Abstract
This study investigates how floods are presented as newsworthy in the photo galleries of Associated Press (AP) and Xinhua News Agency (Xinhua), two news outlets with different cultural and political backgrounds. A distinction is made between international floods, that is, Their floods, and domestic floods, that is, Our floods. The data consists of around 1500 photo-caption complexes. The analysis adopts the framework of Discursive News Values Analysis. The findings show a similar tendency to highlight Negativity, Impact, Personalization and Superlativeness in presenting Their floods by AP and Xinhua, though the two differ in Proximity and Positivity. By contrast, Our floods are presented differently. Negativity, Impact and Personalization are foregrounded in AP’s presentation of floods in the United States, whereas Xinhua’s presentation of floods in China gives prominence to Negativity, Positivity, Personalization and Superlativeness. The study is significant for its attention to cross-cultural comparison and the genre of online photo galleries.
Introduction
Photo galleries constitute a relatively new genre in news reporting, which are defined by Caple and Knox as ‘sequences of images and verbal text (usually in the form of a headline and caption), produced exclusively for the web’ (2015: 294). Different from print newspapers where a limited space is provided for photographs, online news outlets provide space for photographs that would not have been published offline (Caple and Knox, 2012, 2019).
For some scholars, online photo galleries are ideological in nature (Greenwood and Smith, 2007; Kim and Smith, 2005). For instance, Roosvall (2016) finds that photo galleries of The Guardian (UK), Svenska Dagbladet (Sweden) and The Washington Post (US) present Islam as violent, destructive and connected to politics, while other religions such as Christianity and Buddhism appear as peaceful, spiritual and non-political. On the other hand, however, online photo galleries may not be restricted by the selection criteria of photographs in print newspapers. A study by Midberry (2017) finds that Photos of the Day galleries from The New York Times, the Los Angeles Times and The Washington Post do not show the tendency to depict the international news in terms of conflict and disaster. This is in contrast to previous studies (such as Langton, 1991) on the negative photographic coverage of other countries in the US media. Midberry (2017) proposes that photo galleries in general may provide a rare space in US photojournalism where international news is presented in a more balanced and nuanced manner.
With insights from previous studies, we are interested in investigating how flood, a natural disaster that is becoming increasingly common, is presented as newsworthy in the online photo galleries of Associated Press (AP) and Xinhua News Agency (Xinhua). Associated Press is headquartered in the US and Xinhua in China, and the two can be considered representative of news outlets with different cultural and political backgrounds. A comparison between them may reveal the extent to which the socio-cultural and political context affects the discursive mechanism of news values in photo galleries. The theoretical framework adopted is Discursive News Values Analysis (DNVA), a relatively new discursive approach to the study of newsworthiness (Bednarek and Caple, 2012, 2014, 2017; Caple and Bednarek, 2016). In this approach, news values are defined as ‘the “newsworthy” aspects of actors, happenings and issues
The significance of this study lies in its attention to cross-cultural comparison and to the genre of online photo galleries. The lack of cross-cultural analyses of news values in the press has been pointed out by Bednarek and Caple (2017). Midberry (2017) notes that few scholars have examined the function of online photo galleries.
Western media coverage of international disasters
It has been long recognized that media coverage of disasters is selective (Benthall, 1993). The selectivity is reflected in choosing what disasters to cover and how the disasters are covered. As for choosing what disasters to cover, scholars have proposed that the severity of the event, or what Cottle (2008) labels as ‘the calculus of death’ may affect media interest. Nevertheless, there is also evidence that the magnitude of the disaster may be less important compared with the ‘self-interest’ of the Western media (Joye, 2010; Moeller, 2006). The CARMA report (2006) shows that of the six natural/humanitarian disasters under investigation, the one with the most extensive coverage in Western media is Hurricane Katrina, which, nevertheless, has the fewest deaths and lowest population displacement rate. Western media tend to focus more on disasters that are close to their audience, either geographically or culturally (Hanusch, 2008; Joye, 2009, 2014; Walter et al., 2016). Disasters in the developing, non-Western countries are reported less frequently.
Disasters in different parts of the world also vary in the ways in which they are presented. For instance, Joye’s study (2009) on Belgian television news reporting on international disasters shows that disasters in the US and Australia are presented as close to the audience, with emphasis on the agency of the citizens and governments. In contrast, disasters in Indonesia and Pakistan are constructed as distant, and the victims are presented as powerless and helpless. Solman and Henderson (2019) compare UK newspapers’ reporting of floods in Northern England, UK and Chennai, India. Their findings show a striking imbalance in the volume of coverage on the two floods: 710 reports on the Northern England flood within 1 week and only 57 reports on the Chennai flood over the course of 6 weeks. Also, reports on the former aim to reinforce similarities and shared values between victims and readers, whereas reports on the latter tend to portray the disaster as routine and emphasize the drama of the incident more than the suffering of the individuals.
Most previous studies focus on Western media, with little attention to the performance of non-Western media. This leads to Joye’s (2014) plea to ‘de-Westernize’ the current research area by involving more studies on non-Western cases. Also, there is a preference for verbal reports. Given that in reporting disasters, a photograph can make the viewer be ‘drawn into the position of being witness to these distant events’ (Kennedy, 2009: 4), we will focus on online photo galleries where photographs are the main storytellers.
Discursive news values analysis and news values in flood photo galleries
News values have been widely studied in the fields of journalism and communication studies. Different conceptions of news values have been extensively reviewed in Caple and Bednarek (2013) and Bednarek and Caple (2017). News values are sometimes conceptualized as the inherent qualities of an event, which ‘either possesses them or does not possess them’ (Galtung and Ruge, 1965: 71; Harcup and O’Neill, 2017; Niblock and Machin, 2014). Other scholars tend to consider news values sets of criteria governing the decision as to what will or will not be covered as news, something that can be used in the social practice of journalism (Palmer, 2000). Also, news values are perceived as the ‘common knowledge’ existing in the minds of professional journalism practitioners (Schultz, 2007; Van Dijk, 1988). These are usually referred to as the material, social and cognitive perspectives on news values.
While the aforementioned approaches generally try to answer the question why an event becomes ‘news’, there is another approach to news values that focuses on how an event is presented as ‘news’. This is the DNVA approach developed by Bednarek and Caple (2012, 2014, 2017) from the perspective of discourse analysis. Adopting the ideas of Bell (1991) and Cotter (2010), Bednarek and Caple consider that news values are values that exist in and are constructed through discourse, and ‘events are given newsworthiness by the media via the construction of particular news values’ (2014: 5). Their intention is to bring to light the fact that news values are eventually constructed in and through the semiotic resources (such as language and images) adopted in news discourses.
After a close observation of news values discussed in previous studies, Bednarek and Caple (2017) propose 11 news values, which include Aesthetic appeal (for images only), Consonance, Eliteness, Impact, Negativity, Personalization, Positivity, Proximity, Superlativeness, Timeliness and Unexpectedness. Discursive News Values Analysis has been adopted in several studies (Dahl and Fløttum, 2017; Fruttaldo and Venuti, 2017; Huan, 2016; Makki, 2019) and proven useful in revealing the ideological and cultural nature of news values.
Definitions and manifestations of the news values in flood photo galleries.
Among the news values listed in Table 1, Aesthetic appeal can be construed either through content, where beautiful people or objects are shown, or through capture, which includes the composition of the photo and camera techniques such as speed, ISO, lighting, sharpness and noise. Identification of what is beautiful sometimes can be subjective. Another news value worth noting is Positivity. As is pointed out by Bednarek and Caple (2017), Positivity is not a prominent news value in previous studies. In this study, Positivity was initially included as we were aware that it is usually salient in the Chinese media context (Caple et al., 2020; Huan, 2016). Later, an overview of the data revealed that there were more manifestations of Positivity than expected. To have a better understanding of this news value, we subcategorized Positivity into positive emotions, positive actions and positive entities following the advice of Bednarek (2015). The classification is based on the object of evaluation. Positive emotions mainly include people’s feelings of happiness and gratitude. Positive actions include the rescue operations of soldiers, policemen, firefighters and volunteers, and the victims’ self-rescue action, such as trying to save their property and cleaning up their houses/streets. Positivity can also be constructed by highlighting efficient flood control structures such as dikes and levees. Our inclusion and analysis of Positivity in this article is in line with Bednarek and Caple’s (2017) call on more empirical research into where and how positive content occurs in news discourses.
Data collection and analysis procedure
Data composition.
The analysis unit is a photo-caption complex (Caple and Knox, 2019). Both the photo and its caption are considered in coding news values. This is because of the close relationship between a photo and its caption (Hall, 1973; Sontag, 2003). Moreover, in terms of news values, it has been found that the caption may construe news values that are not construed in the photo (Bednarek and Caple, 2017). For instance, Timeliness and Proximity are usually constructed in the caption and rarely in the photo.
The coding of the news values was undertaken by means of the UAM Image tool. The coding procedure is as follows. For each photo-caption complex, a coder first coded news values constructed in the photo, and then news values constructed in the caption, but not those already coded in the photo. That is to say, repetition of the same news value in the photo-caption complex is not counted. The data was re-coded by the same coder 1 month later. A second coder then checked the coding and had discussions with the first coder in cases of disagreement.
Figure 1 is an illustration of the coding process. This example shows that it is common for a photo-caption complex to construct several news values simultaneously. Coding all of them helps us to understand the perceived newsworthiness of the flooding. The same news value may be construed through different semiotic resources (e.g. Personalization), and the same semiotic resource may construe more than one news value (e.g. the collapsed building). The ways the news values are constructed in Figure 1 are typical in our data. A photo-caption complex constructing several news values at one time.
For some of the news values, especially Proximity, consideration of the target readers is necessary. In the analysis, we tentatively regard American readers as the target readers of AP and Chinese readers as the target readers of Xinhua. This is mainly based on the news agencies’ classification of international and domestic news: photo galleries of floods in the US/China are classified as ‘domestic news’ by AP/Xinhua, and those of floods in other countries are identified as ‘international news’. But we admit that this is only taken as a last resort, given that the news regimes themselves endeavour to maintain or increase their influence in the global media sphere.
Findings
This section presents analysis results of the news values of Their and Our floods constructed in the photo galleries of AP and Xinhua. The news value of Timeliness is present across the dataset, reflecting the function of photo galleries as news reporting. The news value of Proximity is present in all the photo galleries of Our floods.
News values of Their floods
The analysis results of discursive news values in the photo galleries of international floods are presented in Figure 2. News values of Their floods (A: Aesthetic appeal, C: Consonance, E: Elitenss, I: Impact, N: Negativity, Pe: Personalization, Po: Positivity, Pr: Proximity, S: Superlativeness, T: Timeliness, U: Unexpectedness).
Figure 2 shows that photo galleries of both AP and Xinhua tend to construct the flooding in other countries as negative (Negativity, 93% and 99%, respectively), disastrous (Impact, 83% and 93%, respectively) and severe (Superlativeness, 42% and 47%, respectively). They also present ordinary people (Personalization, 59% and 66%, respectively), and high-profile people and institutions (Eliteness, 20% and 30%, respectively). Associated Press and Xinhua are similar in presenting beautiful photos (Aesthetic appeal, 16% and 11%, respectively), (stereo)typical images of the events and social actors (Consonance, 13% for both) and unexpected happenings (Unexpectedness, 1% and 4%, respectively).
The main differences lie in Positivity and Proximity. Positivity displays a much higher percentage in the photo galleries of AP (59%) than in those of Xinhua (20%), while the opposite is true in terms of Proximity (27% for AP and 68% for Xinhua). How the foregrounded news values are constructed will be discussed in the following.
Negativity, Impact and Superlativeness
Negativity is the second most prominent news value following Timeliness in presenting Their floods. In the photo galleries of both AP and Xinhua, Negativity is mainly related to flooding as a natural disaster. It is established verbally through words such as ‘downpour’, ‘rainfall’ and ‘flood’ in the captions, and visually through images of floodwater, mud, garbage, etc. There is only one photo showing negative emotion.
Negativity usually co-occurs with Impact, which is also a prominent news value in the photo galleries of Their floods. Images of destruction, such as flooded roads, submerged cars, fallen trees and damaged houses, are frequently shown in the photos.
Closely related to the impact of the flood is Superlativeness. It is constructed in the caption by describing the severity of the flood, the loss of lives and economic impact. In the photo, Superlativeness is established by showing large volumes of floodwater, or a number of houses inundated. Superlativeness of Their floods is construed more often in the captions than in the photos. Around seven out of ten photo-caption complexes have Superlativeness construed through captions.
Personalization, Eliteness and Consonance
Theoretically speaking, Personalization is constructed either when ordinary people are mentioned in the captions or when they are shown in the photos. In our data, visual presentations and verbal references tend to accompany each other. That is to say, when a photo shows a person, the person is often also identified in the caption, where description of her/his action is provided.
Most of the ordinary people presented in the photos of Their floods are flood victims. Although analysed as embodying ‘Personalization’, a large number of photos use medium to long shot, whereby images of people are taken from a distance, and it is hard to see them clearly. Meanwhile, people also tend to appear in large groups, and they are often presented in an oblique angle or from behind. Consequently, there is usually no eye contact between the person(s) in the photo and the reader. The result is that although people from other countries are shown, they are clearly presented as ‘Others’ most of the time. Similarly, although they are often referred to in the accompanying captions, the most frequently used words are generic references such as ‘a man’, ‘a woman’, ‘people’ and ‘children’. No further information is provided. These could only be considered a ‘very weak’ kind of personalization (Bednarek, 2016).
Eliteness is constructed when elite people or institutions are referred to in the caption or shown in the photo. Both ways are used in AP’s photo galleries of Their floods, with slightly more visual presentations than verbal references. In contrast, there are only three cases where Elitenss is constructed visually in the data of Xinhua. The rest of the data construct Eliteness verbally in the captions, mainly through references to elite sources of the news information such as ‘the spokesman of the government’.
Although Consonance takes up the same percentage in the data of both AP and Xinhua, this news value is constructed in different ways. In the photo galleries of AP, Consonance is established through verbal resources in the captions that refer to the expectedness of the floods, as is shown in the flowing examples. (1) Every year, Sudan experiences floods… (AP) (2) Apart from being caused by high tides, flooding that occurs for five days every month, is also caused by land subsidence ... (AP)
By contrast, such expressions are not found in the captions of Xinhua, where Consonance is almost always constructed in the photos through visual stereotypes. For instance, in photos showing floods in countries such as Indonesia, Bangladesh, and Somalia, there are female figures wearing traditional Muslim clothing, especially hijab. In the photos of flood in Afghanistan, people are shown wearing Perahan Tunban, a type of traditional Afghan dress (cf. Figure 1). These are considered stereotypical since there are personalized photos of the same event where no such features are foregrounded.
Proximity
Countries covered in the photo galleries of AP and Xinhua.
Note: AP: Associated Press.
Table 3 shows that 11 out of the 21 countries covered in Xinhua are geographically or culturally close to China, whereas five countries are recognized as such to the US. Part of the reason might be the location of China in Asia, where the majority of the world’s floods occur each year. In contrast, the US is far away from countries such as India, Indonesia and the Philippines, which tend to appear in news coverage of international floods. Meanwhile, Table 3 also shows that there is a tendency to report on countries that are familiar to the target readers by both news agencies. Four out of the five countries that are close to the US and covered by AP (France, Germany, Greece and Mexico), are not covered by Xinhua.
Positivity
Positivity is constructed in more than half (59%) of AP’s presentation of Their floods. This is contrary to previous findings that other countries tend to be represented in a negative manner by the US media (Langton 1991; Greenwood and Smith 2007; Kim and Smith 2005). In comparison, Positivity only appears in 20% of Xinhua’s presentation of Their floods. To better understand the ways Positivity is constructed, we retrieved all the photo-caption complexes and made further categorizations according to whether positive emotions, actions or entities are presented.
Positivity in the photo galleries of Their floods.
Note: AP: Associated Press.
A further investigation into the positive actions presented in AP’s photo galleries shows that they are mainly found in the presentation of floods in some countries: the Philippines, Honduras, Japan, Mexico, France and Indonesia, rather than evenly distributed across the data. For France, Japan and Mexico, positive actions of ordinary people as well as professional rescuers are presented in both the photos and the captions. For the Philippines, Honduras and Indonesia, quite often the governmental rescue operation is mentioned in the captions only, without corresponding images in the photos. In all cases where positive actions are identified, repetition is a notable feature. According to Caple and Knox (2015), photos can be considered repetitive when two or more shots of the same event, actor or scene appear, and captions are repetitive when sentences repeat across different captions. In our data, for instance, there is such a sentence in the captions to flood photos of Philippines. (3) …A typhoon swelled rivers and flooded low-lying areas … northeast Philippines, where rescuers were deployed early Thursday to help people flee the rising waters. (AP)
We analysed this sentence as construing Positivity, as it refers to the positive action of rescuers helping people to flee. This sentence is repeated in 69 captions, and most of the accompanying photos do not show the rescue activity. Instead, there are only images of flooded villages, stranded people or destroyed houses. Moreover, some photos showing positive actions are also repetitive: they are images of the same group of rescuers taken from different angles and shot sizes. For instance, in the two photo galleries about the searching operations in Japan, the same actions are repeatedly shown. Therefore, it can be said that due to the verbal and visual repetition, Positivity might not be as significant as the statistics indicate. Repetition of Eliteness also occurs when the rescuers are professionals, but repetition is not found in the construal of other news values.
News values of Our floods
The analysis results of discursive news values in the photo galleries of domestic floods are presented in Figure 3. News values of Our floods (A: Aesthetic appeal, C: Consonance, E: Elitenss, I: Impact, N: Negativity, Pe: Personalization, Po: Positivity, Pr: Proximity, S: Superlativeness, T: Timeliness, U: Unexpectedness).
Figure 3 shows that both news agencies present domestic floods as timely news (Timeliness, 100% for both), close to the readers (Proximity, 100% for both) and negative (Negativity, 80% and 73% respectively). Both present more ordinary people (Personalization, 50% and 51%, respectively) than elite persons or institutions (Eliteness, 9% and 17%, respectively), and they are similar in presenting beautiful photos (Aesthetic appeal, 16% and 17%, respectively), unexpected happenings (Unexpectedness, 1% and 3%, respectively) and (stereo)typical features (Consonance, 2% and 6%, respectively).
The main differences lie in Superlativeness, Impact and Positivity. AP presents floods in the US as having consequences (Impact, 64%), but not severe (Superlativeness, 16%). In contrast, Xinhua’s presentation of floods in China shows more Superlativeness (43%), but less Impact (28%). Positivity is construed in 65% of the photo galleries of Xinhua, but only in 25% of those of AP. The following sections will first discuss news values with similar distributions, that is, Negativity, Consonance, Eliteness and Personalization. Then, the focus will be those that are different: Superlativeness, Impact and Positivity.
Negativity, Consonance and Eliteness
Negativity is the most prominent news value apart from Proximity and Timeliness in the presentation of domestic floods by both AP and Xinhua. No negative emotions are shown, and Negativity is mainly construed through visual images of and verbal references to floodwater. In AP’s photo galleries of floods in the US, Negativity tends to co-occur with Impact to show the consequences of the flooding, but such co-occurrences are not common in Xinhua’s presentation of floods in China.
Consonance and Eliteness are minor news values in the presentation of Our floods. In the data of Xinhua, Consonance is mainly constructed through images of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the People’s Armed Police (PAP) engaged in disaster relief, though there are occasionally verbal expressions such as ‘encountered flood again’ to indicate the recurring nature of flood in Southern China. The same is observed in AP where images of firefighters and policemen are seen in the photos.
Images of the PLA and PAP in Xinhua, and images of firefighters and policemen in AP also indicate Eliteness. In both Xinhua and AP, there are visual presentations of governmental officials and verbal references to governmental institutions, which explains why there are more instances of Eliteness than Consonance. For instance, Xinhua has a photo gallery showcasing the Chinese president Xi Jinping’s visit of flood-affected residents, where Eliteness is highlighted.
Personalization
Although AP and Xinhua are statistically similar in Personalization (50% and 51%) in their presentation of domestic floods, they differ in the identities of people shown in the photos and the amount of information provided in the captions. Firstly, almost all the personalized photos of AP show images of flood victims. In comparison, photos of victims make up only around one fifth of the personalized photos of Xinhua, which give more prominence to people who are ordinary, but who make a contribution to flood control. These include volunteers, grassroots flood rescuers and locals who voluntarily patrol the dike and safeguard their villages. This results in the clustering of Personalization with Positivity in Xinhua’s presentation of floods in China, as the people shown are usually engaged in positive actions. In contrast, AP tends to show a clustering of Personalization with Negativity in presenting domestic floods, since people are usually seen wading through the floodwater or investigating the damage to their property.
Secondly, the people are introduced in different ways in the captions. In the data of AP, nearly half of the people in the photos are named and/or provided with personal information such as age, occupation and relationship with each other. This is illustrated in the following example. (4) Siblings, from left, Lily Wall, 10, Alena, 7, and John, 3, create make-believe ‘soup’ in their front yard on a dreary Thursday afternoon, Sept. 17, 2020, in Raleigh, N.C… (AP)
Such detailed information of the individuals constitutes ‘strong’ Personalization (Bednarek 2016). Fewer than one quarter of the personalized photos by Xinhua have captions that name the people in the photos. Often they are collectively referred to as ‘children, ‘villagers’ or simply ‘people’. Therefore, while half of AP’s instances of Personalization belong to ‘strong’ Personalization, more than three quarters of instances of Personalization in the data of Xinhua are ‘weak’ personalization.
Superlativeness
Superlativeness is construed in only 16% of the photo-caption complexes of AP, indicating that most of the time, domestic floods are presented as less severe than international floods (42%). Superlativeness is usually construed by showing large volumes of water in photos taken through wide-angle lens or drone photography. Floodwater takes the central position in establishing Superlativeness.
The same tendency is observed in the data of Xinhua, where zoom lens is also used to focus on the wave-like raging torrents. It is interesting to note that while Superlativeness tends to co-occur with Impact in the data of AP, such tendency is not found in the photo galleries of Xinhua. In fact, about half of the photos by Xinhua indicating Superlativeness show no impact: they show large amounts of floodwater running through the dams or rivers but causing no damage.
Impact
Although both AP and Xinhua present domestic floods as negative, they differ significantly in presenting the impact of the floods. Impact is constructed in 64% of the photo galleries in AP, whereas the figure is only 28% for Xinhua. AP construes Impact through visual presentations of stranded cars, flooded roads, lawns and damaged houses and boats, etc. Similar images of destroyed fields, roads and bridges, and flooded districts are seen in the photos of Xinhua, but they are quantitatively less significant in the whole dataset. Also, there are cases in Xinhua where Impact is constructed in the caption only, with no corresponding visual presentation. For instance, a caption reads as follows. (5) Villagers have a meal at a temporary shelter for evacuated residents in Qiashe Township ... Heavy rainfall hit the Huizhou District of Huangshan City, leaving several villages inundated in varying degrees. The local authorities rapidly organized flood response efforts to evacuate affected residents, rehabilitate destroyed roads and dredge silt-clogged ditches. (Xinhua)
Impact is construed in the second sentence of the caption (leaving several villages inundated). But what is visually shown in the photo corresponds to the first sentence, that is, several villagers having a meal at a temporary shelter (Personalization). The fact that the third sentence turns to highlight Eliteness (local authorities) and Positivity (to evacuate affected residents, rehabilitate destroyed roads and dredge silt-clogged ditches) renders the news value of Impact even less noticeable.
Positivity
Positivity in the photo galleries of Our floods.
Note: AP: Associated Press.
Table 5 shows that 19% of the photo-caption complexes of AP present positive actions, where flood victims’ self-rescue actions (9%) are as important as the rescuing operations of firefighters and policemen (10%). In comparison, 47% of the photo-caption complexes of Xinhua present positive actions, with more emphasis on the rescue actions by army soldiers and volunteers (36%) than the flood victims’ self-rescue actions (11%). Moreover, the percentage of photos showing advanced flood control structures in Xinhua (16%) is four times that in AP (4%).
While AP’s presentations of positive actions are scattered across the dataset, Xinhua tends to organize the photos into photo galleries with titles highlighting Positivity. There are titles such as ‘Rescuers rush to repair roads destroyed by flood’ and ‘Armed police troops join flood control operations’. The photos in these photo galleries show armed soldiers and policemen engaged in positive actions of patrolling and fixing dikes, repairing damaged roads and taking care of the evacuated residents. Ordinary people such as villagers, volunteers and workers also appear frequently. According to Cottle (2008), ordinary people are often afforded news presence to be allocated moral roles in the news media’s ‘preferred personae dramatis and scripts of mediated disasters’ (54). For instance, a photo gallery entitled ‘Woman volunteers take part in fight against flood in Jiangxi’ showcases a voluntary group of elderly women. They cook and serve mung bean soup for the armed policemen, illustrating the Chinese people’s gratitude towards the soldiers (and the government).
Apart from showcasing positive actions, Xinhua also tends to highlight China’s efficient flood control structures, such as reservoirs, dams and levees. The most prominent is the Three Gorges Reservoir, which appears in about 50 photos. These photos are taken by using techniques such as drone photography, wide-angle lens, fast speed and focus, and the lighting is carefully adjusted. The results are photos highlighting the news value of Negativity (floodwater), Superlativeness (the massiveness of the construction or the large volumes of floodwater), Aesthetic appeal (the visual attractiveness of the photos) and Positivity (the reservoir helps to control floodwater) (e.g. Xinhua 2020).
Discussion and conclusion
The analysis shows that in presenting Their floods, photo galleries of both AP and Xinhua tend to foreground the news values of Negativity, Impact, Personalization and Superlativeness. That is to say, floods in other countries are generally represented as overwhelmingly negative, severe, with disastrous impact and affecting the lives of ordinary people. The way photo galleries of AP construct Their floods partly confirms previous findings that non-Western, developing countries are often represented as vulnerable to natural disasters (Solman and Henderson, 2019). Interestingly, Xinhua almost adopts the same pattern in presenting international floods, although around 70% of the countries covered in its data are geographically or culturally close to China. This may be seen as an indication of the effect of the media industry’s globalization, whereby news agencies adopt similar strategies in reporting international news.
Distribution of Negativity and Positivity in the data.
Note: AP: Associated Press.
Among the news values under analysis, Positivity deserves special attention as it reveals aspects not identified in previous studies. As is shown in Table 6, Positivity is a prominent feature in AP’s presentation of international floods (59%), mainly through depictions of the rescue operations of local governments, soldiers and policemen in other countries. This is contrary to previous findings that natural disaster victims of developing countries are usually presented as helpless and the governments incapable (Joye, 2009; Solman and Henderson, 2019). The large number of visual and verbal repetitions is also noted. Positivity is a minor news value in AP’s presentation of domestic floods (25%). Part of the reason might be that floods in the US are not (presented) as severe as international floods (as is indicated through the percentages of Superlativeness, 16% vs. 42%), and thus there are fewer photos showing professional rescue operations. When ordinary people are shown in the photo, they are walking, playing and observing the floodwater rather than desperately trying to save their belongings.
A reverse tendency in constructing Positivity is shown in the photo galleries of Xinhua. Positivity is construed in 20% of Xinhua’s photo galleries of international floods, but in 65% of its photo galleries of domestic floods. The rescue operations of other countries do not attract much attention from the photojournalists of Xinhua. In comparison, Xinhua gives prominence to the rescue activities of soldiers of PLA, the police, rescue workers and volunteers in China, and it also has many presentations of China’s flood control structures such as dams and reservoirs. Previous studies (e.g. Huan, 2016) recognize that Positivity is a salient feature in Chinese news reporting. Our finding indicates that Positivity might be salient in Chinese news reporting on domestic events only, since it is clearly not foregrounded in Xinhua’s presentation of international floods. This also indicates that different principles might have been followed in Xinhua’s reporting of domestic and international disasters. In cases of domestic disasters, the negative impact of the events tends to be played down, while the rescue activities are highlighted to build a favourable image of the government and to enhance national solidarity (cf. Yang 2012). No such consideration is shown in the reporting of disasters in other countries.
This article has applied the framework of DNVA to investigate how Their floods and Our floods are presented as newsworthy by AP and Xinhua. The focus on photo galleries has provided a better understanding of this relatively new genre, as well as findings that can complement previous studies on news values. There are also questions that require further exploration. For instance, is Negativity always less prominent in reporting domestic crises than in reporting crises in other countries, regardless of the cultural background of the news agency? What are the differences between verbal reports and photo galleries in constructing the newsworthiness of the same event? These may deserve our attention in future studies.
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by National Office for Philosophy and Social Sciences.
Author Biographies
