Abstract
Depressive adolescents are a challenging and vulnerable group in schools. Specific developmental features such as irritability and comorbid behavioural disorders complicate the recognition of their emotional problems for peers, teachers and even parents. Our research shows that teachers tend to overlook depressive feelings in adolescents; however, even peers are not able to recognize depressive feelings appropriately. Emotional problems can result in underachievement, the inability to learn and problems building satisfactory interpersonal relationships. Our review of research findings detects a complex interplay between social dynamics of exclusion and depression. Educational intervention and prevention efforts with respect to evidence-based social-emotional learning (SEL) programmes are summarized. It can be concluded that the implementation of systematic SEL concepts in schools has the potential to recognize depression-related problems early, to prevent exclusion and to reduce the burden of depressive disorders.
Introduction
Nowadays, depression is a major and increasingly frequent health problem among young people (World Health Organization (WHO), 2017). The percentage of young people who are suffering from depression is quite high. This article focuses on depressive adolescents at risk of marginalization in the context of schools. Based on a literature review and own empirical research, the following research questions should be answered.
How prevalent are depressive disorders and what are specific depressive symptoms in adolescence?
What do we know about risk factors for social exclusion, especially regarding bullying, victimization and low social competencies? How do teachers and peers perceive depressed youth?
What do we know about effective prevention? What is the potential of systematic social-emotional learning (SEL) in schools for early recognition and prevention?
The three research questions are reflected in the three sections of the article: Part 1 of this article lays the groundwork for understanding depressive problems. Part 2 focuses on social exclusion mechanisms, and Part 3 is devoted to prevention based on school-based SEL programmes.
The unique contribution of this article lies in the combination of the professional discourses on developmental psychopathology and SEL concepts in the vulnerable group of adolescents with depression. The term psychopathology refers to mental disorders traditionally conceptualized as internalizing and externalizing problems. Internalizing problems include affective disorders (depressive disorders), anxiety disorders and eating disorders. Externalizing disorders include aggression, delinquency or hyperactivity/impulsivity. The crucial question is how we can respond effectively to the needs of vulnerable young people with emotional problems in schools.
Depression in young people
Specific features of depressive symptoms in youth
The current version of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorder (5th Edition, DSM-5) describes developmental specific symptoms: Referring to emotions and mood, we see depressed and dysphoric mood characterized not only by unhappiness, sadness and distress but also heightened irritability. This often covers depressed feelings. Disruptive mood dysregulation disorder is a diagnosis between the ages of 6 and 18 years characterized by persistent irritability and frequent episodes of extremely out-of-control behaviour (American Psychiatric Association (APA), 2013).
Warning signs of depression can be broadly classified into four different categories: emotional symptoms, cognitive signs (those involving thinking), physical complaints and behavioural changes. Parents, teachers and other confidants may misinterpret the display of irritable emotions and not perceive the underlying depression. In addition, characteristic symptoms such as anhedonia (complete absence of positive feelings), lack of interest, no energy, fatigue, changes in eating habits and sleeping patterns are observed. These behavioural changes are often attributed to mood swings and normative adolescent behaviour dysregulations. Cognitive symptoms like pessimism, hopelessness, cognitive dysfunction and suicidal thoughts become more pronounced in adolescence (Nevermann & Reicher, 2009; Reicher & Rossmann, 2005).
Moreover, comorbid disorders are very prevalent. Comorbidity means that two or more medical conditions are present simultaneously in a patient: Nearly 75 percent of depressed adolescents show anxiety disorders, conduct disorders, aggressive behaviour and substance abuse; therefore, it is difficult for parents, teachers and other persons to recognize underlying emotional problems adequately (Reicher & Rossmann, 2008).
How prevalent are depressive disorders in adolescence?
Recent epidemiological data are available from comprehensive studies of samples from Europe and the United States. Additionally, results from Germany are reported.
European data
An extensive international study based on self-reports of 13,000 European young people detects that 10 percent of them show significant depressive symptoms (Balasz et al., 2013).
US data
In a US sample, a life-time prevalence of 11 percent is reported, and the 12-month prevalence is 7.5 percent. In all, 3 percent suffer from severe forms of depression and 8 percent from moderate depression (Avenevoli, Swendson, He, Burstein, & Merikangas, 2015).
German data
The BELLA study in Germany shows that 11.2 percent of young people aged 7–19 years in a random sample of 3256 are experiencing considerable depressive symptoms (Bettge et al., 2008). It is of particular relevance to mention that this study is based on both parent- and self-reports. Self-reports by the same young people identify 16.1 percent as depressive. When taking into account gender differences, 11.3 percent of boys and 20.8 percent of girls report feeling depressed. In general, two current trends can be found: parents underestimate depressive symptoms in youth, and girls report significantly higher scores. This pattern is consistently observed in diverse research findings.
High prevalence rates of subthreshold depression in adolescents are reported based on the European database (Bertha & Balasz, 2013). Subthreshold depression means the presence of clinically relevant depressive symptoms without meeting the criteria of a full-blown diagnosis of depressive disorder. This condition – also referred to as so-called ‘subclinical’ depression – has a negative impact on the quality of life and puts young people at risk of later major depression. Therefore, it is important that preventive intervention efforts target young individuals with subthreshold depression. Subclinical symptoms can be seen as a precursor of clinical forms of major depression (Nevermann & Reicher, 2009; Reicher & Rossmann, 2008). Thus, we can conclude that depression is one of the most common forms of mental illness in youth. Depressive symptoms and disorders are rather prevalent in adolescence. Adolescence is a peak time for the first onset of depression (Seeley & Lewinsohn, 2008). Furthermore, depressive symptoms influence health factors in general. Consequences might be detectable from adolescence to adulthood (Keenan-Miller, Hammen, & Brennan, 2007).
The social risks of depression
Depressive disorders impact the social and cognitive development of children and adolescents. Depressive children suffer from difficulties regarding social participation and activity: They have problems coping with everyday life, building and maintaining social relationships and dealing effectively with school demands. Emotional and behavioural problems can adversely affect a child’s educational performance, resulting in underachievement, the inability to concentrate and learn, the inability to build or maintain satisfactory interpersonal relationships with peers and teachers, or in inappropriate types of behaviour or feelings under normal circumstances. Some pupils feel overstrained; they react with withdrawal, which may result in poor school performance or even leaving school (Reicher, 2017). In general, children with psychopathology are at risk of poor school attainment. Parker et al. (2015) even report significantly higher school suspension rates – as well as exclusion rates for children with impaired psychopathology in Great Britain.
The social perception of depressive problems by parents and peers
It seems difficult for peers and teachers to detect depression at a young age. At this point, we want to present own empirical findings (Reicher, 2003). In a sample of 422 adolescents, two self-report depression scales were administered: the Symptoms of Adolescent Depression (SAD) scale (Reicher, Fuchs, & Hanfstingl, 2001) and the Assessment of Depressive Symptoms for Children and Adolescents (Döpfner & Lehmkuhl, 2000). Peer-reports of depression were assessed with a modified version of the SAD scale. A total of 16 teachers assessed a total number of 80 students (each teacher rated five pupils based on the Assessment of Depression for Teachers; Döpfner & Lehmkuhl, 2000). The statistical analyses show that correlations between self-reports of depression and peer-assessments were significant, but low: the Pearson-correlation coefficient was around r = .30. Furthermore, a surprising zero correlation (r = .0) was found between students’ self-reports of depression and teachers’ ratings. These results underline that teachers are not able to recognize depressive mood in students. Students and teachers rate depressive symptoms completely differently. However, even peers have difficulties with identifying depressive symptoms in their friends accurately, although in the stage of adolescence, peers are considered to be central for the social network.
Depression and social exclusion: a vicious circle
In this section of the article, we want to address the complex interplay of social exclusion and its problematic outcomes. We begin with a short outline of research findings discussing exclusion and mental health problems. Subsequently, we turn to the role of child characteristics and deviation from peer norms.
Exclusion as a risk factor
Social exclusion can be understood as a multifaceted phenomenon; it can range from rejection, ostracism, discrimination and dehumanization to social isolation (Riva & Eck, 2016). With respect to our article, we use social exclusion as the experience of being kept from others physically, for example, social isolation, or emotionally, for example, being ignored or being told one is not wanted (Riva & Eck, 2016, p. ix). Indeed, social exclusion in the school context is often conceptualized as peer group rejection; peers’ exclusionary behaviour can be passive and active. Passive exclusion/ostracism is postulated to occur when peers persistently ignore or avoid specific children (Ladd & Kochenderfer-Ladd, 2016, p. 112).
Current publications on social exclusion for the development and maintenance of psychological disorders are reviewed by Fung, Xu, Glazier, Parsons, and Alden (2016). The authors conclude that social exclusion both from family and peers increases the risk of diagnoses of depression. ‘Specifically, the chances of developing the disorders are increased in even mild forms of social exclusion such as low peer liking and lack of social support’ (Fung, Xu, Glazier, Parson, & Alden, 2016, p. 167), which may elicit further depression, continuing the vicious cycle.
A prospective cohort study was carried out with 6719 participants (Bowen, Joinson, Wolke, & Lewis, 2016). Peer victimization during early adolescence at the age of 13 years heightens the risk of depression at the age of 18 years. Nearly 29 percent of the burden of depression at age 18 could be attributed to peer victimization. Therefore, it is of great importance to prevent victimization and bullying in schools.
What causes children to be socially excluded?
Why are young people with mental health problems rejected by their peers? The reasons for this behaviour were explored by O’Driscoll, Heary, Hennessy, and McKeague (2015). Group interviews were conducted with 148 Irish adolescents; interviews were based on the vignette method. The results can be summarized as follows: perceived violation of friendship expectations, no social reciprocity in friendships, concerns of emotional contagion (‘bring the mood down’) and the fear of loss of one’s own social reputation in the peer group (‘this peer was boring [ . . . ] was excluding himself [ . . . ] does not care about us . . .’ (O’Driscoll et al., 2015, p. 718)).
There is clear evidence that subclinical and clinical depression can elicit a negative feedback loop that maintains the condition; certain behaviour of the depressive person such as excessive reassurance-seeking can result in negative evaluations from other persons and elicit exclusion (Fung et al., 2016, p. 162). The complex biopsychosocial interplay of depression and social risk factors, social impairments and poor social functioning is described by Kupferberg, Bicks, and Hasler (2016). The authors refer to impaired affiliation and attachment, impaired social communication, impaired social perception and the impact on social networks as well as the use of social media. Deficits in performing and fulfilling social roles are a major cause for rejection and withdrawal. The behaviour of these sad young people is often misinterpreted as bad; they are faced with stigmatization processes for being different, for appearing mad. Subsequently, these processes put them at risk of social exclusion. A vicious circle can emerge as a result. In conclusion, there is a substantial body of evidence showing that ‘social exclusion may be both a cause and a consequence of children’s psychological maladjustment’ (Ladd & Kochenderfer-Ladd, 2016, p. 125).
Prevention of depression
The WHO (2008) emphasizes that depression constitutes a major health burden for our society. Depressive symptoms are often overlooked and not adequately interpreted by teachers, parents and peers. Depressed adolescents are at risk of social exclusion and victimization. This has a detrimental impact on the psychosocial development of the affected youth. Therefore, the prevention of depression represents an important health priority. During the last years, numerous prevention programmes have been developed and implemented (Brown et al., 2016).
School-based prevention programmes
Evidence-based interventions for and the prevention of depression at the individual level are mainly based on cognitive-behavioural therapies. They focus on at-risk populations, such as offspring of depressed parents (Reicher & Rossmann, 2008). Regarding school-based prevention programmes, some systematic reviews are available. A systematic review focusing on 28 school-based prevention interventions for depression and anxiety disorders published between January 2000 and May 2011 was published by Corrieri et al. (2014). The authors conclude that the majority of interventions can be regarded as successful; but the mean effect sizes can be considered as rather small.
Effective programmes in German are reviewed by Pössel and Hautzinger (2009). They report a detailed description of three depression prevention and intervention programmes: Gesundheit und Optimismus (Health and optimism); Lust an realistischer Sicht und Leichtigkeit im sozialen Alltag – LARS and LISA (Delight in a realistic view and ease in the social life); and Stimmungsprobleme bewältigen (Coping with mood problems). Additionally, they refer to cognitive-behavioural psychological interventions that prove to be the most effective interventions to date.
Experiences with the school-based prevention programme ‘Health and Optimism’ in Austria
The universal prevention programme ‘Gesundheit und Optimismus’ GO! (‘Health and Optimism’) is targeted towards adolescents aged 11–18 (Junge, Neumer, Manz, & Margraf, 2002). This 16-hours programme is based on a theoretical cognitive-behavioural framework and focuses on reducing stress, anxiety and depression and increasing social and emotional skills. The programme contains eight sessions of 90 minutes and uses cognitive-behavioural strategies to cope with stress, anxiety and depression. The main topics of this programme can be briefly outlined as following: (1) Introduction: Stress, analysis of personal stress factors, stress model; (2) Cognition and emotions: personal aims, stress experiment, automatic thoughts; (3) Anxiety: components of anxiety, maladaptive anxiety, self-confrontation strategy; (4) Depression: depressive thinking, logical mistakes, dysfunctional attitudes, positive thinking strategies, coping; (5) Social competence and assertiveness: insecure– aggressive– self-secure behaviour; (6) Stress and coping strategies: time management, relaxation techniques; (7) Problem-solving: techniques of solving social problems; (8) Wrap-up: feedback, outlook, information about support structures (Manz, Junge, Neumer, & Margraf, 2001). Each session is characterized by a specific procedure (short information input, coping strategies, training, sharing and discussing experiences of used strategies between the sessions). The use of interactive methods is recommended (e.g. role-play, video clips, experiments, group activities, GO!-homes). The strategies are demonstrated by featuring examples of real-life situations of the participants.
In the Austrian province Styria, the Prevention Institute activelife carried out more than 80 GO!-projects with about 1400 participants in different school-types. GO!-trainers were recruited, trained and instructed by activelife in a comprehensive mentoring programme. Prior pedagogical background was an essential requirement for the mentees. Austrian studies conducted by our research group could outline the efficacy of the GO!-programme (Jauk, Wieser, Allmer, Haider, & Reicher, 2010; Wieser, Jauk, Reicher, & Peer, 2008). In the present article, we want to summarize our research, which is threefold: (1) an intervention study addressing the efficacy; (2) a formative evaluation study addressing acceptance, knowledge and transfer; and (3) a study addressing the effects of a newly designed teacher-version of the programme:
1. The GO! intervention study in a grammar school (Reicher, Jauk, & Wieser, 2007): The prevention programme was led by certified GO!-trainers in a classroom setting (two trainers per group of at most 16 adolescents). All students of grades seventh to 10th and their parents were invited to participate in an information meeting at their school. Students were asked to register for participation by choice. Therefore, the training was conducted in their leisure time, right after the last school lesson of a day (1 afternoon/week, all in all 8 weeks). Classmates who did not want to join the training were asked to move into a control group that did not receive the intervention. Non-participants though had the chance to join the training in the following academic year. In a quasi-experimental intervention-control study, a training group (n = 47) and a control group (n = 53) were compared before and after the training. Participants were adolescents aged 11–16 years, with a mean age of 13.8 years. Analysis of covariance shows that knowledge about mental disorders (mental health literacy) has improved significantly; depression scores and test anxiety scores could be reduced. Gender differences could only be found for girls who scored higher on mental health literacy.
2. The GO1 acceptance and feedback study (Jauk et al., 2010): To evaluate the effects of the training, a combination of quantitative and qualitative research methods (e.g. feedback questionnaires and group interviews) was used. The sample consisted of 781 Austrian pupils (aged 11–21) of different school-types (secondary academic schools and secondary general schools), participating in the primary prevention programme ‘Health and Optimism’ between 2005 and 2010.
The programme was delivered in small groups of 10–18 adolescents and was led by two accredited ‘health and optimism’ trainers. To evaluate the effects of the training, all participants completed a self-reported feedback questionnaire adapted to the contents of the programme ‘Health and Optimism’ after the training (Junge et al., 2002; Reicher et al., 2007). The questionnaire contains 33 items asking about acceptance by the target group, the transfer of learned strategies to daily routine, overall evaluation, implementation of the programme and practicability in schools. Results show that the programme has different effects depending on age and sex of the participants. In general, girls rated all categories better than boys (except implementation of the programme, where boys in late adolescence rated better). Generally, girls perceive more benefits. However, results indicate that girls and boys respond differently to interventions; this is consistent with other research findings (e.g. Merry, McDowell, Hetrick, Bir, & Muller, 2009). We also found significant age group effects: for early and middle adolescence, the ratings were better.
In summary, we can say that cognitive-behavioural programmes like ‘health and optimism’ seem to have better impacts in early and middle adolescence, in particular on girls. The results indicate that gender-specific aspects should be taken into account when developing and implementing prevention programmes:
3. Experiences with a teacher intervention programme: A programme adaptation ‘Health and Optimism for Teachers’ was developed, implemented and evaluated by our research group (Jauk & Wieser, 2011). The teachers’ Health and Optimism-programme can therefore be regarded as an upward revision of the previously mentioned youth version (GO!). Connections between theoretical input and its applicability in the daily lives of teachers were identified based on the original manual. Knowledge transfer and easy-to-handle strategies should empower teachers by providing them with knowledge about mental health and skills to cope with the emotional demands and stress of school life. The teacher programme is delivered in three sessions (all in all 32 lessons). Session 1, ‘Health and optimism’, works on basics such as depression, anxiety and stress. Session 2, ‘Burnout’, imparts knowledge about stress and emotional pressure in an exciting and lively way. Finally, Session 3, ‘classroom management’, addresses several problems with students and parents and shows how to cope with challenges in class (Jauk & Reicher, 2012). The quasi-experimental research design included both a training group and a control group (N = 48 teachers). School authorities, school principals and teachers were informed about programmes’ aims, procedure and organizational matters. Teachers could join the programme by choice. The participation was credited to their personal further education account. Control group was recruited by the participants. They were asked to choose a colleague with almost similar characteristics (subject, age, gender, school). Specific programme-related variables were assessed at four measurement occasions, including a 3-month follow-up. Interviews and a formative evaluation completed the design. Results reveal that the training group showed a significant increase in knowledge concerning mental health problems. Furthermore, a significant decrease in self-perceived depression and anxiety scores, as well as in perceived occupational workload, could be found in the training group (see also Jauk & Reicher, 2012). It is reasonable to assume that the participation of teachers in the health and optimism programme in the context of further education trainings is helpful for recognizing depressive symptoms in themselves but also among adolescents. Today, the official further education programme of the University Colleges of Teacher Education in Styria offers the programme for in-service teachers every year, especially for advisory teachers who have to conduct several consultations and are concerned with demanding challenges in their schools. Members of our research group work as trainers in these workshops.
SEL programmes and mental health promotion in schools
Internationally, numerous school-based universal prevention programmes have been developed to target SEL as a protective vehicle to foster academic learning and to prevent problematic youth behaviour. Recent contributions underline that SEL can be seen as an important tool for mental health promotion in general (Greenberg, Domitrovich, Weissberg, & Durlak, 2017). SEL means the systematic use of evidence-based programmes on one hand and the fostering of supportive, caring and participative learning environments on the other hand (Reicher, 2010a, 2010b; Reicher & Jauk, 2012).
Social-emotional skills are promoted with a focus on self-awareness, self-management, social-awareness, relationship skills and responsible decision-making: These skills are often referred to as core life skills. These psychosocial abilities for adaptive and positive behaviour enable individuals to deal effectively with the demands and challenges of everyday life. Based on SEL learning, we find diverse possibilities for enhancing the understanding of emotional disorders and reducing social exclusion: Improvement of social-emotional skills, caring learning communities, as well as the chance to talk about problems and emotions can provide better insight into the emotional world of young people. The potential of systematic SEL can be summarized as follows (Reicher, 2017; Reicher & Matischek-Jauk, 2018a, 2018b):
SEL programmes like Lions Quest ‘Erwachsen werden’ (German version of Skills for Adolescence) can improve class climate and reduce bullying (Matischek-Jauk, Krammer, & Reicher, 2017).
SEL fosters a caring community of learners. This means that students experience themselves as valued, contributing, influential members of a classroom or school. The key components are based on respectful, supportive relationships among students, teachers and parents; frequent opportunities to help and collaborate with others; frequent opportunities for autonomy and influence; and an emphasis on common purposes and ideals (Reicher, 2010b).
SEL programmes support teachers in building caring and responsive relationships with their students. Teachers are ‘on the front line of prevention science’ (Dana & Hooser, 2015, p. 89). The classical resilience research has already pointed out that teachers play an important protective role in children’s lives. The incorporation of knowledge on social-emotional development and SEL content in teacher preparation programmes is urgently needed (Talvio, 2014).
SEL facilitates insight into the emotional world of adolescents through social exchange, talking or creative activities like expressive writing. This may be a chance to improve the otherwise difficult recognition and understanding of mental health problems by teachers and peers.
SEL fosters social participation: Research shows that young people with mental health problems are rejected and stigmatized by their peers. To combat the stigma of mental health problems, we need developmentally appropriate anti-stigma interventions. Systematic SEL can play a crucial part in this process.
SEL helps to improve social and emotional competencies. This is important for depressed young people and non-depressed peers in order to cope effectively with developmental tasks. Both are empowered to express understanding and help in emotional crises.
Conclusion
The research questions yielded the following main findings:
Epidemiological studies underline that internalizing mental disorders like depression are quite prevalent. The symptoms have negative effects on developmental and educational outcomes and pose future psychosocial and health risks.
Symptoms of depression are often overlooked and misinterpreted by teachers, peers and even family members. A substantial body of evidence derived from extensive empirical longitudinal studies supports the view that the experience of social exclusion creates negative psychosocial consequences. Further research is needed to address the complex interplay of social exclusion processes and emotional distress – as well as socially incompetent behaviour.
The systematic implementation of SEL programmes in schools can be seen as an effective tool to enhance the social-emotional competencies of young people. The programmes themselves are based on an emotionally caring school climate and culture which respect the feelings and needs of adolescents. These concepts can help to sensitize young people on the needs of others and to detect problems early. In addition, the implementation of systematic SEL in schools can foster social inclusion in groups and communities, as well as combat social exclusion and stigmatization.
In general, research findings underline that expectations placed on teachers are quite high. Their job is manifold: to educate, to improve mental health literacy, to develop understanding for the interplay of depression and social exclusion and, additionally, to manage their own health and well-being. It belongs to the hallmarks of the teaching profession that schools not only deliver knowledge and skills but also foster well-being, trust and values. Teachers must not be regarded as super-women resp. super-men; nevertheless, they are an important part of the social systems of young people. Of course, teachers have no specialized medical knowledge, but they should be sensitive about the needs, problems and feelings of their students. In order to deal effectively with the described problems, teachers must not be left alone. Therefore, the interplay of education, health and social services should be strengthened. Different support systems in schools are needed in order to cope with mental health issues effectively. Schools need more supportive systems (e.g. social work, school psychologists, counselling, network of social services). Additionally, deepened connections with parents and other stakeholders within an ecological background (e.g. communities, health services, youth work) would be helpful. As we have pointed out in the course of this article, there is a powerful tool in the school system itself: the systematic implementation of SEL programmes in schools that can help to detect and address mental health concerns. We have strong empirical evidence in this regard. Thus, schools can become a key setting for the promotion of students’ and teachers’ health. Both SEL concepts and health-promotion initiatives can be aligned to educational quality and can help to create better schools.
Short psycho-educational interventions like booklets can increase knowledge about depression in adolescents. This can help students and teachers to detect their own depressive problems and depressive symptoms in peers (Schiller, Schulte-Koerne, Eberle-Sejari, Maier, & Allgaier, 2014). But this is not enough. Knowledge does not necessarily mean that stigmatizing processes are reduced.
New ideas for research, as well as practices of prevention and intervention research, are needed. The role of social media for intervention (Rice et al., 2018) and prevention is not clear yet (Stern, Harding, Holzer, & Elbertson, 2015). Cyber-bullying has become a great problem linked to depression (Reed, Cooper, Nugent, & Russell, 2016). On the other hand, new technologies do not only pose risks, they can offer opportunities for prevention. Whether new Internet-based prevention efforts for depression do have a sustainable preventive potential cannot be decided to date (Gladstone et al., 2015). In addition to presence-based workshops, new technology-based approaches are already available: online material (e.g. webinars, podcasts, video-conferences), support material (software, online forums, blogs), online-learning communities for students and teachers, SEL-focusing games, apps and simulations (avatars, biofeedback), as well as adaptations of social media. One illustrative example is shown in an evaluation study of the life-skills programme Lions Quest by using the learning management system ‘Moodle’ in addition to classroom sessions for students. The authors conclude that moderated online activities can support a programme’s effectiveness by both promoting students’ engagement and integrating health promotion strategies in everyday life (Matischek-Jauk, Vogl, Stücklberger, & Reicher, 2014). But of course, we know that the potential and risks of these innovative developments should be considered carefully.