Abstract
Airbnb has a major role to play in the competitiveness of the overall accommodation sector of individual destinations and it is rather unlikely that this role will diminish in the post-COVID-19 recovery of the tourism industry. Therefore, the present study motivates the Airbnb sector to look back at its past performance for insights that can be used in setting post-pandemic targets. In particular, this research assesses competitiveness of the Airbnb listings of 28 European cities by including hotel-related data as uncontrollable input variables within interactive data envelopment analysis modeling. The contribution lies in joining Airbnb listings and hotels into the benchmarking discussion and efficiency analysis, along with looking beyond the cumulative number of listings by dissecting the overall sector into commercial and private listings—something that has not been attempted as of yet, in spite of the ever-growing body of literature on the sharing economy.
Keywords
Introduction
In 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic has brought the entire tourism and hospitality industry to its knees, resulting in a decrease in international tourist arrivals by 74% compared to 2019 (UNWTO, 2021). In spite of a cautious outlook recognizing many negative impacts of the pandemic, an eventual industry recovery is unquestionable due to its economic significance and in the light of the vaccine rollout that is under way (UNWTO, 2021). Accordingly, it is appropriate for various tourism sectors to consider their figures from pre-COVID-19 times as a basis for setting targets for the post-COVID-19 recovery. Such an approach is also already practiced at the destination level (see e.g., ECM, 2020).
The sharing economy, especially Airbnb, has had a major impact on the accommodation sector over the last few years. More often than not, negative impacts have been highlighted. Dolnicar and Zare (2020) describe Airbnb as a “disruptor” which is now being “disrupted” by the pandemic. Different scenarios have been hypothesized regarding the impacts of COVID-19 on the future of Airbnb (e.g., drop in investor-hosted Airbnb listings or recovery but not to pre-pandemic levels as per Dolnicar and Zare, 2020; short-term shift toward the regular rental market as per Kadi et al., 2020, etc.).
Still, Airbnb has a major role to play in the competitiveness of the overall accommodation sector of individual destinations and it is rather unlikely that this role will diminish in the post-COVID-19 recovery of the tourism industry. Therefore, inspection of efficiency of the Airbnb listings remains a topic of interest, as it can be presupposed that the ultimate goal of Airbnb hosts—but also of regulatory bodies—is to make the Airbnb sector more efficient, i.e., competitive. The ongoing pandemic provides the opportunity to look back at the past performance of this sector to gain insights that can be used in setting post-pandemic targets.
With the above in mind, the present study builds upon the research by Zekan et al. (2019) by assessing the competitiveness of the Airbnb listings of 28 European cities. In more detail, this study aims at including uncontrollable input variables relating to traditional forms of accommodation establishments, specifically hotels, in modeling the sector’s competitiveness. This has not been attempted in the Airbnb competitiveness studies conducted to date and is done in order to further account for heterogeneity. Data envelopment analysis (DEA), a method which is often praised for its superior benchmarking abilities and allows modeling of uncontrollable variables, has been selected for calculation of efficiency cores. Besides investigating the efficiency of an average listing per city, an additional layer of DEA runs is added by separating private and commercial listings. Thus, this study not only inspects the “big” picture (cumulative Airbnb listings), but also seeks to reveal any differences in efficiency between the two clusters. Such investigation constitutes another contribution of the present research.
In brief, the findings present an overview of efficient and inefficient listings of European cities across various models, which demonstrate the impact of different variables on the efficiency scores. The potential for improvement is identified for all inefficient Airbnb listings. Another merit of this benchmarking endeavor is the proposal of individual best practices. Moreover, this is the first study that joins Airbnb listings and hotels into the benchmarking discussion and efficiency analysis and as such is of interest to both tourism researchers and tourism practitioners.
The remainder of this article is organized as follows. The second section reviews the related literature on Airbnb, while the third section provides insights into the economic theory in line with DEA, model, and data. Empirical findings and discussion follow in the fourth section. The fifth and concluding section highlights the most interesting takeaways, along with limitations and suggestions for future research.
Related literature
A quick Google Scholar search performed on 10 March 2021, yielded approximately 3,670,000 results for the search term “sharing economy,” underling the continuing academic interest in this research topic. Belk (2007) defines sharing as follows: “Sharing is an alternative to the private ownership that is emphasized in both marketplace exchange and gift giving. In sharing, two or more people may enjoy the benefits (or costs) that flow from possessing a thing. Rather than distinguishing what is mine and yours, sharing defines something as ours.” (Belk, 2007: 127)
While sharing as such is not a novel phenomenon between relatives, friends, or neighbors, Web 2.0 technologies have enabled sharing between complete strangers using peer-to-peer online platforms as confidence builders (Grassmuck, 2012; Green, 2012; Hawlitschek et al., 2016). Wirtz et al. (2019) suggest using the term sharing economy as an umbrella term for oftentimes synonymously employed terms such as collaborative consumption, gig economy, or peer-to-peer economy. Said peer-to-peer online platforms can also be interpreted as two-sided marketplaces characterized by same-sided and cross-sided positive network externalities. The platforms thus operate as intermediaries which reduce search and transaction costs (see, e.g., Parker and Van Alstyne, 2005, or Rochet and Tirole, 2006, for further details). As the platforms providing the highest network externalities are typically preferred by market participants, a tendency toward market concentration with only few intermediaries (or even only one intermediary characterized by a high degree of monopoly power) is not uncommon.
As the sharing economy also includes commercial peer-to-peer platforms (Belk, 2014), Oskam and Boswijk (2016) and later Oskam (2019) argue that the commercial aspect of a non-negligible number of these platforms makes the term “sharing” somewhat misleading. Moreover, the relationship between the “peers” of such platforms may not always be symmetric as not everybody has the financial means to purchase items, real estate, etc., before sharing it with others (Gunter, 2018). Ranchordás (2015) underlines that the lack of adequate regulation for sharing economy providers, customers, and employees alike (Quattrone et al., 2016; Schor, 2016) may result in unfair competition between market participants.
The sharing economy has entered and transformed numerous industries and enabled the development of still more. These range from crowdfunding (e.g., Belleflamme et al., 2014; Mollick, 2014), crowdsourcing (e.g., Difallah et al., 2015; Thebault-Spieker et al., 2015), decision support systems (e.g., Bolton et al., 2013; Vavilis et al., 2014), and redistribution markets (e.g., Cabral and Li, 2015; Haucap and Heimeshoff, 2014), to enabling ride and vehicle sharing (e.g., Parkes et al., 2013; Santi et al., 2014). Not too surprisingly, the sharing economy has also successfully entered the accommodation industry. The commercial platform Airbnb (www.airbnb.com) has become somewhat of an eponym for the sharing economy in the accommodation industry, even though other peer-to-peer online platforms such as Couchsurfing (www.couchsurfing.com) exist in the accommodation industry, albeit with a somewhat different customer base and business model than Airbnb (Molz, 2013). Airbnb has come a long way from its foundation based on the idea of an “airbed and breakfast” in San Francisco in 2007 (Choe, 2007) to the dominant market position it holds today.
Reportedly, the COVID-19 pandemic and its associated travel and accommodation restrictions have affected Airbnb substantially: as of November 2020, its revenue had declined by 72% and 1,800 employees had been laid off since the outbreak of the pandemic (Abril, 2020). Still, Airbnb counts 5.6 million active listings in 100,000 cities across more than 220 countries and regions as of 30 September 2020 (Airbnb, 2021). On 10 December 2020, Airbnb successfully went public on Nasdaq, now being worth more than the three biggest hotel chains combined (Sonnemaker, 2020). As with the rest of the accommodation industry, its business is therefore likely to recover once the pandemic is over. Guttentag (2015) describes Airbnb’s business model as a disruptive innovation, i.e., one that has been able to change the market structure of the accommodation industry, very much in line with Schumpeter’s (1942) earlier notion on creative destruction. The author also notes the downsides of this development, notably the danger of “touristification” of residential areas (i.e., local businesses starting to cater to the needs of tourists rather than residents, rising rent and overall price levels, amplifying housing shortages, etc.) and Airbnb providers not complying with (local) regulations (Guttentag, 2015).
Moreover, not only the fee-commissioning platform itself can be characterized as commercial, but also a non-negligible portion of its providers, i.e., commercial Airbnb providers, who offer more than one listing on the platform (e.g., Messe Berlin, 2016). While Ert et al. (2016) find that Airbnb providers perceived as trustworthy according to their profile pictures are able to charge higher prices and are more likely to receive booking inquiries, non-Caucasian Airbnb providers do not seem to benefit from such assessments of trustworthiness (Edelman and Luca, 2014). Also booking inquiries from non-Caucasian (potential) Airbnb customers seem to be less successful (Edelman et al., 2017). Altogether, Airbnb has drawn so much attention from researchers that multiple literature reviews on Airbnb and the sharing economy in the accommodation industry have been published (in the English language) to date. The main findings of seven recent such meta studies are briefly summarized in the following.
Reviewing 118 published journal articles on Airbnb, Dann et al. (2019) find that Airbnb research can be grouped into seven categories: (1) motivation for its use, (2) trust and reputation, (3) reviews, (4) role of photographs, (5) pricing, (6) impact on the accommodation industry, and (7) regulatory aspects. According to the authors, the reviewed studies mostly use methods suitable for surveys and secondary data. Guttentag (2019) reviews 132 journal articles on the topic and concludes that most of them have a European or North American geographical focus and are published in tourism and hospitality journals. The author groups the reviewed studies into six categories, notably: (1) guests (or customers), (2) hosts (or providers), (3) impacts of Airbnb supply on destinations, (4) regulatory aspects, (5) impacts of Airbnb on the tourism sector, and (6) the Airbnb platform itself. Kuhzady et al. (2020) review 371 published journal articles on the sharing economy in the accommodation industry with a focus on Airbnb concluding that (1) authenticity, (2) environmental issues, and (3) the possibility of socialization between providers and customers have been important topics for researchers.
With a more general sharing economy approach, Belarmino and Koh (2020) explore 107 published articles and consider the topics of (1) affordable housing, (2) conceptualization of the sharing economy, (3) consumer behavior, (4) regulatory aspects, (5) relationship between the sharing economy and hotels, (6) revenue management, as well as (7) trust and mistrust as prevalent in research. Hossain (2020), in turn, analyzes the findings of 219 journal articles, highlighting the sharing economy’s novel business models and revenue streams on the one hand and regulatory and policy deficits on the other. In the same vein, Sainaghi (2020) reviews 189 published journal articles and discovers the subsequent eight research topics: (1) peer-to-peer platforms, (2) demand-side studies, (3) hosts (performance, pricing, and location), (4) guest and host relationships, (5) economic impact, (6) social impact, (7) regulatory aspects, and (8) the sharing economy itself as a phenomenon. Reviewing 305 articles, Hodak and Krajinović (2020) conclude that overtourism has been an under-researched topic in the sharing economy literature to date.
Despite the differences in the classifications of the above systematic literature review studies, one common observation from analyzing the literature on Airbnb is researchers’ interest in the relationship of Airbnb/the sharing economy and the traditional actors of the accommodation industry, notably hotels. For instance, Airbnb can be viewed as a positive innovation in those countries without sufficient hotel room supply (Adamiak, 2018). Gunter and Önder (2018) conclude that Airbnb should be seen as a complement to hotels in Vienna given the lack of sought-after hotel room types comparable to Airbnb listings. Leick et al. (2021) find a positive long-run effect of Airbnb demand on traditional accommodation in secondary Norwegian destinations, thus also supporting the notion of a complementary relationship. Sainaghi and Baggio (2020) cannot confirm a postulated substitutional nature of Airbnb for the Italian city of Milan because of opposing seasonal patterns. In a different study, the same authors conclude for the cities of Milan and Rome that also the demand for commercial Airbnb listings features different seasonal patterns than that for hotels in both cities (Sainaghi and Baggio, 2021).
For New York City, however, Gunter et al. (2020) find that hotels and Airbnb accommodation should be treated as substitutes. Farronato and Fradkin (2018) argue that for New York City and similar destinations, one reason for this substitutional nature is capacity constraints of hotels, particularly during peak seasons. Evaluating an online survey of more than 800 Airbnb customers, Guttentag and Smith (2017) conclude that more than two thirds of the survey respondents see Airbnb as a substitute to hotels. In general, Airbnb can still be considered as the less expensive accommodation option, while often being located close to major points of interest, notably in city destinations (e.g., Adamiak et al., 2019; Eugenio-Martin et al., 2019; Gunter, 2018; Önder et al., 2019; Tong and Gunter, 2020). Using a difference-in-differences approach, Falk and Yang (2020) find that stricter regulations of Airbnb listings and their providers benefit hotels in five European cities (Amsterdam, Barcelona, Berlin, London, and Paris). Employing the same approach to New York City and Washington, DC, Yeon et al. (2020) find beneficial effects only for low-cost hotels. For Houston, Texas, only a moderate substitutional relationship between Airbnb and hotels can be confirmed (Yang and Mao, 2020). While also Zervas et al. (2017) see Airbnb mostly as a threat to traditional bed and breakfasts and low-cost hotels, Dogru et al. (2019, 2020) conclude that Airbnb has become a relevant competitor to hotels across hotel classes in terms of typical performance measures for a number of countries.
Nonetheless, the literature on competitiveness of Airbnb (in comparison to hotels) is still scarce. While there are very few publications integrating the Airbnb phenomenon into broader destination competitiveness studies (e.g., Koo et al., 2016; Skalska and Shcherbiak, 2016), to the best of the authors’ knowledge, there is only one study investigating the competitiveness of Airbnb listings as decision making units: Zekan et al. (2019). Still lacking in the existing literature, however, is an investigation of the impact of hotel-specific variables on the competitiveness of Airbnb listings, as well as a separate investigation of commercial and private Airbnb listings, whereby the former may ex-ante be characterized by a more efficient use of their inputs than the latter. This is the gap in the literature the present study tries to fill, which has also only very recently been confirmed as a research gap in a systematic literature review on the competitiveness of the visitor economy by Kim et al. (2021).
Methodology
In neoclassical production theory, firms are assumed to use their scarce inputs efficiently to produce the desired output(s) (e.g., Rasmussen, 2013; Sickles and Zelenyuk, 2019). More traditional approaches in both macro- and microeconomics employ different types of production functions to model production technology, i.e., the output variable as a function of one or more input variables. When efficient production based on all inputs and all outputs of all firms in an industry (or in the economy as a whole) is evaluated jointly, the aggregation of all individual production functions results in a production possibility frontier, at least in theory. Even though some types of production functions, such as the constant elasticity of substitution (CES) production function (Arrow et al., 1961; Solow, 1956), can feature the realistic property of variable returns to scale (i.e., the possibility of possessing constant, increasing, or decreasing returns to scale), researchers have criticized such parametric functional forms for a number of reasons. In aggregate terms, in particular their empirical observability and relevance since stemming from a national accounting identity has been subject to criticism (e.g., Cohen and Harcourt, 2003; Daly, 1997; Shaikh, 1974).
In their pivotal study, Charnes et al. (1978) therefore suggest a new approach to obtain non-parametric production functions and production possibility frontiers (or rather: best practice frontier) that are directly obtained from observed sample data: the DEA approach, which itself is based on the earlier work of Farrell (1957). As DEA efficiency scores are obtained exclusively from observed sample data without the need for knowledge about the asymptotic properties of a theoretical population (e.g., theoretically possible levels of efficiency), only relative efficiency of peer entities can be measured. In DEA, these comparative entities are referred to as decision making units (DMUs) (Cooper et al., 2004).
As their originally suggested DEA model, the Charnes–Cooper–Rhodes (CCR) or constant returns to scale (CRS) model, still suffers from the namesake constant returns to scale property, a later refinement, the Banker–Charnes–Cooper (BCC) or variable returns to scale (VRS) model (Banker et al., 1984), relaxes this assumption and is therefore employed hereinafter (Cooper et al., 2004). Full proportionality between input and output variables is not presupposed (Assaf and Agbola, 2011). Moreover, this particular DEA model is deemed appropriate for situations when not all DMUs are operating at an optimal scale, for instance, due to financial constraints or imperfect competition that are likely to exist in the accommodation industry (Assaf and Agbola, 2011; Wöber, 2002).
Next, the model orientation needs to be considered. The output-oriented model aims at becoming efficient by increasing outputs and holding inputs fixed, unlike the input-oriented model that focuses on input reduction and fixed outputs. There is also a non-oriented or base model with a simultaneous improvement of both inputs and outputs (Donthu et al., 2005; Scheel, 2000). As in the present study, outputs are sought to be maximized based on an efficient use of existing inputs, the output-oriented BCC model becomes relevant. Mathematically, it is a constrained maximization problem and reads as follows (Cooper et al., 2004):
Here,
The standard model formulations oftentimes presuppose “standard” variables, which can be controlled by DMUs. However, there may be other variables that need to be considered: those beyond their control, yet with impact on performances of DMUs. Such variables are described as non-discretionary or uncontrollable and can be modeled in DEA alongside discretionary or controllable variables, as is shown, for instance, in Cooper et al. (2004), Reynolds (2003), Tsai et al. (2011), Wöber (2002), and Wöber and Fesenmaier (2004). In the end, it all comes down to ensuring that all relevant variables are included as, otherwise, the entire investigation will be of little value (Cook et al., 2014). This begs the question regarding the appropriate number of variables in relation to the number of DMUs to preserve the method’s discriminatory power. As a response, Cook et al. (2014) conclude that the suggested “rule of thumb” (number of DMUs = twice/three times inputs + outputs) has no statistical basis and thus advise against a sample size requirement in DEA.
The selection of variables in the present study is grounded in Zekan et al. (2019), who provide an in-depth empirical and theoretical justification for every variable employed in their analyses. In more detail, the empirical justification for the selected controllable inputs is their explanatory power as determinants of Airbnb demand measured, for instance, in terms of occupancy rate from regression analysis (Gunter and Önder, 2018). The underlying theoretical foundation is Airbnb hosts operating in an imperfectly (i.e., monopolistically) competitive industry, where not only price but also (perceived or real) non-price differences of heterogeneous products determine their demand (Chamberlin, 1933; Dixit and Stiglitz, 1977; Edwards, 1933; Robinson, 1933). For the selection of the uncontrollable hotel-related inputs, the competitive relationship between the sharing economy and the traditional actors of the accommodation industry has proven relevant (see the “Related Literature” section). Since the focus lies on investigating competitiveness of the same type of DMU (= average Airbnb listing of a city), the most plausible approach is to model the same types of variables and add uncontrollable inputs into the mix. By doing so, the present research follows the plea for standardization of variable selection by Assaf and Josiassen (2016). Hence, the main DEA model (hereinafter referred to as model 0; Figure 1) consists of six inputs and two outputs. Four controllable inputs are all Airbnb-specific and are as follows: number of listings, maximum number of guests, number of photos, and response rate. Two uncontrollable inputs are hotel-related: ADR and occupancy rate of hotels. Two outputs are ADR and occupancy rate of Airbnb. As is detailed in the “Findings” section, some of the variables of the main model have been replaced with four new variables in the interactive DEA (models 1–4): number of bedrooms, minimum number of nights, census rooms hotels, and number of bookings. Overall, it should be underlined that in every model there are variables that address both Airbnb demand and supply. The main data envelopment analysis model (model 0).
Commercial/private ratio of active Airbnb listings per city.
Findings and Discussion
Descriptive statistics—variables of the main DEA model (model 0).
DEA: data envelopment analysis.
Efficiency Insights Part 1: All Listings
DEA results (model 0)—all listings.
DEA: data envelopment analysis; DMU: decision making unit.
Looking into the efficient DMUs first (i.e., maximum performance = 100%; also those with “superefficiency” scores < 100% in the output-oriented BCC modeling), the listings of 11 cities are determined to have “big” scores. Such scores are infeasible solutions and denote units with extremely high efficiency (Boljunčić, as cited in Wöber and Fesenmaier, 2004). The same authors mention that any further evaluation of such cases is not possible. Remaining are the listings of six cities with numerical scores: Amsterdam, Budapest, Dublin, Edinburgh, Prague, and Copenhagen. Although all of them are efficient in the utilization of their inputs, Amsterdam outperforms the others; especially Copenhagen by 19.62%. The present study also confirms the findings of Önder et al. (2017) and Zekan et al. (2019) with regard to benchmark appearances of efficient units: being efficient does not equate to being a benchmark (i.e., best practice). There are seven DMUs with zero benchmark appearances. This suggests that they are not considered as benchmarks for any of the inefficient units. The listings of Helsinki and Amsterdam are the most prominent benchmarks, with eight and seven appearances, respectively. Yet, universal best practice for all inefficient units is not apparent in this study either. Given the heterogeneity of the sample, this is also the expected outcome and reflects real-life situations.
Moving on to the inefficient units (i.e., those with scores > 100% in the employed model), it is evident that the level of inefficiency is varied among the listings of eleven cities. The closest to obtaining the maximum efficiency are the listings of Lisbon (2.15%), London (3.01%), and Madrid (4.79%), whereas the furthest from the cut-off point are Rome (9.94%), Genoa (16.67%), and Florence-based Airbnb accommodations (17.82%). Percentages imply the potential that each DMU has regarding improvement of at least one of its modeled outputs (ADR and occupancy rate) with the same level of inputs. These percentages can be found in Table 3 for every inefficient DMU. The score itself is a DMU’s performance estimation. Yet, if performance improvement is desired, then each DMU should look toward its individualized benchmarking partners, which are also computed with DEA and are presented in Table 3. For instance, let us put listings of Florence (the worst performer) in the spotlight. Five benchmarking partners are proposed for this particular DMU: Amsterdam (0.38), Brussels (0.01), Geneva (0.22), Helsinki (0.21), and Stockholm (0.18). The values in the brackets indicate the relative importance (i.e., weight) of each benchmark for Florence and the interpretation of these results is straightforward: the most important benchmark is the average Airbnb listing of Amsterdam (0.38).
Virtual benchmark for Florence-based listings.
Interactive DEA results—all listings.
DEA: data envelopment analysis; DMU: decision making unit.
Model 0 = Inputs: number of listings, maximum number of guests, number of photos, response rate, ADR hotels, occupancy rate hotels. Outputs: ADR, occupancy rate.
Model 1 = Inputs: number of listings, maximum number of guests, minimum number of nights, number of photos, ADR hotels, occupancy rate hotels. Outputs: ADR, occupancy rate.
Model 2 = Inputs: number of listings, maximum number of guests, minimum number of nights, response rate, ADR hotels, occupancy rate hotels. Outputs: ADR, occupancy rate.
Model 3 = Inputs: number of listings, number of bedrooms, number of photos, response rate, ADR hotels, occupancy rate hotels. Outputs: ADR, occupancy rate.
Model 4 = Inputs: number of listings, maximum number of guests, number of photos, response rate, ADR hotels, census rooms hotels. Outputs: ADR, number of bookings.
To sum up the scores of models 1–4, up to ten DMUs are inefficient, with scores ranging from 100.05% (London-based listings) to 176.72% (Istanbul-based listings). The title of worst performer is shared between Florence, Vienna, and Istanbul, depending on the modeling employed, which also demonstrates the importance of interactive over static DEA runs regarding robustness. In line with the main model, the Airbnb listings of Barcelona, Lisbon, London, Madrid, Oslo, and Vienna continue to be inefficient, which sends a very clear message about the as yet unused potential for improvement. Out of 28 DMUs, seven are particularly interesting and are highlighted in Table 5: the listings of Brussels, Florence, Genoa, Istanbul, Paris, Rome, and Seville. These are the DMUs where even a minor change in variables meant a shift from efficient to inefficient classification (or vice versa) in at least one of the models. Based on the modeling employed, each DMU may gain insight into the variable(s) that led to classification as inefficient and, thus, identify the problem area(s) and look toward the practices of their benchmarks for guidance, which is a rather important practical implication. Benchmarking partners for each inefficient unit in the interactive DEA modeling have been identified as well, yet they are not provided due to space constraints (available from the authors upon request).
On the efficient side, there are up to 12 DMUs with extremely high efficiency (i.e., with “big” scores), whereas the numerical scores are in range from 80.11% (Amsterdam-based listings) to 99.73% (Copenhagen-based listings), in line with the main model. The most prominent benchmarks remain the listings of Helsinki (up to eight appearances) and Amsterdam (up to seven appearances), now joined also by Salzburg (eight appearances in model 4). There are up to nine DMUs that have zero benchmark appearances, corroborating the previous conclusions that “efficient” does not presuppose “best practice.”
Efficiency Insights Part 2: Commercial versus Private Listings
DEA results (model 0)—commercial listings.
DMU: decision making unit.
DEA results (model 0)—private listings.
DMU: decision making unit.
Summary DEA results (model 0)—commercial versus private listings.
DEA: data envelopment analysis; DMU: decision making unit.
Overall, the efficiency scores range from 79.85% to 116.18% for commercial listings, and from 80.21% to 115.55% for private listings. Yet, upon inspection of scores from the two separate DEA runs, it can be argued that commercial listings are generally more efficient than the private ones. This has also been corroborated with a rank-order statistical test: the commercial listings are (tightly) significantly more efficient than the private ones in a one-tailed Wilcoxon paired samples rank test (p = 0.049).
Six commercial DMUs are inefficient in contrast to ten private ones. Florence-based commercial listings are the worst performer with 16.18% potential for improvement; the ones of Rome are the second worst with an inefficiency of 13.47%. With regard to private listings, these two DMUs exchange places, with 15.55% (Rome) and 13.80% (Florence) deviations from maximum performance. The most important benchmark for Florence-based commercial listings remains Amsterdam (0.53), yet that is not the case for its private listings, where the private accommodations of Geneva have the highest importance (0.31). The listings of Brussels are confirmed as the most important benchmark for both commercial and private listings of Rome.
On the efficient side, there are 22 commercial and 18 private DMUs that achieve maximum performance, out of which 14 commercial and 10 private are determined to have “big” scores. Of the ones with numerical scores, the listings of Amsterdam head the efficient DMUs in both samples. In addition, the listings of Amsterdam and Helsinki are the most prominent benchmarks with five and four appearances, respectively, in the commercial sample; the same holds with regard to the private sample, with seven (Amsterdam) and six (Helsinki) appearances, now joined by six benchmark appearances of Geneva. What is interesting to observe is the high number of zero benchmark appearances in the commercial sample: 14 out of 22 efficient DMUs are not recognized as best practices. This, however, does not apply to private sample, where two thirds of the efficient DMUs are identified as benchmarks for inefficient DMUs.
In summary of the two separate DEA runs (Table 8), commercial and private samples of 17 cities are regarded as efficient. This means that both commercial and private listings of, for example, Berlin have achieved maximum performance. The listings of five cities (Barcelona, Florence, London, Rome, and Vienna) are also consistent in their (under)performance: inefficient in both samples. Yet, in four of these five cases, a higher level of inefficiency is recorded in the private sample. For instance, private listings of Vienna are 7.40% inefficient, whereas the Viennese commercial ones are 5.54% inefficient. Furthermore, six DMUs are highlighted in Table 8 as they are the most interesting cases to observe due to a very different performance across samples: the listings of Copenhagen, Genoa, Lisbon, Oslo, Paris, and Prague. For all but Lisbon, it can be concluded that their commercial listings outperform their private ones: their commercial listings are efficient, while the opposite holds for their private listings. This is most noticeable in the case of Genoa, which ranges from extremely high efficiency in the commercial to 5.30% inefficiency in the private sample. Thus, all of these examples corroborate the conclusion of more competitive performance of commercial listings. Turning lastly to the aforementioned exception, the Lisbon-based commercial score denotes an inefficiency of 0.28%, whereas the private score secures the efficient classification (99.29%). Given the negligible inefficiency, one could argue that the observed discrepancy between the commercial and private samples in this particular case could be disregarded.
Conclusions
The present study opted to continue the discussion initiated by Zekan et al. (2019) on the competitiveness of the sharing economy, specifically the Airbnb sector of European cities. This was done by following up on the authors’ suggestion about the importance of including hotel-related data as uncontrollable variables into future DEA modeling endeavors within this sector. In order to verify the robustness of results, interactive DEA was again employed on this occasion. In addition, the present study inspected efficiency of not only cumulative but also of commercial and private samples of Airbnb listings of European cities. Thus, by including uncontrollable variables and by inspecting three samples, this benchmarking study delved into the core of the sector and provided in-depth insights about its efficiency. As evident in the literature review on Airbnb, no other study to date has attempted something similar.
So, what are some of the main takeaways? Given that DEA measures relative efficiency, it is of utmost importance to inspect the robustness of findings by applying interactive modeling. In the present study, 12 variables were employed across five models in order to account for different factors in performance estimations for the cumulative sample. This approach revealed that there are number of DMUs that are underperforming, irrespective of the modeling employed. Florence-based listings were oftentimes identified as the most inefficient DMU, with up to 17.82% room for improvement of at least one of the outputs and, as such, were put into the analytical spotlight. Performance estimations give a clear indication about efficient versus inefficient classification, yet they do not suffice if benchmarking is the ultimate aim. The practical value lies in finding ways to move forward, to improve performance. The starting point can be to look into best practices: DEA offers this opportunity by proposing individual rather than general benchmarking partners for every inefficient unit. For instance, in the case of Florence, Amsterdam-based listings were repeatedly proposed, which signals the importance of this particular best practice. Sectoral regulatory bodies and destination management organizations (DMOs) of the two cities would be the obvious candidates for enabling the knowledge exchange (Zekan et al., 2019). Especially the latter could engage more in this exchange given their orchestrating role and communications with all stakeholders (including accommodation providers and regulatory bodies) at their own destinations and connectivity to DMOs of other European cities. This connectivity and knowledge sharing between the cities’ DMOs is very much apparent and regarded as valuable at the European level in particular, an example of which would be European Cities Marketing. Additionally, the optimal output targets have been calculated for Florence-based listings according to the virtual benchmark. Hence, this DMU could work toward these targets in the post-COVID-19 recovery.
The present study corroborates the findings of Önder et al. (2017) and Zekan et al. (2019) with regard to (1) removal of a causal link between “efficient” and “best practice” and (2) absence of a single best practice for all inefficient units. Another important finding is that, generally speaking, the commercial listings are more competitive than the private ones. Differences exist within the listings of single cities, yet even in cases when both samples of a city were inefficient, a higher level of inefficiency was often detected in the private sample. Therefore, the conclusion can be drawn that hosts who own two or more properties are better at resource utilization, which results in the higher efficiency of commercial listings.
This study is not without limitations. Most notably, one cannot generalize these findings to every possible input/output combination, despite the efforts made in this study with regard to interactive modeling. Moreover, the Airbnb listings (cumulative, commercial, and private) of 28 cities were analyzed in order to preserve the number of cities and by doing so, gain insights into the sector’s (not the destination’s!) competitive standing across Europe. Yet, any change in the number of DMUs may lead to different efficiency scores. All analyses covered only one time period. Subject to data availability (e.g., regarding regulatory environment, changed travelers’ preferences, etc.) and inclusion of Airbnb listings of more cities (i.e., more DMUs to further challenge relative efficiency), future research should orientate toward longitudinal analysis for the assessment of competitiveness over time. It would be very interesting to include pre-COVID-19, COVID-19, and post-COVID-19 periods into analyses. Another recommended research endeavor would be a two-stage analysis: regressions of potential environmental variables could be run before DEA with the purpose of detecting whether a potentially uncontrollable variable is influential.
On the whole, the present study has further deepened the competitiveness discussion of the Airbnb sector. Its humble contribution lies in engaging Airbnb listings and hotels into the efficiency discussion, along with looking beyond the cumulative number of listings by dissecting the overall sector into commercial and private listings—something that has not been attempted as of yet, in spite of the ever-growing body of literature on the sharing economy.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
The authors express their gratitude toward Steve Hood and Melane Rueff from STR, who generously provided the hotel-related data. They also thank Professors Karl Wöber and Ivo Ponocny for their helpful comments, as well as David Leonard for proofreading the manuscript.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors thank the consortium consisting of Michaeler & Partner, PKF hotelexperts, and the Vienna Tourist Board that kindly funded the purchase of the Airbnb data.
