Abstract
This study aimed to determine whether mandatory or non-mandatory cultural safety training would be more effective to address a lack of cultural safety for Indigenous students in tertiary education. Two electronic databases were systematically searched, and articles were included based on reference to mandatory or non-mandatory cultural safety training, and respective outcomes for Indigenous students. Findings were mixed, whereby studies with both mandatory and non-mandatory cultural safety training have proven successful, suggesting potential for a mixed-methods model to be effective. Effectiveness can also be dependent on the context of the study and its associated delivery methods. These findings suggest that how cultural safety training is implemented may be more influential than whether or not it is mandated. This is a potential research topic for future studies that look at cultural safety for Indigenous peoples.
Introduction
The need for cultural safety training
Throughout history, Indigenous peoples have consistently been portrayed in a negative light through mainstream media outlets that misrepresent this population in conventional society (Riggs & Due, 2011). The use of terms such as problem and dysfunctional to characterise Indigenous communities has inevitably made them subject to a deficit discourse (W. Fogarty, Bulloch et al., 2018), which consequently has positioned them as the racial other (Riggs & Due, 2011). Stereotypes and inequalities have risen from this, which in turn predispose Indigenous peoples to negative public perceptions, thus limiting the ability of non-Indigenous peoples to make informed decisions and engage effectively with their Indigenous counterparts. As a downstream effect of this deficit discourse, Indigenous peoples sadly experience ongoing disadvantage. The constant internalisation of these negative portrayals of identity negatively impacts their health and well-being. In saying that, this is only one of the many social, cultural, and economic determinants of health which have put Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples at a disadvantage (Vickery et al., 2007).
In recent years, the urge to move away from a deficit narrative and towards a strengths-based approach has been increasingly recognised in Australia (Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, 2019). Furthermore, it has become more apparent that the success of this new approach to training and education is dependent on future input from Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities (Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, 2019). Only after this can we start to address the systemic disadvantage experienced by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. By using a whole-of-system approach that highlights Indigenous ownership and partnerships, the assets of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples such as strength and resilience can be embraced (W. Fogarty, Lovell et al., 2018). This, in turn, can help to improve education and engagement for this population and potentially bring us a step closer to improving health outcomes for this population.
Despite previous efforts to increase Indigenous content in curricula, a lack of Indigenous academics has resulted in deficit-based content framed by a colonialist lens that focuses on what people do not know or cannot do. In comparison, a strengths-based approach highlights the importance of knowledge and capacity (Grant & Cadell, 2009; Saint-Jacques et al., 2009; Scerra, 2012). By recognising the resilience of individuals, it focuses on aspects such as growth, learning and change. Furthermore, it recognises the potential benefit of community to provide immense resources, and thus acts as a foundation for collaborative relationships in the future (Grant & Cadell, 2009; Saint-Jacques et al., 2009; Scerra, 2012). Therefore, instead of being perceived as victims, this educational approach aims to portray Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in a positive light, where they can be seen as “able, capable and having agency” (Hutchins et al., 2007, p. 35).
The relationship between resilience and a strengths-based approach can be described as that of theory and practice (Hunter, 2012), whereby resilience is a theory that identifies the importance of protective factors and competencies. On the other hand, practice can reinforce other theories and broader ideas like empowerment, healing and wellness, all of which are encompassed by a strengths-based approach (Dobia & O’Rourke, 2011; Hunter, 2012).
Recent attempts have been made to challenge the undermining perceptions of a deficit-based approach towards Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples through education of emerging researchers and practitioners, in which case there has been pressure for Universities to embed “Indigenous cultural competencies within and across the institution in sustainable ways which engender reconciliation and social justice” (Universities Australia, 2011, p. 8). Those competencies which “articulate with discipline-specific requirements” and use a strength-based approach to convey Indigenous content and perspectives are extremely important (Universities Australia, 2011, p. 62).
In general, the integration of Indigenous health content within curricula has been well received; however, there seems to be a consensus that cultural safety in the teaching and learning environment is lacking (Bond, 2016). Previous studies have reported incidents of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students experiencing forms of discrimination and exclusionary practices, as well as negative attitudes of non-Indigenous students (Bailey, 2016; Currie et al., 2012). The inability to implement sufficient content within the University curriculum and insensitive teaching methods are the two main protagonists of this cultural safety issue (Cameron & Robinson, 2014). This aligns with findings by Garvey et al. (2009) and Stuart and Gorman (2015), who cited these factors as the major barriers to retention of Indigenous students and academics.
In a 2015 review of Australian Universities, it was found that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students’ participation in higher education remains significantly low, compared to their non-Indigenous counterparts (Wilks & Wilson, 2015). Here, the number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students who completed a higher education programme only represented 0.5% of the total number of students (Wilks & Wilson, 2015). Despite previous initiatives over the years to address the underrepresentation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in higher education, not much has changed (Taylor et al., 2019). There are several studies that focus on improving academic success rate and completion for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in their tertiary studies (Craven & Dillon, 2013; Devlin, 2009). Eason (2016) stated, “Understanding the ongoing impacts of colonialization in modern day classrooms is an integral part of developing authentic relationships that improve training and assessment outcomes for Indigenous learners” (p. 11). This is especially relevant for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in health-related degrees such as medicine, nursing and social work, where the prevalence of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in this area is growing. Therefore, the need for improved cultural safety training within these courses at University is evident and is essential for creating an environment in which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students can feel safe and empowered to reach their full potential (Eason, 2016; Oliver et al., 2013). However, this necessitates educators who are equipped with the skills to create a transformative, yet culturally safe teaching and learning environment (Kickett et al., 2014).
Cultural safety
The phrase cultural safety training has often become interchangeable with the words cultural competence and diversity training, as is reflected in several studies. However, cultural safety has become the more common and appropriate term of use. Cultural safety was originally defined by Ramsden (2002) as “an outcome of. . . education that enables safe service to be defined by those who receive it” (p. 117). As a Māori nurse, she intended this to apply within a health care setting. However, cultural safety can also be defined more broadly as an environment that is spiritually, socially and emotionally safe, as well as physically safe for people; where there is not assault, challenge or denial of their identity, of who they are and what they need. It is about shared respect, shared meaning, shared knowledge and experience of learning, living and working together with dignity and truly listening. (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2019)
Previous research has found that there is a distinct difference between the values of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and non-Indigenous students who attend University (G. J. Fogarty & White, 1994). Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students are shown to place greater emphasis on values associated with tradition, conformity and security as seen in a collective (G. J. Fogarty & White, 1994). In comparison, non-Indigenous students are more likely to shift towards values of self-interest such as achievement, self-direction and stimulation (G. J. Fogarty & White, 1994), the effects of which could have played a major role in many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students feeling discomfort and unsafe during their time at University. In saying that, more recent research has suggested that such views may be changing over time between these two populations. For young and upcoming generations, it has been shown that views of self-concept, motivation and academic engagement actually differ very little between Indigenous and non-Indigenous students (Mooney et al., 2016). However, this is not the same from a cultural perspective whereby values such as cultural diversity and identity are still considered higher value for Aboriginal students (Mooney et al., 2016). Given that both cultural and non-cultural perspectives can be positive predictors of academic engagement (Mooney et al., 2016), this highlights the importance of promoting a positive sense of culture in the classroom.
Therefore, the use of cultural safety training for educators at University has the potential to benefit Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students and their learning experiences. This is because educators will have the knowledge and skills needed to teach in a culturally appropriate manner and thus minimise the risk of such issues for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students. In addition, there is a possibility that these effects can extend beyond the classroom to a broader context, such as those in health care provision (McCleland, 2011). This again speaks to the importance of increasing awareness and the use of cultural safety training.
The process of integrating cultural competency training into content-laden curricula and making sure that such educational experiences are valuable and target outcomes are achieved is a challenge for many educators. However, there is limited research to suggest that any significant actions have been taken to address the lack of cultural safety for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in tertiary education. Instead, there is a greater focus on cultural safety training for health care workers to better understand Indigenous culture and provide more sensitive care for their patients (Shah & Reeves, 2015; Vogel, 2018). Furthermore, despite the abundance of literature that highlights the importance of and calls for the implementation of cultural safety training for University education staff (Day & Nolde, 2009), there is a lack of studies that show the effectiveness of any such interventions.
The purpose of implementing cultural safety training in Universities is to build educators’ capacity to teach Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander and non-Indigenous students in a way that provides a safe learning space for these students. However, there are various ways of implementing an intervention and thus determine how well it works. Whether or not the training has been mandated is one such determinant. In the past, non-mandatory training has been regarded with less importance than mandatory training (Sutha et al., 2016). It is only within the last few years that non-compulsory training has been regarded with the same level of importance as mandatory training (Sutha et al., 2016). In saying that, there are still mixed opinions as to which type of training is more effective. In addition, a large portion of research that is devoted to this argument is centred on cultural safety training within the health workplace (Machin & Treloar, 2004; Renaud et al., 2004). However, such findings may be applicable to the education sector.
Method
This review, therefore, takes a broad approach by reviewing current literature on the effectiveness of mandatory versus non-mandatory cultural safety training to determine whether the findings may be applied to future interventions which look at cultural safety training of educators’ education at University. While a complete review of all literature is outside the scope of this article, it aims to provide a succinct overview of the types of interventions that have addressed this topic. Using terms such as cultural safety, cultural competency, student perspectives, educators, mandatory, and non-mandatory, this review searched UQ Library and Google Scholar. Search results yielded 32 articles, which were reviewed for their applicability to effective cultural safety training in education, either mandatory or non-mandatory. Due to the lack of literature around this topic, eliminating specific papers was difficult and rarely done. As such, general diversity training (Dobbin & Kalev, 2018) and even broader training programmes (Olaniyan & Ojo, 2008) were still included if they discussed the aspects of mandatory versus non-mandatory training. Not all the papers necessarily outlined training programmes specific to the context of Indigenous populations, as this narrowed the search for literature too heavily. However, the information provided by these papers was still considered relevant for the purpose of this review.
Results
There are strengths and weaknesses to both mandatory and non-mandatory training. In the case of cultural safety training, previous literature has highlighted the negative outcomes for making it mandatory. Dobbin and Kalev (2018) suggested that mandatory diversity training makes people feel like their behaviour is being controlled by an external power, and that this feature may cause them to think that their commitment to diversity training is being coerced. This is consistent with the earlier findings of Garcia and Soest (1999) who found that trainers who taught content about oppression are susceptible to the anger and resentment of trainees. Furthermore, compulsory training about race is considered a touchy subject and, therefore, can yield high resistance from students (Gusa, 2010).
Despite some downfalls associated with mandatory training, one study argues that training is primarily successful when made compulsory (Olaniyan & Ojo, 2008). While this study does not refer to cultural safety training specifically, it argues that the compulsory nature of any training is what makes it effective. Thus, these findings are still valid and should not be ignored. Another paper has reported on the success of a compulsory inter-professional first-year unit in a large health sciences faculty in Australia, which aims to produce culturally competent health professionals. Students reported their levels of satisfaction with the programme by rating their experience on a Likert-type scale in a survey. This form of quantitative student feedback showed positive results for this type of education (Kickett et al., 2014). In saying that, the intervention was implemented over the period of a year. While the percentage of students who reported that they were satisfied with the course was 94% in a cohort of 147 students in the first half of the year, this dropped to 76% in a cohort of 598 in the second half of the year (Kickett et al., 2014). This is because not only can it be more difficult to satisfy a larger group of people, but the compulsory nature of the study can lead to inconsistent results from participants. That is, they may not be willing to commit properly due to the fact that they are being forced to participate. The reasons for this have been mentioned in previous studies (Dobbin & Kalev, 2018; Garcia & Soest, 1999; Gusa, 2010). As such, this demonstrates some of the challenges that can arise when teaching compulsory Indigenous Australian content to such a large population group and the challenges of ensuring consistency. This factor should be taken into consideration when trying to reproduce a similar intervention in the future and when determining the parameters of success (Kickett et al., 2014). Hence, this is why Kickett et al. (2014) still considered student satisfaction at 76% as a success.
Non-mandatory training is often better received than mandatory training and has a greater impact for learning outcomes (Renaud et al., 2004). This aligns with the findings of several studies which have formed interventions involving non-mandatory cultural safety training (Crandall et al., 2003; Crosson et al., 2004; Dogra, 2001). Although these studies were designed to educate medical students about cultural safety practices in their respective field of medicine, the same principles could apply to training for education staff. The study by Dogra (2001) had undergraduate medical students complete a set of non-mandatory modules to help teach cultural diversity and gain factual information about other cultures. A questionnaire about cultural diversity awareness was conducted before and after this intervention. Here, 140 out of 180 students (78%) completed the entire study which speaks to the potential efficacy of this method. Similarly, Crosson et al. (2004) implemented two non-compulsory introductory courses into the curriculum to teach cultural competency skills in medicine, which experienced low attrition rates. By conducting a Cross-Cultural Competency Inventory questionnaire to gain insight into student perspectives before, and after, the intervention, they found that students had improved their knowledge about cultural skills and attitudes related to cultural competency practice. By measuring individual aspects such as cognition—cognitively specific knowledge, attitude, lack of prejudice and critical thinking; emotions—cultural empathy and control; and behaviour—experience, initiative, leadership, communication and commitment, this questionnaire could provide a comprehensive measure of cultural competency (Barzykowski et al., 2019).
While other non-compulsory interventions have had an effective outcome, these studies have been limited by small sample size, given that participation is voluntary (Crandall et al., 2003). As such, the lack of interest among those who do not attend voluntary training seems to be the main downfall of non-mandatory interventions. In addition, selection bias is inherent in a volunteer group, where changes in attitudes may not be the direct result of the intervention (Crandall et al., 2003). In saying that, genuine interest from those with autonomous motivation to participate in non-mandatory training will show genuine results (Sankey & Machin, 2014), so much so that it can influence the autonomous motivation of people in other intervention studies (Sankey & Machin, 2014). This is arguably a major strength of non-mandatory training.
Uptake by participants in a particular study also seems to be dependent to a degree on organisational culture. In other words, people are more likely to comply with and have autonomous motivation in a cultural safety intervention when it is perceived as one of the core values of the organisation that is responsible for its implementation. This coincides with Machin and Treloar (2004), who said that participation is dependent on other individual and situational level variables. Furthermore, they suggested that one of the primary motivators of participation is organisational commitment, as it is able to mediate the collective influence of work locus of control, perceived benefits of training, negative transfer climate and supervisor support (Machin & Treloar, 2004). These effects are important for both mandatory and non-mandatory training. Organisational commitment can be characterised as one’s attitude and behaviour towards an organisation due to a sense of attachment to that organisation (Meyer et al., 1993). In terms of supervisor support, a lack of management can cause participants to believe that their training is of little value, and therefore, they have little incentive to invest their time and effort (Machin & Treloar, 2004). This also corresponds to the perceived level of benefits, where Machin and Treloar (2004) found that enhancing the perceived value of the training, and providing a comprehensive explanation of what participants can gain from the training, was strongly linked to higher levels of commitment.
Another predicted measure of commitment was work locus of control (Machin & Treloar, 2004). Work locus of control is the degree to which people believe that they have control over the outcome of events in their workplace. This can be further broken down into its respective sub-forms, internal and external locus of control. Internal locus of control is where participants feel that certain outcomes are the result of their own decision-making, compared to external locus of control where such outcomes are considered outside the realm of one’s control. A previous study has demonstrated that people with internal locus of control have a greater level of commitment to their work compared to those who are externally oriented (Ahluwalia & Preet, 2017), although it should also be noted that internal locus of control may not always have a positive impact on commitment, if the input of the trainee is not reflected in their learning (Baldwin et al., 1991). Finally, a negative transfer climate occurs when prior knowledge hinders an individual’s learning or performance at a later time. Machin and Treloar (2004) found that while a negative transfer climate did play a role in organisational commitment, it had the weakest correlation compared to the other predictors of organisational commitment.
Discussion and conclusion
Racism towards Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in University classrooms is an ongoing issue and reflects the experiences of Indigenous people in colonised countries worldwide (Gair, 2016). Therefore, the delivery of tertiary education that is respectful of cultural differences is one approach that can help improve this problem, however challenging it may be. As stated by Gair (2016), “I recognize that teaching culturally relevant curricula, to produce antiracist graduates who recognize racism and privilege, is crucial but challenging” (p. 592).
Despite the potential benefits outlined in today’s literature, at most Universities the use of cultural safety training for educators appears to still be in its infancy. Moreover, while the use of non-mandatory training for improving cultural safety for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students may be a preferred method over mandatory training, both have the potential to work under the right circumstances. Thus, mandated training should not be eliminated as a possibility. For a University setting in particular, one could infer that the most effective mode of action would be to use a mixed-methods approach, whereby mandatory and non-mandatory training could be incorporated into organisational culture change. Specifically, educators and people in positions of leadership who hold great influence within Universities need to be advocating this change to maximise positive work locus of control. In addition, mandatory training could be undertaken by educators and people in positions of leadership who facilitate learning, where Indigenous content is incorporated into the curriculum for students. On the other hand, non-mandatory training could be made available for all other educators who wish to expand their skill set. In each case, however, Universities must be sure to address factors such as work locus of control, levels of perceived benefits, supervisor support and negative transfer climate to maximise levels of organisational commitment and minimise the risk of attrition. Moreover, the inclusion of non-mandatory training to complement the mandatory training may help to counteract some of the negative effects associated with mandatory training that were previously mentioned. Overall, this type of approach provides the best opportunity for Universities to increase cultural safety in the classroom and as such, demonstrates their commitment to reconciliation. Future research is needed to look at the efficacy of implementing such mixed-method models of training.
Future perspectives and research
Given that there is still a lot of uncertainty surrounding the question of whether mandatory versus non-mandatory training is more effective, perhaps another question to ask could be what form of delivery may be better suited to achieve the desired outcome? Under the right circumstances, either mandatory or non-mandatory may prove to be effective. Most institutions or workplace settings have some form of cultural competency training, and the type of activities and assessments can vary widely (Crandall et al., 2003). For example, many medical or health degrees incorporate activities such as language training (Godkin et al., 2002), lectures, workshops and interactive sessions (Isaacs et al., 2016; Ranzijn et al., 2008), student clerkships (Godkin et al., 2002), immersion programmes (Crampton et al., 2003), month-long residency programmes for residents (Takayama et al., 2001) and cultural safety objective structured clinical examinations (Altshuler & Kachur, 2001). In other words, there are many ways to implement cultural safety training, irrespective of whether it is mandatory or non-mandatory. Moreover, while not all of these sources are related to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in particular, all of these learning experiences pay attention to the role of ethnic and cultural issues which can be generalizable. Therefore, in addition to using a mixed methods of training in Universities, there are potential advantages of looking at different modes of delivery and deciding which one may be most suitable for the given study population. Future research is warranted in this area and may be the focus of other interventions regarding cultural safety training.
Implications
The findings of this review have implications for not only Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students who wish to pursue future study, but they also serve relevant for helping to reduce the health gap between Indigenous Australians and their non-Indigenous counterparts. “Progress has been slow in improving health disparities between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians and other Australians” (Durey et al., 2017, p. 12). As a secondary effect of improving cultural safety within the classroom, there is potential to improve Indigenous health outcomes. Overall, the issue of cultural safety in the classroom is an active and ongoing process and, thus, must be revisited over time and across multiple visits. Furthermore, we must understand that attitudinal change like that reported in the literature may not always correlate with behavioural change. This is troubling because at the end of the day, behavioural change is the main determinant of efficacy in cultural safety training.
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship and publication of this article.
