touch recipients who do not desire touch may interpret touch as intrusive or unpleasant.
Situational moderators
The situation in which one receives affectionate touch could also influence its interpretation. When one receives a touch typically considered affectionate, he or she may not make an affectionate interpretation or may make a weaker affectionate interpretation if the touch provider or the situation provides a cue that the touch may be driven by something other than affection. First, individuals may not infer their partner’s affectionate feelings if the partner enacts touch in an uncaring or unresponsive way. For instance, one’s partner may provide a hug (a typically affectionate touch) but indicate displeasure or irritation at interrupting their task to do so. In addition, one’s need for support could affect the touch interpretation. An affectionate touch provided during distress may be interpreted favorably as the partner is responding to a need (Girme, Overall, & Simpson, 2013), but it may not be as indicative of the partner’s love as a touch provided spontaneously without the goal of comforting. Relatedly, if a touch recipient sought touch, either by asking directly for an affectionate touch or by initiating touch to elicit touch reciprocation, receiving affectionate touch may be interpreted less as indicative of love/affection and more as indicative of duty. A close other’s willingness to provide touch in these contexts may still be interpreted as affectionate, but receiving touch spontaneously may most strongly demonstrate authentic affection. Finally, another situation may diminish an affectionate interpretation of touch: When a potential relational threat (i.e., an attractive alternative partner for the touch recipient) is present, an affectionate touch may be interpreted as a mate-guarding behavior (Buss, 1988; Shackelford, Goetz, & Buss, 2005). This touch behavior may indicate care and positive regard, but in a more possessive and domineering way that does not characterize affectionate touch received privately.
Relational moderators
Characteristics of the relationship between the touch provider and touch recipient also may influence one’s interpretation of touch. First, affectionate touch may be interpreted as indicative of affection most strongly in high-quality (i.e., satisfied, committed, non-distressed) relational contexts. Individuals within distressed relationships may not believe that their partner cares for them; therefore, they are likely to interpret an affectionate behavior as sarcastic, controlling, or contemptuous, or they may seek an alternative explanation for the touch (e.g., touch intended to manipulate; Fincham, 1985). Indeed, previous research has demonstrated stronger effects of affectionate touch to reduce neural threat in couples who were more satisfied with their relationships compared with those who were less satisfied (Coan et al., 2006; S. M. Johnson et al., 2013). Second, the typical pattern of touch initiation and reciprocation in the relationship may affect touch’s interpretation. For instance, in a couple where one partner (e.g., John) continually provides touch and the other partner (e.g., Mary) continually avoids touch, a pattern may develop that changes a touch’s meaning. Mary may interpret John’s affectionate touch as a reminder that he is unsatisfied with their level of closeness and wants her to be more affectionate. In that relationship context, Mary may interpret John’s touch provision as a reproach, as controlling behavior, or as antagonism (given his knowledge that she prefers less touch). Third, the extent to which negative (e.g., aggressive) forms of touch have occurred within the relationship should predict less positive interpretations of affectionate touch. For example, individuals who have experienced domestic abuse may be unlikely to make a normative affectionate interpretation. Finally, a friendship context in which partners have different preferences about whether to develop a romantic relationship would influence the interpretation of touch. For example, an affectionate touch provided in an unrequited love situation is likely to be interpreted as intrusive, uncomfortable, and unwelcomed by the recipient.
Cultural moderators
Finally, there may be cultural differences in the interpretation of affectionate touch because there are cultural differences in the frequency of affectionate touch and in how normative touch is with strangers, acquaintances, and friends (e.g., Andersen, 2011; DiBiase & Gunnoe, 2004; Franco, Fogel, Messinger, & Frazier, 1996; Remland, Jones, & Brinkman, 1995). An affectionate touch will likely be interpreted based on what is normative in one’s culture (see Gallace & Spence, 2010). In high-contact cultures, where individuals touch most frequently and touch non-close others as part of cultural norms such as greeting (e.g., Mediterranean countries, Central and South America, Islamic countries, countries close to the equators), an affectionate touch may not be interpreted as indicative of the touch provider’s positive regard because touch is culturally prescribed. In low-contact countries (e.g., Northern Europe, North America, and Northeast Asia, countries farther from the equator) where individuals tend to engage in less interpersonal touch with non-close others, affectionate touch may be a strong indicator of the touch provider’s affection for the touch recipient. Although we acknowledge that cultural differences may modify the interpretation of affectionate touch experiences so that touch is interpreted as more or less meaningful, we propose that our model of affectionate touch in adulthood is applicable cross-culturally.
Interpretation of Touch Modulates the Neurobiological Pathway (Figure 1, Path K)
Unlike the relational-cognitive pathway where we propose that an affectionate interpretation is necessary for relational-cognitive changes to occur, we expect that the neurobiological changes that result from affectionate touch receipt are not dependent on an affectionate interpretation. Touches provided by soft brushes have consistent effects with touches provided by another individual (e.g., Löken et al., 2009; McGlone et al., 2012; Olausson et al., 2002), which suggests that an affectionate interpretation is not essential to the neurobiological pathway. However, although an interpretation is not essential, touch recipients will likely interpret touch, and the interpretation they make may modulate the neurobiological pathway. In extreme cases where touch is deemed unacceptable, unwelcome, or negative, that interpretation may prevent oxytocin or endogenous opioids release. Instead, receiving unwelcome touch may cause, rather than attenuate, a physiological stress response. Moreover, the extent to which a touch recipient interprets touch as affectionate may influence the extent to which neurobiological changes occur. Positive word labels applied to a touch influence the degree to which it activates emotion and reward areas of the brain (e.g., McCabe, Rolls, Bilderbeck, & McGlone, 2008; Rolls, 2010). Therefore, affectionate touches that are interpreted most favorably may activate the proposed neurobiological pathway most strongly.
Physical Properties of Touch Modulate Neurobiological Changes (Figure 1, Path L)
As described previously, CT afferents, which are likely to encode affectionate touches, are tuned to specific touch properties (e.g., Ackerley, Saar, McGlone, & Wasling, 2014). Specifically, CT afferents encode gentle, slow-stroking (5 cm/s) touches on hairy skin (e.g., arms, back, face, and head; Essick et al., 2010; McGlone et al., 2012; Morrison et al., 2010). Researchers have suggested that the degree to which CT afferents are activated may moderate the biological (e.g., hormonal) changes that result from the touch experience (e.g., Olausson et al., 2002). In animal models, slow, stroking touch that activates CT afferents stimulates oxytocin and endogenous opioid responses (Uvnäs-Moberg et al., 2005). Additional research is needed to assess to what extent physical properties of touch (i.e., pressure, temperature, velocity, skin-to-skin contact) affect the neurobiological responses to touch and how, if at all, touch’s properties influence its interpretation or relational-cognitive outcomes.
Empirical Support for Links Between Affectionate Touch Receipt and Well-Being Outcomes in Adulthood
Although the effects of affectionate touch in adult close relationships have been relatively unstudied, there is some evidence in support of the overall model that affectionate touch receipt causes improvements in relational, psychological, and physical well-being. There is accumulating evidence demonstrating associations between affectionate touch and well-being for which causality cannot be inferred, and there are a few recent experimental studies in which affectionate touch has been manipulated. Next, we briefly review and evaluate the extant evidence that affectionate touch receipt in adulthood promotes relational well-being (e.g., relationship satisfaction, commitment, intimacy), psychological well-being (e.g., positive mood, reductions in anxiety), and physical well-being (e.g., lower blood pressure, fewer somatic symptoms).
Relational Well-Being
Individuals who report that they engage in frequent affectionate touch with their romantic partners report greater relationship satisfaction, commitment, and intimacy; less distress; and easier conflict resolution than individuals who report less touch (Brennan, Wu, & Loev, 1998; Gulledge et al., 2003; Hill, 2009; Muise, Giang, & Impett, 2014, Study 1). These correlational studies include young participants (e.g., Hill, 2009), older participants (e.g., Heiman et al., 2011), participants in dating relationships (e.g., Brennan, Wu, & Loev, 1998; Gulledge et al., 2003; Hill, 2009), participants who have been married for many years (Heiman et al., 2011; Mackey et al., 2000), participants from several countries (Brazil, Germany, Japan, Spain, the United States; Heiman et al., 2011), and participants in opposite-sex and same-sex romantic relationships (Mackey et al., 2000). Daily diary evidence also indicates an association between receiving affectionate touch and relational well-being (Muise et al., 2014, Study 2). Specifically, on days when participants reported spending more time engaging in affectionate touch after sex, they reported greater sexual satisfaction, which predicted greater relationship satisfaction as well. Moreover, participants who engaged in greater durations of physical affection after sex during a 21-day daily diary period reported greater increases in relationship satisfaction 3 months after the study than individuals who did not report as much physical affection (Muise et al., 2014, Study 2).
In addition, affectionate touch has been manipulated experimentally in an intervention study; young adult participants were randomly assigned either to increase the frequency and duration of kissing in their romantic relationship or to maintain their current level of physical affection during a 6-week period (Floyd et al., 2009). Participants who completed the kissing intervention with their partners reported greater increases in relationship satisfaction than participants in the control condition.
Overall, the extant literature provides consistent evidence for a link between affectionate touch and relational well-being in adult romantic relationships, although stronger causal evidence must be accumulated in future research. In the daily diary and experimental studies described above, there is the possibility of a third variable that could explain the relationship between affectionate touch and relational well-being. For example, in the experimental study (Floyd et al., 2009), participants who increased their affectionate touch may have benefited from a placebo effect because they were instructed to change their behavior, whereas the treatment-as-usual condition lacked any such positive expectation. A priority for future research is to expand on these encouraging, but preliminary, findings with rigorous experimental studies. Some experimental evidence indicates that experimentally manipulated affectionate touch promotes relational well-being in parent–child relationships (e.g., Anisfeld et al., 1990; Feldman et al., 2014) and promotes positive perceptions of strangers (e.g., Erceau & Guéguen, 2007; Fisher et al., 1976). More experimental, intervention research is needed to assess whether, and to what extent, affectionate touch receipt causes increases (or prevents normative declines) in relational commitment and satisfaction in adult close relationships, in particular.
Psychological Well-Being
Receiving affectionate touch from a romantic partner also has been linked to psychological well-being, predominantly through daily diary studies. When individuals receive affectionate touch from or engage in affectionate touch with their romantic partner, they report increases in positive mood (e.g., feeling good, relaxed, alert) and decreases in negative mood (e.g., feeling bad, tired, fidgety) on the same day (Burleson et al., 2007; Debrot et al., 2013; Ditzen et al., 2008) and over time (i.e., on the following day; Burleson et al., 2007). Furthermore, individuals who reported receiving greater frequencies of responsive touch during a daily diary period reported greater improvements in psychological well-being over 6 months (Debrot et al., 2013).
Floyd and colleagues’ (2009) experimental kissing intervention also tested for differences in perceived stress between individuals who were randomly assigned to increase the time they spent kissing and the control group. Perceived stress is a measure of how stressful individuals find their lives to be (i.e., how uncontrollable and overwhelming) and is associated with psychological health problems (Cohen, Kamarck, & Mermelstein, 1983). Participants who increased their kissing behavior reported greater reductions in perceived stress after 6 months than individuals who did not increase their kissing behavior (Floyd et al., 2009). Again, this effect may be due, in part, to participants’ expectations that a behavioral intervention would reduce their stress. Taken together, the extant literature affirms a link between affectionate touch and psychological well-being, but again, evidence for a causal link must be accumulated in future research. Experimental evidence has demonstrated that receiving affectionate touch from a stranger promotes psychological well-being (i.e., reduces death anxiety) for individuals with low self-esteem (Koole et al., 2013). Also, infants assigned to receive affectionate touch from their caregivers display less psychological distress than infants who do not receive touch (Stack & Muir, 1992). Future research should directly assess the short- and long-term impacts of receiving affectionate touch on adults’ mood and clinical psychological symptoms (e.g., anxiety, depression) with randomized intervention studies. Given the relative ease of increasing physical affection in close relationships compared with other psychiatric treatment approaches, affectionate touch may offer a useful preventive or treatment option if it improves mood or diminishes clinical symptoms.
Physical Well-Being
Inclusion in close relationships, and especially marriage, is associated with health benefits (e.g., Holt-Lunstad, Smith, & Layton, 2010; T. W. Smith, Baron, & Grove, 2014; Umberson & Montez, 2010), and some researchers have speculated that affectionate touch may be one way in which close relationships “get under the skin” to improve physical well-being (e.g., Diamond, 2001; Field, 2010, 2012; Sbarra & Hazan, 2008). Research has supported the hypothesis that receiving affectionate touch is related to physical well-being (e.g., a lack of somatic symptoms, stronger immunity, low cholesterol, low blood pressure). Specifically, individuals who reported more frequent affectionate touch (i.e., hugs or warm touch/massages) in their relationships had lower resting systolic and diastolic blood pressure and lower resting heart rates (Light et al., 2005). In addition, when individuals reported that they engaged in more physical affection with their romantic partner than usual (in a daily diary study), they reported a decrease in somatic symptoms (e.g., aches, rashes, insomnia, upset stomach) the following day (Stadler, Snyder, Horn, Shrout, & Bolger, 2012).
In another recent study, Cohen, Janicki-Deverts, Turner, and Doyle (2015) showed that affectionate touch receipt was associated with the likelihood of becoming infected with a cold virus and the severity of the cold if infection did occur. Specifically, in a sample of individuals who were exposed to the common cold, greater frequency of affectionate touch (i.e., the percentage of days in the 2 weeks prior to cold exposure that the individual had received a hug) reduced the risk of infection. In addition, of the individuals who became sick, individuals who had received more physical affection in the 2 weeks preceding exposure to the cold developed less severe colds. Cohen and colleagues (2015) provided additional evidence that hug receipt protected individuals from cold symptoms by mitigating the impact of everyday stressors (i.e., interpersonal conflicts), which normatively enhance infection symptoms. For individuals who received few hugs, interpersonal conflict predicted worse cold severity; however, for individuals who received frequent hugs, interpersonal conflict was unrelated to cold severity meaning that the interpersonal stressor may have been less stressful or impactful. This finding suggests that affectionate touch receipt may mitigate everyday stressors to protect physical well-being, as indicated in our theoretical model (Figure 1, Paths A, B3).
Finally, two experimental studies have linked affectionate touch to physical well-being. Participants who were randomly assigned to Floyd and colleagues’ (2009) kissing intervention had greater reductions in cholesterol from baseline to the 6-month follow-up compared with individuals who did not increase kissing (although, as explained previously, limitations in the study design may limit its interpretation). Holt-Lunstad and colleagues’ (2008) 4-week affectionate touch intervention also demonstrated positive effects of touch receipt for physical well-being (Holt-Lunstad et al., 2008). Men who completed the warm touch enhancement intervention with their partners had greater reductions in systolic blood pressure than men in the control condition who did not receive enhanced affectionate touch. The touch intervention did not have an effect on blood pressure for women, which may be explained by a floor effect for the young, healthy women included in this study sample. The male participants in this study began the intervention period with higher systolic blood pressure levels than the female participants, so there was a greater possibility for blood pressure reductions in men. A study with an active control condition in which participants complete an alternative relationship-enhancing intervention would provide stronger evidence for a causal association between affectionate touch receipt and physical well-being.
The studies reviewed in this section provide converging evidence for the association between affectionate touch and physical well-being, but studies examining causal links have been scarce and open to alternative explanations. Causal evidence has been stronger in the infant literature (e.g., Conde-Aguelo, Belizán, & Diaz-Rosello, 2012; Feldman et al., 2014; Ludington-Hoe & Swinth, 1996). For instance, infants assigned to receive extra skin-to-skin contact from their mothers during a 14-day intervention had better autonomic functioning than infants who did not complete the intervention (Feldman et al., 2014). The health benefit of receiving affectionate touch was evident 6 months after the intervention as well as 10 years post intervention. The strong effects of affectionate touch receipt for infants suggest that affectionate touch may have pronounced implications for adults’ physical well-being as well. Additional adult intervention research is needed to test this theoretical claim.
Roadmap for Future Research
Our goals in proposing this theoretical framework are to generate research on affectionate touch in adult close relationships and to establish the processes through which affectionate touch is likely to have its effects. A first priority for future research is to use rigorous experimental methods to establish conclusively that affectionate touch receipt improves and/or protects relational, psychological, and physical well-being. Additional intervention studies will bolster the primarily correlational extant research linking affectionate touch to important domains of well-being and will allow for causal inferences. The existing longitudinal studies that provide support for a link between affectionate touch receipt and well-being (e.g., Cohen et al., 2015; Debrot et al., 2013; Muise et al., 2014) must be supplemented by experimental research that eliminates confounding variables. For instance, individuals who receive frequent affectionate touch may have less time pressure, be more financially stable, have partners with greater investment, or differ in any number of ways from individuals who receive less affectionate touch, and it may be these factors that promote long-term outcomes. To establish that affectionate touch receipt causally predicts relational, psychological, and physical well-being, individuals must be randomly assigned to receive affectionate touch in future experimental studies. Also, appropriate control groups must be used to establish that observed effects are specific to affectionate touch (and not just any positive relationship intervention).
Interventions to increase affectionate touch may be difficult to administer because instructions to change touch behavior may alter couples’ desires to engage in touch or change the interpretation of the touch. Therefore, future research should not only test the impact of touch on well-being experimentally but also identify ideal intervention protocols to assess touch’s benefits. It may be necessary to have partners provide affectionate touch to an individual without the individual’s awareness of the instructions so that the affectionate touch manipulation does not produce a placebo effect or make the relationship especially salient. One previous study has effectively recruited the partner as a confederate to provide affectionate touch in this way (Jakubiak & Feeney, in press-b, Study 2). Alternatively, a well-matched control condition in which participants receive another type of support provision or relationship intervention could provide an optimal comparison to identify the effects of receiving affectionate touch, in particular.
Future experimental studies also should assess immediate indicators of relational, psychological, and physical well-being (e.g., positive relational behaviors and perceptions, positive affect, subjective well-being, wound-healing, infection symptoms) as well as broad, long-term well-being outcomes (e.g., relational commitment and persistence, psychological symptoms and disorders, atherosclerosis, cardiovascular disease). Investigating both immediate and long-term outcomes can inform whether affectionate touch is beneficial over time (as we propose in our theoretical model) or whether benefits are relatively short-lived. Additional prospective, non-experimental studies to assess how receiving affectionate touch relates to changes in well-being over time for healthy adults will also clarify the outcomes of affectionate touch receipt and corroborate experimental research. Future research also should quantify the size of these effects to determine affectionate touch’s intervention potential.
Another important direction for future research is to test the proposed mechanisms linking affectionate touch to well-being directly. There is strong evidence indicating that affectionate touch reduces stress (e.g., Ditzen et al., 2007); however, other model propositions have not been tested. In particular, evidence that affectionate touch receipt is sufficient to encourage relationship-protective or health-protective behaviors must be accumulated. The existing evidence linking affectionate touch receipt to relational well-being commonly measures perceptions of one’s relationship (e.g., Muise et al., 2014); future research should assess whether touch motivates individuals to protect their relationships by enacting pro-relational behaviors such as sacrificing and cooperating. Whether affectionate touch receipt promotes self-care behaviors (by increasing self-efficacy for these behaviors or to benefit one’s partner in the long term) is also untested and should be investigated. Evidence for the proposed biological mechanisms is also in an inchoate state. Additional research is needed to explicate how, and under what contexts, affectionate touch increases oxytocin and endogenous opioids in humans. Furthermore, a comprehensive explanation of the role of oxytocin and endogenous opioids to promote relational, psychological, and physical well-being is necessary to conclusively link touch to well-being through a biological pathway.
The potential moderators that we propose may shape the normative model should also be tested, to establish the boundary conditions of touch’s effects. In addition to the ones we elaborated, other factors that may also affect touch’s interpretation (e.g., gender, type of close relationship; K. L. Johnson & Edwards, 1991; Miller, Denes, Diaz, & Ranjit, 2014; Stier & Hall, 1984) can be explored. Future research can assess these and other aspects of the proposed model to test its tenability and comprehensiveness.
Another important avenue for future research that follows from the proposed model is to test the relative contributions of the relational-cognitive pathway (Figure 1, Paths C, D) and the neurobiological pathway (Figure 1, Path G) to explain the links between affectionate touch receipt and well-being. We propose that the psychological interpretation of touch and the physical instantiation of touch both contribute to improvements in well-being through the relational-cognitive and neurobiological pathways, respectively. However, future research should address whether these pathways are equally important and to what extent these pathways interact. We expect that both pathways are operative and influential but that the relational-cognitive pathway and the interpretation of touch may be most important in producing long-term relational, psychological, and physical well-being outcomes. For adults, physical sensations are imbued with meaning, and that meaning can shape the physical experience. In other words, the way that individuals think, feel, and behave in their relationships may depend more on their interpretations of the physical and social environment than on the environment itself. Research on the power of reappraisal to shape physiological, emotional, and behavioral responses supports this supposition (e.g., Beltzer, Nock, Peters, & Jamieson, 2014; Jamieson, Mendes, Blackstock, & Schmader, 2010).
Future research also can assess whether the relational-cognitive and neurobiological effects of receiving affectionate touch produce an additive or synergistic effect to make affectionate touch receipt more potent than receiving other enactments of support or affection. If, as proposed, affectionate touch receipt affects both relational-cognitive mechanisms and neurobiological mechanisms, it may be an especially effective support behavior to attenuate stress and promote well-being because of the additive effects of these two mechanisms. There is experimental support for this possibility; social support is more effective to reduce stress when paired with intranasal oxytocin administration (Heinrichs et al., 2003). Specifically, participants who were randomly assigned to receive social support plus intranasal oxytocin before a social stressor had greater feelings of calm and less anxiety, and had lower levels of salivary cortisol than participants who experienced either intranasal oxytocin or social support alone. Affectionate touch support may naturally combine relational-cognitive (e.g., perception of social support availability) and neurobiological (e.g., oxytocin) pathways for added effect.
Indeed, previous laboratory research has demonstrated a superior stress-attenuating effect of receiving affectionate touch support compared with receiving verbal support. Affectionate touch reduced physiological reactivity to a lab stressor better than verbal support (Ditzen et al., 2007), and imagined affectionate touch reduced subjective stress and pain during lab stressors better than imagined verbal support (Jakubiak & Feeney, in press-a). Future research should build on these initial studies to assess whether touch can be a more effective enactment of social support outside the lab and during more serious and persistent stressors. In addition, future research can investigate whether affectionate touch promotes relational, psychological, and physical well-being better than other ways of communicating affection (see Floyd, 2006).
Concluding Statement
Throughout the life span, individuals engage in affectionate touch with close others. We have proposed a theoretical mechanistic model to explain how receiving affectionate touch in adult close relationships may promote relational, psychological, and physical well-being in adulthood (Figure 1). The theoretical perspective we advance may contribute to understanding how inclusion in close relationships “gets under the skin” to benefit individual well-being and how an individual’s specific relational behaviors promote relational well-being. We proposed that affectionate touch receipt is a relational behavior that results in a cascade of immediate relational-cognitive changes (e.g., perceiving inclusion and support availability, increasing dependence) and neurobiological changes (e.g., increases in oxytocin, endogenous opioids) that may protect and enhance relational, psychological, and physical well-being. We reviewed the direct and indirect evidence for the proposed model, and we outlined an agenda for future research on touch in adult close relationships. Our hope is that this theoretical perspective will provide a foundation for future work in this promising, yet undeveloped, research area.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
