Abstract
The aim is to study how a multilingual girl develops her understanding and use of the Finnish word tähti “star” and, in so doing, to contribute to the understanding of children’s language learning in multilingual settings. In recent understandings of learning and development, interaction is considered as constitutive of learning. Learning is not restricted to educational settings but occurs in different contexts. The multilingual setting in this article is a Swedish-language preschool class in a Finnish-dominated area in Finland. The analytic work is done within conversation analysis. The empirical material used consists of weeklong longitudinal video recordings of a 7-year-old multilingual child’s, Sara’s, everyday interaction at preschool, at postschool programs, and for large parts of the day at home. Through an analysis of 14 consecutive situations in which the word tähti is used, the article shows how Sara is being taught, how she learns, and how she uses a new concept. Furthermore, the analysis shows how her understanding of tähti is local and situated and does not extend beyond the contexts of use in the peer group. Through demonstrating how a close analysis of interaction can empirically substantiate claims of language learning, the article also contributes to the general understanding of language learning in multilingual settings.
Learning and interaction
There seems to be a general consensus that learning should be understood as inherently longitudinal. This has been taken for granted in the learning sciences and has not been questioned by the more recent participationist critiques of acquisitionist takes on learning (cf. Sfard, 1998, for a still relevant description of this change). In these recent understandings of learning and development, interaction is considered as constitutive of learning (cf. Chaiklin & Lave, 1993; Enfield & Levinson, 2006; Lave & Wenger, 1991; Rogoff, 2003). Hence, taking part in interaction is understood as taking part in learning situations, and learning is understood as changes in interactional practices. This was summarized in an almost catchphrase way by Lave in 1993, when she wrote, in the introduction to Understanding Practice, that “there is no such thing as ‘learning’ sui generis, but only changing participation in the culturally designed settings of everyday life” (1993, pp. 5–6).
Obviously, one cannot rely only on a single phrase to characterize a paradigmatic change within the learning sciences. Already at the time, Lave’s characterization was embedded within a more general understanding of learning as a social rather than as a mental phenomenon. Since 1993, the development in the field has been tremendous, as evidenced by the rapidly growing number of books and articles in this domain (for reviews and overviews, see, for example, Chaiklin & Lave, 1993; Rogoff, 2003; Sfard & Lavie, 2005; and Säljö, 2005). However, having thus hedged our use, we will in this article rely on this single quote as a rhetorical device for setting up our argument, which concerns the issue of how to approach learning as longitudinal within interactionally oriented approaches.
An implication of these studies is that learning is not restricted to educational settings but occurs in different contexts. As argued by, for example, Gergely and Csibra (2006), teaching and learning are constitutive parts of the everyday lives of children. Besides relevant classroom studies (e.g. Čekaite, 2006; Cromdal, 2005; Markee & Kasper, 2004; Slotte-Lüttge, 2005, 2007), there exist numerous studies about learning language outside educational settings and analyzing situations where children and youth explicitly are oriented to language socialization and language learning (cf. Björk-Willén & Cromdal, 2009; Čekaite, 2006; Maybin, 2009; Piirainen-Marsh & Tainio, 2009; Pörn & Slotte-Lüttge, 2008; Sahlström, Pörn, & Slotte-Lüttge, 2008; Sahlström, 2011).
Against this understanding of teaching and learning being constitutive parts of the everyday lives of children, it is of interest to know more about how language learning is constructed in multilingual settings (see also Maybin, 2009). The multilingual setting of the analyses in this article is a Swedish-language preschool class (a 1-year transitory education from kindergarten to first grade) in a Finnish-dominated area in Finland. Besides Finnish, Swedish is an official language in Finland. In Finland, 5.4% of the inhabitants have Swedish as their first language, and there is a parallel school system, from kindergarten to university, for the two language groups. In Swedish-language preschools and schools, the language of instruction is Swedish, and the teaching of Finnish begins during one of the first school years. As a consequence of an increasing number of Finnish–Swedish bilingual families, and the growing interest in choosing the minority language as school language, the number of multilingual children in Swedish-language schools has increased considerably during the last decades (Kovero & Londen, 2009; Tandefelt & Finnäs, 2007, pp. 49–51).
Multilingualism in Finland has for a long time involved almost only Finnish and Swedish. An increasing immigration during the last few years means that several languages now represent multilingualism in Finland (Statistics Finland, 2012). Despite the fact that most of these families choose Finnish-language schools, some of them choose Swedish-language schools for their children, partly depending on the language circumstances in the area.
In Finnish-dominated areas, where the majority of the Swedish–Finnish bilingual families live, the children, as well as the adults, use both languages and change languages according to the situation (Kovero & Londen, 2009, p. 13; Silverström, 2008, pp. 50–51; Sjöholm, 2004, p. 642). In some everyday Swedish conversations, code alternation to Finnish is so frequent, in particular, concerning certain lexical items, that it is discussed whether the Finnish words can be regarded conventionalized, which means that the functional, contextualization value of code alternation is weaker (Auer, 1998, p. 20; Saari, 2006, p. 157). In the preschool material kiva “nice” and kunnon “real” are examples of such frequently used Finnish words (cf. Haapamäki, 2008, p. 72; Saari, 2006, p. 144).
The analytic work of the article is done within conversation analysis (CA), a research discipline that has at its core a commitment to study how social life is established, sustained, and changed in and through the coordinated interaction of people. (This is not the place for a thorough presentation of CA, especially since there already exist many excellent presentations, cf. Drew & Heritage, 2006; Schegloff, 2007, for two recent examples.) In its pursuit of the organization of human sociality, CA takes up a radical participants’ perspective. What is to be studied is what participants in social interaction are oriented to, and the description of these phenomena is to be controlled by empirical findings, situated in naturally occurring settings (Schegloff, 1996, p. 167). Through the way participants display to each other their orientation to the interaction, they provide both to each other and to the analysts resources for checking and elaborating on how the unfolding actions are to be understood. This provides what Sacks, Schegloff, and Jefferson (1974) call a “proof procedure” to participants and analysts alike. The materiality within which the resources for understanding reside is presented in transcripts, as text, drawings, or other graphics. The use of detailed representations, such as in this article, enables readers to understand and judge the interpretations of the analyst.
The potentials for collaborations between CA and participationist learning theories are rapidly being explored (cf. Sahlström, 2009, for an introduction, and Hellermann, 2009; Lindwall, 2008, pp. 31–58; Martin, 2009; Melander, 2009; Piirainen-Marsh & Tainio, 2009; Vehviläinen, 2009, for recent examples of ways of arguing these interrelations). In particular, this concerns the ways CA research on participation, and its subsequent changes, can contribute empirically to the learning sciences (cf. Carlgren, 2009; Marton, 2009). CA research can, and indeed does, provide for understandings of learning that allow scholarly discourse at a more general level, without having to lose sight of the inherently situated character of learning. Equally clear, however, is that there are certain challenges that need to be addressed in further pursuit of these possibilities. These concern, among other things, the conceptualizations of participation in change. Sahlström (2009) argues that it is important to recognize that the conceptualizations of participation and the way participation changes are different within sociocultural understandings and within microoriented approaches to interaction. Within the sociocultural understandings of learning, the concept of participation is used to describe processes occurring over substantial periods of time, such as the ways in which novices gradually become skilled practitioners. It is not intended to be a technical term for describing in detail the practical doings of people in interaction.
In a CA understanding, participation is a microphenomenon, accomplished in the complex, situated moment-by-moment constitution of human sociality. As Goodwin and Goodwin (2004, p. 222) put it, it “refers to actions demonstrating forms of involvement performed by parties within evolving structures of talk.” In this formulation, participation is in constant flux, and what is of interest to CA is the organization of this flexible phenomenon. Thus, in the CA sense, participation always changes, from syllable to syllable, from turn to turn, and from action sequence to action sequence. Quite clearly, not all of these changes are to be understood as learning, whether arguing from within CA or within participationist’s learning research, but exactly how to deal with change is not at the time of writing fully developed. Currently, there are explicit attempts at addressing these issues, by understanding topical orientation as a constituent aspect of participation (Goodwin, 2000, 2007; Melander & Sahlström, 2008). This article is to be read as an attempt at taking part in this very development.
Aim, material, and methods
The aim of this article is to study how a multilingual girl develops her understanding and use of the Finnish word tähti (which when literally translated means star and which, as in English, is used both to denote stars in the sky, movie stars, and star shapes) and, in so doing, to contribute to the understanding of children’s language learning in multilingual settings.
The empirical material used consists of weeklong longitudinal video recordings of a 7-year-old multilingual child’s, Sara’s, everyday interaction. Sara was born in Finland by African parents. She went to a Swedish-language kindergarten in a Swedish-dominated part of Finland (Swedish Ostrobothnia). Before she started preschool, the family moved to the Finnish-dominated Helsinki metropolitan area, where the video recordings were made. She mainly uses Swedish with her parents, who not only speak Swahili but also some Swedish and English with her.
Sara attends a Swedish-language preschool class, where teachers always use Swedish. As a consequence of the Swedish–Finnish bilingual background of almost all children, the children also use Finnish in the preschool class. This is done in two ways: (a) some of the children choose Finnish as their common language in many peer interactions and (b) almost all of the children use (certain) Finnish words in their Swedish. Thus, competence in Finnish can be described as expected everyday competence among the children. Knowledge of other children’s noncompetence is used as a tool in teasing situations, and Finnish competence is demonstrated through “known-answer questions” (Forsman & Slotte-Lüttge, 2009). There is an explicit emphasis on the support of Swedish in the preschool class, Swedish being regarded as the weaker language for many children. The language use in the preschool class is guided by two different norms, one for interaction where the teacher is present and one for peer interaction. To some extent, the children are coconstructers of this monolingual Swedish norm (cf. Slotte-Lüttge, 2005, 2007).
Sara was recorded for five whole preschool days, at postschool programs and for large parts of the day at home during Thursday to Tuesday in the spring of 2008. The recordings at the preschool and during postschool programs were administered by researchers and include all interaction involving Sara at school: classrooms, breaks outside, school lunches, as well as all the activities during postschool programs. The camera was focused on Sara, who was wearing a wireless microphone, and on her peers and teachers. During the same days, weekend included, the parents administered recordings in the family at home (see Hummelstedt, Sahlström, Forsman, Pörn, & Slotte-Lüttge, 2008). Thirteen of the analyzed sequences are from child–child interactions in the preschool setting, and one is from family interaction at home.
In the data, consisting of 32 h of video recordings from preschool and postschool programs and about 10 h of video recordings from home, we have traced trajectories of situations where the children are oriented to some same topical content (cf. Melander & Sahlström, 2008, 2009). Some of these topics are language related, like discussions about language competence or teaching English; some are, for example, about a TV program or a game. Among these same-content trajectories, there are 14 occasions containing the uses of the noun tähti “star.” The 14 sequences include all of the noninflected instances of this item in the analyzed material (there are a number of uses of the inflected form tähtien, in the expression Tanssii tähtien kanssa, the Finnish version of the TV show Let’s dance, which will be discussed subsequent to the analysis of tähti).
The tähti “star” trajectory
The presentation of the results consists of an explication of all uses of tähti, 14 transcripts in all. It is extensive and at times iterative in a way that may seem unnecessary. However, the argument of learning and change relies on the longitudinal analysis of the, at times, small and seemingly trivial changes in the way the target word is used. Hence, we consider it necessary to present the data in total.
In sum, the change that will be demonstrated through the data concerns Sara’s very first uses of tähti (transcript 1), uses of tähti by Sara’s friends (transcripts 1–4 and 6), a number of situations in which the meaning of tähti is oriented to by Sara as something unknown to be learned (transcripts 3, 5, and 6), and a number of subsequent situations in which Sara uses and relies upon tähti for social action or takes part in situations where tähti is used, in ways which seem to demonstrate an everyday understanding of the concept (transcripts 7–14). The emphasis in the analysis is on transcripts 1–7, where most of the change in focus occurs (see Appendix 1 for the transcription key).
The first instance of the use of tähti is found in the first day of the recordings. During this day, the children talk about the fieldwork in several instances. When the children are waiting to go to the dining hall, Sara turns toward the researcher and asks her whether she will continue recording the next day. When she gets the answer that Fritjof, another researcher, will continue in the afternoon, she tells this to her friend Hanna. Following this, Hanna comments that Sara’s upcoming recordings will result in Sara becoming a kunnon tähti “real star” (transcript 1, line 6). Kunnon “real” belongs to the group of frequently used Finnish words characterizing everyday Swedish conversations in Finland, especially among youth (Haapamäki, 2008, pp. 72–74; Saari, 2006, p. 158). Sara responds to Hanna’s nomination of Sara for a star by agreeing (line 7), following a pause, and with pronunciation problems when repeating tähti, which is pronounced as tähtä (not a lexical item in Finnish). This is followed by three further uses of kunnon tähti “real star,” in lines 9, 12, and 14.
1 Sara: 2 (.) den e en pojkee: (.) ((singing)) it is a booyy: 3 Hanna: så va ska han gö [ra what’s he gonna [do 4 Sara: [Fritjof (.) ska ta (.) bilder på mig- >å den e [Fritjof (.) is going to (.)take pictures of me- >an’ it 5 en pojke< is a boy< → 6 Hanna: <du blir nog en <you’re gonna be a → 7 Sara: (1,3) jå ja blir en (1.3) yea I’ll 8 Hanna: vet du att (.) en en pojke ska komma o ta bilder från do you know (.) a boy is coming to take pictures of → 9
10 Sara: [det e en pojk [it is a bo 11 å den heter Fritjof and its name is Fritjof → 12 Felix: aj ska du bli en [ so you gonna be a [ 13 Sara: [eller va [right → 14 Hanna: jå hon ska bli en yea she’s gonna be a
In this situation, the children use kunnon tähti “real star” in a way that shows that the expression is part of their common language use in this type of everyday interactions. We can see this, for example, in the Felix’s response in line 12, where the conjunction aj (approximately “so”) expresses his understanding of the relation between the recording and becoming a star, rather than topicalizing the expression itself. Also Sara, albeit with some problems, uses the expression in line 7. The children’s use of kunnon “real” in transcript 1 strengthens the positive connection to tähti (see also Haapamäki, 2008, p. 78).
This taken-for-granted character of the word is further demonstrated by a subsequent use, about 10 min later, when the children are having lunch. In transcript 2, Sara and Hanna discuss the recordings and the boy who will come to record them the next day. According to Hanna, the recordings will lead to Sara becoming nå kiva tähti “some nice star.” This expression consists of the Swedish word nå “some,” followed by the Finnish kiva, which can be translated into nice, fun, and neat, followed by tähti. Like kunnon, kiva is part of the Swedish spoken in this area (cf. Haapamäki, 2008, p. 72; Saari, 2006, p. 143).
1 Sara: (0,6) jå men vet du va: de kommer en pojke som heter Fritjof (0.6) yea but y’ know what a boy’s coming whose name’s Fritjof → 2 Hanna: (1,0) å kommer (.) bild av [h- henne hon bli nå (1.0) an coming (.) pic of [h- her she’s gonna be some nice star 3 Sara: [((begins to rise)) 4 Sara: äh- ah- ((stands up))
This use of tähti, as in transcript 1, also strengthens the positive connection to tähti and demonstrates that it is assumed that the participants know the meaning of the noun. In both situations, tähti is used in relation reference to the ongoing recordings. This is one of the two ways in which tähti is used in the data.
In the next situation (transcript 3) in which tähti is used, a few hours later, it becomes evident that there is more to tähti than being recorded. In lines 1 and 2, Hanna uses tähti for setting up Sara as the one who gets to decide what they should play outside. This is followed by a 2-s pause, prior to Sara’s question va betyder tähti “what does star mean,” in line 3. Her question is answered by Antti, a boy also sitting at the table. His answer is followed by a request for confirmation, followed in turn by a further explication by Antti (lines 7–11).
→ 1 Hanna: du få bestämma va vi ska gö-leka ute you get to decide what we’re gonna do-play outside → 2 <fö <cause → 3 Sara: (2,0) va betyder (2.0) what does → 4 Antti: (1,0) att man e liksom såndän (1,3) alla filmar på (0,7) den (1.0) that you’re like kinda (1.3) everyone’s filming (0.7) it 5 å (1,7) den e liksom (.) såndänt an (1.7) it’s like (.) that → 6 Sara: (1,8) så de e (1.8) so that’s → 7 Antti: (1,4)[du e en (0,9) [ja e int [(.) du e (1.4)[you’re one (0.9) [I’m not [(.) you are 8 [((points to Sara)) 9 [((points to himself)) 10 [((points to Sara)) 11 (0,4) när man filmar så mycke på dig (0.4) when they’re filming you so much 12 Sara: (1,2) ääh (1,8) (1.2) aah (1.8)((stands up, gets some more milk))
In this situation, there are four new aspects of tähti, in relation to the two previous situations. First, tähti is used here in relation to friendship rights and obligations, in that Sara is allocated the right and obligation to decide what to play outside. Second, tähti is said in what we interpret as a teasing way or at least in a way that does not solely appreciate Sara’s status as tähti. Having seen this, it is possible that the shift from kunnon tähti “real star” in the first situation to nå kiva tähti “some nice star” in the second also indicates a shift in stance, as kiva “nice” is frequently used for taking an ironic stance toward a particular content, an interpretation strengthened by the preceding nå “some.” Third, Sara now is a star, rather than someone about to become one. Fourth, the way tähti has been used in lines 1 and 2 obviously prompts Sara to ask what tähti means. This orientation differs from the way in which she responded to the word tähti in earlier conversations. In Antti’s explanation, he relates the word to the ongoing recordings (lines 4 and 5). In line 6, Sara requests a confirmation, and Antti continues explaining (lines 7–11). This explanation, emphasized by the pointings, situates the meaning of tähti in the here-and-now: Sara is the star, because she is being recorded so much, Antti is not. Because of this explanation, Sara’s position as the only one being recorded and thereby the only one who can be the star is strengthened.
Sixteen minutes later, in transcript 4, Sara and Hanna are on their way out. While getting dressed, Hanna repeats her formulation of Sara as the one who gets to decide because of her being tähti (line 1). Sara does not respond, and Hanna repeats her request for a decision on what to do, once without the use of tähti (line 2), once using the expression helt tähtönen “complete little star” (line 2), and finally, with a repeated addressed question (line 4). The expression helt tähtönen can be translated into “complete little star,” where complete is used in the same was as in complete fool. The Swedish word helt can, as kunnon “real,” be connected to features like strengthening, intensifying, and focusing (Haapamäki, 2008, p. 78).
→ 1 Hanna: <du får bestämma fö du e <you can decide cause you’re → 2 Hanna: (2,7) Sara:: < (2.7) Sara:: < 3 (1,1) Sara:: va ska d- va ska vi leka (1.1) Sara:: what are y- what are we gonna play 4 (1,0) om vi blir in (1.0) if we stay in 5 Sara: (1,4) så då: e: vet ja int men om vi bli ut så leker vi dedä (1.4) so then: a: I dunno but if we stay out we’ll play the 6 [dedä] [the] 7 Hanna: [(vi) kan] leka bollen i burken [(we) can] play ball-in-a-can 8 Sara: jå men vi kan fråga om vi kan leka bollen i burken om vi går på yea but we can ask if we can play ball-in-a-can if we go on 9 bakom hus behind house
As in situation 3, tähti is related to rights and obligations, specifically that Sara should decide what to do. However, the use is not similar to situation 3, it differs in at least two ways. When Hanna does not get any response, she changes the statement får bestämma “get to decide” into the request ska bestämma “have to decide,” while at the same time, changing tähti to helt tähtönen “complete little star.” It is not evident from the data if, and if so, how, Sara relates the expression helt tähtönen to tähti. Sara actually never gives an answer regarding what they are going to play, but she continues with Hanna’s proposal (lines 5–9).
Later the same day, while having dinner in the home, the parents and Sara are discussing the recordings and what the other children think about them. In transcript 5, line 1, Sara’s mother asks what the other kids think of the recordings. Sara answers att de: tråkit “it is boring.” This is responded to with a minimal hm in line 3. The mother continues by aligning with Sara’s view, in repeating that the other children think it is boring (line 3). Building on this understanding, Sara continues by saying in overlap with the mother, jå å så säger Hanna att ja e tähti “yes and then Hanna says I’m a star.” This is followed by a repair initiation by the mother in line 6. Sara repeats her utterance, which is in turn followed by her mother asking what tahti means. Sara explains that tähti means att man har att man tar bilder mest “that you have that you take
1 mamma: va tycker andra barnen mother: what do the other children think 2 Sara: (1,0) att de: tråkit (1.0) that it’s boring 3 mamma: mother:
4 [(de- om de bara en)] [(th- if it’s only one)] → 5 Sara: [jå å så säger Hanna] att ja [yea and then Hanna] says I’m 6 mamma: hm mother: mm → 7 Sara: sen säger Hanna att ja an Hanna also says that I’m 8 mamma: va betyder mother: what is → 9 Sara: att man har att man tar bilder that you have that you take 10 mamma: (1,5) m-hm mother: (1.5) m-hm
Here, we can see how Sara relies on what had occurred in the preschool class when telling her mother about the recordings at the day. Sara uses the explanation to take pictures for the first time already when she subsequently is nominated tähti (transcript 1, line 6). Also in transcript 2, Hanna talks about picture. Sara’s explanation to her mother is almost the same as Antti’s explanation to Sara’s literally similar question earlier the same day (transcript 3, line 3). Antti’s comment about the fact that it is only Sara who is being recorded (transcript 3, line 11) is also reflected in Sara’s use of the word mest “the most.” When reading only line 9, att man har att man tar bilder mest “that you have that you take most pictures” one could possibly argue that what Sara means is that it is the person who is recording is tähti. However, in the earlier situations, which Sara explicitly points back to in lines 5 and 7, there is no indication of Sara understanding the word in that way. Furthermore, the self-repair at line 9 is indicating difficulties in the production of the turn. This supports an understanding of the literal expression as a misrepresentation from Sara, rather than understanding line 9 as a proposed alternative to the ones occurring in (and referred to as) prior interaction. We can also notice that Sara relies only on the explanation of tähti related to the recordings, rather than using the consequence of getting, indeed having, to decide what to do, as a way of describing what tähti is. In comparison to what had occurred earlier in the day, the distribution of epistemic claims in relation to tähti is different. Although Sara had been the one asking questions earlier in the day, she is here in the position of a relative expert on tähti.
The next day, Hanna and Sara are back at preschool. They spend the morning in a small forest nearby, playing games and talking. One of their games involves make-believe swords. The next situation in which tähti is used concerns the choice of sticks for swords. At the beginning of transcript 6, Hanna has two sticks in her hand and asks Sara which stick she will pick. Sara picks one stick in line 2, reaching for the stick and saying “take this” in English. The choice is responded to by Hanna’s account okej fö du e hela tähti “okay cause you’re the complete star.” In doing so, she reorients to tähti as related to rights and obligations. This is followed by yet another question about what tähti means, in this data set Sara’s third question about the meaning of tähti within 2 days. This time, Sara does not wait for the complete answer but withdraws her gaze mid-turn and begins speaking in an overlapping manner in line 9. In line 12, Sara projects an extension of tähti qualities also to Hanna, which leads to Hanna pointing out that Sara is already tähti, in line 14, because of the focus of the recordings. In lines 15 and 16, both Sara and Hanna recycle their arguments one more turn before moving on to the play.
1 Hanna: vil- (.) vickedera tar du whi- (.) which one you’ll take 2 Sara: (1,9) <take this> (1.9) <take this> → 3 Hanna: okej fö du e hela okay cause you’re complete → 4 Sara: (1,4) (1.4) 5 [((gazing at Hanna)) 6 Hanna: de: då man e- sådär- [jättefina- alla- It’s when y’re- like- [really pretty- every- 7 Sara: [((gazes away from Hanna)) 8 Hanna: [(ohbt) videor] [(x) videos] 9 Sara: [ja tar först sak] (.) ja tar först saker bort [I’ll first take] (.) I’ll first take away things 10 [((starts peeling the barque off a twig)) 11 Hanna: å videor å såndänt and videos and stuff → 12 Sara: mm (.) du kommer s- (.) om småningom kommer mm (.) you will s- (.) in soon 13 (.) ell [e va (.) rig [ht 14 Hanna: [du [you → 15 Sara: (0,5) jå me- s- <om småning (0.5) yea b- s- <in so 16 Hanna: (1,6) du (1.6) you 17 Sara: ((looks at Hanna))
In this situation, tähti is treated by Hanna as something known by both Sara and Hanna (line 3) and a shared understanding of the fact that a tähti has the right to make decisions. To Sara, this is not clear; after a pause, she asks Hanna what tähti means. She once again gets the explanation that tähti is related to the recordings. In the way Sara is treating Hanna’s answer, there is a considerable difference to the prior asking of the same question (transcript 3). Sara interrupts Hanna in her response, which shows that Sara is not interested in the full explanation (in contrast to the request for confirming understanding in transcript 3). Sara confirms Hanna’s turn through a mm, whereupon she uses the word herself (line 12).
Within the tähti trajectory, the situation in transcript 6 is something of a pivot. The talk that goes on within lines 3–11 is the last time that tähti is explicitly oriented to as something with an explicitly unclear meaning. All of the subsequent uses, including Sara’s own in lines 12 and 15 in transcript 6, are carried out relying on an already established understanding of tähti (transcripts 7–14). As the subsequent analysis will show, there are further changes in the uses of tähti, but they concern the action implications of being tähti, rather than treating the word itself as unclear.
When comparing transcript 6 with transcript 1, where Sara also uses the word, we can notice that the use is different. In this example, Sara uses the word in a context that she has initiated herself, whereas in transcript 1, she repeated what Hanna had said. In Sara’s two turns, she says that Hanna will become a star om småningom “as time goes,” to which Hanna responds by commenting that Sara already is a star.
In the further conversation, Sara for the first time uses tähti about herself and in relation to rights and obligations. This happens when Hanna says that Sara’s stick has to be much stronger than hers (lines 18 and 19). This use is followed by several upgrades from both the girls: Sara is not only tähti, she describes herself as pomo “the boss” (line 22), even as största pomon “the biggest boss,” biggest said in Swedish and pomon in Finnish (line 22). Hanna continues with a combination of tähti and pomo, once again using kunnon, in the expression kunnon tähtipomo “the real starboss.”
18 Hanna: ja behöver int fö din måst va mycke starkare än min fö du ha I don’t need to cause yours has to be much stronger than mine cause you got 19 dom (hä ratt [a) the (ones he [re) → 20 Sara: [ [ 21 Hanna: så du måst ha såndän so you gotta have a → 22 Sara: ja e I’m 23 Hanna: eller du e såndän or you’re like a 24 Sara: jå yea 25 Hanna: 26 (7.1) 27 Sara: om if 28 bestämma en sa [k allti rule one thing al [l the time 29 Hanna: [eller om ja sku va drottning [or if I’d be queen 30 Sara: så då e då e du min dotter so then you you’re my daughter
In transcript 7, we see tähti being used by Sara in a way that does not indicate that there are any problems. Thus, one can say that what began as a hesitant and slightly mispronounced use of a Finnish noun (as shown in the first transcript) already on the next day, in a process of learning and teaching, has become part of the interactional resources available for making decisions and discussing friendship status in peer interaction.
In the material, there are seven more situations in which Sara takes part in conversations in which tähti is used for talking about being recorded and for claiming rights and obligations. In these situations, as already mentioned, tähti is not oriented to as explicitly problematic but rather used and relied upon, and talked about, in different contexts. As this development is not quite as essential to our analysis as the situations already discussed, we will present the examples in a slightly briefer way, only highlighting specific features.
The first subsequent use is by Hanna, at lunchtime the same day as shown in transcripts 6 and 7. In a discussion about the camera and the recordings, in transcript 8, Hanna describes Sara as tähti (line 14), and Lina describes herself as Sara’s aputähti “help star” (line 17). Apu is a Finnish word for help. In contrast to kunnon “real” and kiva, apu “help” is not used as extensively in spoken Swedish.
1 Sara: Hanna Hanna 2 Hanna: (.) ja (.) yea 3 Sara: (0,8) se va de filma ( (0.8) look what they’re filming (
4 Hanna: (4,0) de filmar på (4.0) they’re filming 5 Sara: (0,9) [ (0.9) [ 6 Lina: [((poses in front of the camera)) 7 Lina: (1,4) de filmar på mig (1.4) they’re filming me 8 Sara: ((poses)) 9 Hanna: (1,8) på er å på mig (1.8) you and me 10 Sara: ((hums)) 11 Sara: du e- Lina e Sara you’r- Lina’s Sara 12 Lina: ((turns to Sara, puts her arm around her, smiles for the camera)) 13 Sara: Lina e Sara Lina is Sara → 14 Hanna: (3,5) Sara du e ändå (3.5) Sara you’re anyway 15 bestämma va ska vi gö sen ute decide what we’re gonna do then outside 16 Sara: ö[um] o[um] → 17 Lina: [å ]å ja e hennes [a ]and I’m her < 18 Hanna: [ja e också [me too 19 [((points to herself)) 20 Sara: (1.4)ska vi leka [brännboll (1.4)let’s play [rounders 21 [((turns to Lina)) 22 Lina: jå yea 23 Hanna: jå yea 24 Lina: [du får bestämma [you get to decide 25 [((claps Sara on her face))
Here the expressions ändå “anyway” and så du får “so you get the rights” position Sara’s starness as previously established and commonly known. It is unproblematically used both in relation to being recorded and in relation to making decisions.
A little less than an hour later the same day, Sara and Hanna are in the school library. Sara is looking for books, when she suddenly asks Hanna tycker du at de e kiva när ja e dedä tähti “do you think it’s nice when I’m like star” (transcript 9, line 3). Hanna answers immediately jå “yea,” whereupon they do not return to that topic anymore.
1 Sara: a[tt- t[hat- 2 Hanna: [(ohb) [(x) → 3 Sara: tycker du att de e do you think it’s 4 Hanna: jå yea 5 (3.3) 6 Sara: äh- ja går å tar den där djungeln ah- I’ll go get that jungle
In transcript 9, tähti is used in a way which presupposes a shared prior understanding of the word. Nonetheless, the answer to the question also adds to Sara’s understanding of the word, with respect to how Hanna feels about Sara being tähti. Here, it is not evident whether they are oriented to the recordings, or to rights and obligations, or to both, but this does not seem to be a problem for the girls in the situation.
Another hour later, Sara is outside in the yard, playing football with some older children. Right before the transcript begins, a boy, Joni, has passed the ball to Sara who scores a goal. When Sara scores another goal, Joni shouts a glowing “AAAA.” Petri walks with his hand raised toward Sara, says sä oot tähti “you’re a star” and hits a “hi-five” with Sara.
1 Joni: Sara pucka Sara Sara pucka Sara head Sara Sara head 2 titta (.) nu ska du pucka in i mål sådä look (.) now you’re gonna head it into goal ((throws the ball to Sara)) 3 pucka Sara (.) nu (0,7) skjut head Sara (.) now (0.7) shoot 4 Sara: ((scores a goal)) 5 Joni: [AAAA: [AAAA: → 6 Petri: [Sara [Sara 7 [((walks towards Sara with his hand held up, hits a high-five)) 8 Sara: [((raises her hand, hits a high-five with Petri))
In this situation, Sara is nominated tähti in a new context. It is not clear how she perceives this nomination and whether she relates this to the prior uses of tähti. However, the situation provides Sara with ample other resources (facial expression, bodily orientation, context of having scored a goal) for making it possible to take part in the situation without having to (re)define tähti precisely.
In the data, there are also 11 situations occurring where the same children use the word tähtien in the Finnish expression tanssii tähtien kanssa “dancing with the stars.” Tanssii tähtien kanssa is the Finnish version of the TV show “Let’s dance.” Tähtien is the genitive plural of the noun tähti. The children talk a lot about Tanssii tähtien kanssa and also play the show. In these situations, the children use tähtien as a part of the expression tanssii tähtien kanssa; they never use or talk about the meaning of the particular word tähtien. In all but one of the instances, the expression is said as a whole, without emphasizing the separate words. In one situation, occurring 3 days later than transcript 10, the learning trajectory of tähti may be oriented to as related to the name of the show “Let’s dance.” While entering a playroom, in transcript 11, Sara asks the children there what they are doing. She gets the answer vi leker tanssi “we’re playing dance” (line 3). Following this, she asks for clarification twice (lines 4 and 7), both the times using the word tähtin (instead of the earlier and subsequently used correct expression tähtien).
1 Sara: va gör ni(0,5) whatcha doing (0.5) 2 fl 1: ingenting nothing 3 fl 2: (0,3) vi leker girl 2: (0.3) we’re playin’ → 4 Sara: (0,9) (0.9) 5 Hanna: (2,8) alltså va- (2.8) say wha- 6 fl 2: (0,5)här girl 2: (0.5) here → 7 Sara: (0,2)leker ni (0.2) are you playing 8 fl 2: nää girl 2: no
The slower and hesitant mode of the second utterance (line 7) is a self-repair of the first question left unanswered (the turns in lines 5 and 6 belong to another parallel conversation)—whereby tähti is pointed out as a possible trouble source. However, it is not possible to demonstrate that the participants in this situation orient to the possible relevance of differences in the pronunciation of tähti. Also, we do not have any further evidence supporting that Sara would relate the different meanings of tähti (being recorded, having rights and obligations, related to TV show). Rather, what we find are subsequent uses of tähti in relation to recordings and rights and tähtien in relation to the TV show.
The next situation in which tähti is used occurs the same day as situation 11. On their way out for recess, Sara asks Hanna to give her her cap (transcript 12, line 2). She accounts for her request by referring to her status as tähti (line 2).
1 Sara: ja har en babytröja hehe I’ve got a baby shirt hehe → 2 (1,7) >Hanna kan du ge mig min mössa fö ja e tähti< (1.7) >Hanna can you give me my cap cause I’m 3 Hanna ((gives the cap)) 4 Sara: eller va att de va bra när ja hitta wasn’t it great when I found the 5 bö- ren hitta st- already found the
This is the first time that Sara uses tähti as a way of invoking her right to ask others to do something for her (in contrast to example 7, where Sara’s acting is followed by Hanna’s request, and earlier examples, 3 and 4, where Hanna’s request does not lead to any action on Sara’s part). Moreover, we can notice that her understanding of tähti as something that entails privileges is becoming more general; to be a tähti does not only concern the rights to decide the plays or what they are going to do outside, or the choice of stick, but also rights in general. This is further developed in the next situation in which tähti is used.
Later the same day, while Sara and Hanna are sitting together in the same swing, Hanna asks to be the one who gets to slow down the swing (transcript 13, line 1). Hanna questions this (line 2). In a turn (lines 3–5) with several pauses, repeats, and hesitations, Sara eventually accounts for her right to slow down by invoking her status as tähtin (line 5).
→ 1 Sara: Hanna ja får bromsa Hanna I get to slow down 2 Hanna: (0,9) vafö de (0.9) why → 3 Sara: (0,4) ehh (0,7) ja får bromsa fö ja e hiiii (0.4) ehh (0.7) I get to slow down cause I’m hiii 4 (1.9) ((hums)) → 5 Sara: >fö ja e >cause I’m 6 Hanna: [hej de där får man int göra [hey you’re not allowed to do that 7 [((gazes at the girls in the swing next to them))
As in the previous example (example 12), Sara uses and expands the rights connected to being a tähti. Tähti is said as tähti
In the last situation to be analyzed here (transcript 14), there is a further development in the scope of tähti. This situation occurs on the last day of the recordings, once again on the way out to the school yard. While being oriented to what is about to happen in the school yard, Sara invokes tähtin as a way of setting up what to do (line 4). As in transcript 13, she uses the Swedish definite form and explicitly positions the rights and obligations related to tähti as something to be remembered by Hanna.
1 Sara: kan du vänta på mig Hanna (0,6) can you wait for me Hanna (0.6) ((looks down to the floor)) 2 å ta: dina vantar and ta:ke your gloves 3 Hanna: (1,1) >dom e i fickan< (1.1) >they’re in the pocket< → 4 Sara: (3,4) Hanna minns du att ja e (3.4) Hanna do you remember that I’m 5 (Hanna): (2,2) m –mm (2.2) m -mm 6 Sara: (1,9) eller va att Petri tycker om (1.9) isn’t it so that Petri likes
In the 14 transcripts discussed above, we have argued that there is a changing understanding of the Finnish word tähti for the multilingual child Sara. It is evident from the data that there is a learning trajectory to be found, with explicit discussion of the meanings of the word in the first situations, followed by an expanding use of the concept in different situations. Thus, we claim that we have demonstrably shown how Sara has learned something, both as a consequence of explicit instruction and of changing use. Within the understanding of learning and change argued in the introduction, learning and change are perceived as local and situated. Our data show how tähti is both local and expanded, and changes from being a matter of someone recorded, into somebody who can decide when to slow down and what to play.
However, Sara’s understanding of tähti seems to be firmly situational and not a matter of having acquired lexical competence in a dictionary sense. Her use of tähti in the data is only in relation to two things: somebody being recorded and somebody who has rights and obligations. There is no evidence of other possible understandings. On the contrary, the data provide evidence for the argument that tähti is understood as being related only to these two concepts.
Discussion
In the empirical work reported in this article, we have studied how a multilingual girl, Sara, develops her understanding and use of the Finnish word tähti “star.” Our starting point is an interactional understanding of learning, where changes in participation are considered as constitutive of learning. In the analysis, we have demonstrated how Sara’s use of tähti changes, from hesitant and problematic pronunciation, via topicalization as unknown, to subsequent reliance of the concept for interactional means. Thus, based on an analysis of longitudinal change in different situations, the trajectory of 14 sequences with tähti shows how Sara learns the word.
The analysis also demonstrates that learning a word is not a straightforward stepwise progression. Rather, it entails shifting uses in shifting situations, where the use of a concept does not preclude subsequent questioning of word meaning in a different context. Thus, the analysis shows the situated character of the meaning of words. Although Sara arguably has learned, her learning is not a matter of having acquired a dictionary understanding of the world tähti, ready to be used independent of context. On the contrary, the data show that her use of tähti is restricted to two aspects: recordings and rights. Even when the same word is used in a slightly different context, in this case when talking about a TV show, there is no clear evidence in the data that there would be a discernible relationship between the different uses. In this way, the findings underline and empirically demonstrate the viability of the view within CA of “understanding” as something related to the practical purposes at hand.
The ability to use Finnish words like tähti is required within the “culturally designed settings” in Sara’s everyday life. Sara has not had the opportunity to use Finnish to the same extent as her school friends, most of whom have grown up in a Swedish–Finnish multilingual environment. Instead, Sara acquires this knowledge through an ever-changing way of taking part in situations where the word is used by her friends and by herself. Sara did not begin this learning trajectory as a complete novice nor did she end up as a skilled practitioner in the scope of this material, but there is an evident movement from an unknowing to a more proficient user.
Beyond understanding Sara’s learning of tähti, the results also contribute to the general understanding of children’s language learning in multilingual settings. This contribution consists of the following: (a) the demonstrated presence of learning of lexical items in the everyday lives of multilingual children, well beyond the scope of classroom teaching; (b) the demonstrated ability of CA to substantially contribute to the understanding of longitudinal language learning; and (c) the demonstrated oriented-to situatedness of the meaning of words when learning.
Footnotes
Appendix 1
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Ida Hummelstedt-Djedou, Fredrik Rusk, Lotta Forsman and Rolf Palmberg for their valuable work with data collecting and early analyses and for their helpful comments on previous drafts of the manuscript.
Funding
This research received grant from the Swedish Cultural Foundation in Finland.