Abstract
Anti-immigrant rhetoric generated by the sociopolitical climate under the current U.S. presidential administration has exacerbated the fear of deportation and family separation within the unauthorized Latinx community. Consequently, millions of families, including U.S. citizen children living in mixed-status households, are experiencing stressful environments as they adapt and respond to their social context. This study explored how harsh immigration discourse impacts mixed-status families living in a new-immigrant destination. Twenty-two unauthorized mothers participated in semi-structured interviews regarding their experiences as immigrants raising children in the U.S. Two main themes arose from this analysis: (1) ever-present fear and stress and (2) obeying the law and avoiding others. Parents explained how they had been living in fear since the elections took place, and the different scenarios they had to prepare for in case of deportation. Moreover, some parents choose to minimize conversations around incidents happening in their community to avoid additional stress for children, whereas others addressed children’s concerns to reassure them and placate their apprehension. Participants also reported avoiding unnecessary trips outside of the home to prevent interactions with others, especially law enforcement. These results provide important insights regarding the experiences of unauthorized Latinx immigrant parents in the context of sociopolitical adversity. Due to the limited resources often available in new immigrant destinations, social workers must leverage their networks to support families undergoing difficult transitions with special attention to altered family structures and parenting practices. As unauthorized parents attempt to withstand the double burden of basic survival and effective parenting, it is imperative that practitioners provide tools for parents to effectively engage with their children to sustain healthy environments.
The inherent relationship between the macro- and micro-level systems in which people function is captured in the U.S. sociopolitical climate and the ways it affects families whose members have varying immigration status, also known as mixed-status families. The fear of deportation, which has been exacerbated by the Trump administration through policy changes and anti-immigrant rhetoric, has become a stressful lived experience for millions, including the roughly 5.1 million children living in households with at least one unauthorized parent (Capps et al., 2016). Some studies have addressed the impact of immigrant parents’ legal vulnerability on family dynamics including changes in communication (Lykes et al., 2013), family structures (Dreby, 2012), and both parental and children’s mental health (Artiga and Ubri, 2017; Brabeck et al., 2016; Cross et al., 2020; Henderson and Baily, 2013). Assessment of family dynamics is particularly important when external stressors shape parenting practices that ultimately impacts children’s normative developmental trajectories.
Much of the literature has focused on the impact of deportation and its aftermath on families (Brabeck et al., 2014; Hacker et al., 2012). The current paper will focus on the fear of family separation through deportation among unauthorized Latinx parents living in a new immigrant destination in the Midwest, which is underrepresented in extant research on this topic. Due to lack of ethnic resources present in immigrant gateways, new immigrant destinations are often ill-suited to the cultivation of effective parenting practices and familial well-being and thus presents a critical case for understanding how fear of deportation impacts family dynamics. This community in particular faces numerous challenges including an ongoing battle for unauthorized immigrants’ right to secure driver’s licenses, a right stripped in the state of Michigan since 2008 (P.A. 2008, No. 7 § 257.307), which could provide a sense of relief for mixed-status families fearing law enforcement on the road. The community’s geographical proximity to international borders also leaves it vulnerable to heightened interaction with the U.S. Customs and Border Protection authorities, which gives Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents more power to surveil and stop people (U.S. Customs and Border Protection, 2020). In the fiscal year 2017–2018, Michigan had the second highest rate of ICE community arrests—arrests enacted within a community—in the country despite having a lower percentage of unauthorized immigrants compared to densely populated immigrant areas (Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse, 2019). As such, the county in which Detroit is located and which comprises a large portion of the population in its region of the state, ranked among the top 25 U.S. counties for highest ICE community arrests from October 2017 to May 2018 (Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse, 2018). The complexity of the context in which the participant community functions thus offers a unique opportunity to gain insight on the topic at hand. Moreover, this study adds to the body of research examining the impact of life stressors, such as economic hardship and discrimination, as potential agents in parental dysfunction and child maladjustment ( Conger and Conger, 2002).
American sociopolitical climate of fear
Although xenophobic rhetoric has long existed in U.S. history, the sociopolitical climate under the Trump administration has heightened the fear of deportation among the unauthorized immigrant community. Support of the U.S.–Mexico border wall as a method for national security is one of several pieces of legislation conveying anti-immigrant sentiment, particularly against individuals from Latin America. In addition, according to the Pew Research Center, over two-thirds of Americans (68%) say it is very or somewhat important to increase security along the U.S.–Mexico border, and about half (54%) believe it is very or somewhat important to increase deportations of those in the U.S. without adequate documentation (Daniller, 2019). Such overwhelming anti-immigrant sentiment amplifies perceptions of mistrust in the workplace, prompting unauthorized immigrants to feel unsafe (Artiga and Ubri, 2017). Furthermore, the threat of deportation appears ever-present, as unauthorized immigrants continue witnessing immigration raids in their communities, reinforcing their marginalization. Most recently, the enactment of large-scale immigration raids in Mississippi, in which more than six hundred unauthorized workers were targeted, indicated a strong intent from the Trump administration to fulfill its promise to multiply the number of removals (Jordan, 2019).
The systemic impact of anti-immigrant legislation has also trickled down to discriminatory interpersonal interactions for many parents. Parental legal vulnerability, or vulnerability dependent on immigration status, has predicted greater ethnicity-based discrimination (Brabeck et al., 2016). Unauthorized Latinx parents dread the possibility of being racially profiled by police or immigration agents as a result of the common associations made about documentation status and their ethnic-racial group (Berger Cardoso et al., 2018; Brabeck et al., 2014). Moreover, some parents recall verbal mistreatment in the workplace, and others point to their lack of English proficiency as a deterrent to and discriminatory factor in employment opportunities (García, 2018). For example, an unauthorized immigrant mother in García’s (2018) study explained that in her experience, if a younger and English-speaking individual applies for the same job, the employer will undoubtedly offer the job to the other person.
Impact of fear and stress on mixed-status families
Fearing deportation, unauthorized immigrant parents adjust their daily routines to minimize visibility, limiting their family’s physical and social mobility. The stress and anxiety associated with deportability reduces social and health service utilization (Brabeck et al., 2016; Doering-White et al., 2016; Tienda and Haskins, 2011; Yoshikawa et al., 2013), limits travel and leisure time (Doering-White et al. 2016; García, 2018; Hacker et al., 2012), and threatens employment security (Brabeck et al., 2016). Health providers directly working with mixed-status families believe missed appointments relate to the threat of deportation, as patients must provide personal information (Artiga and Ubri, 2017; Hacker et al., 2012). The lack of continuity of care thus affects the well-being of the children involved. Despite their children’s eligibility, parents are less likely to enroll in governmental programs such as Medicaid and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) due to ongoing changes in policy and legislation as well as fear of retribution (Artiga and Ubri, 2017; Bernstein et al., 2019; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2011; U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, 2020). Even providers report uncertainty about the consequences of benefit enrollment such that one pediatrician was hesitant about encouraging her clients to apply for SNAP (Artiga and Ubri, 2017).
Mixed-status families also limit their travel and activities to avoid encounters with ICE agents (Artiga and Ubri, 2017; García, 2018). Families witness community members being detained on their way to buy groceries, convincing them that any exposure involves high levels of risk; this often leads parents to avoid driving in such a way that compromises their ability to carry out daily necessities (Dreby, 2012). This anxiety also impacts children who fear their parents will not be present to pick them up from school because they might be detained, an event that has occurred in large-scale enforcement raids including the 2019 Mississippi sweep (Fausset and Hassan, 2019). Parents are also more likely to restrict activities that are beneficial for children, such as spending time outside and volunteering at their children’s schools, fearing that any suspicion or disclosure of their unauthorized status may compromise their stay in the country ( Artiga and Ubri, 2017; Cross et al., 2019).
Adoption of a more guarded way of life impedes gatherings with friends, colleagues, and even family. Consequently, families are isolated from their social support networks. Not only are they less likely to get in contact with services or participate in spaces that might alleviate their situation, such as attending church, they also are less likely to be able to take care of other family members which can increase feelings of loneliness and symptoms of depression (García, 2018). The impact of isolation is an additional layer to the social exclusion these parents already encounter every day.
The constraints associated with unauthorized status also lead to employment insecurity. According to Brabeck et al. (2016), legal vulnerability is associated with greater occupational stress. Unauthorized immigrant parents’ status limits the types of jobs they can obtain, and even when an opportunity arises, parents may forego employment if it requires long-distance driving (Artiga and Ubri, 2017). The lack of job opportunities leaves them no choice but to endure poor working conditions in which they are overworked, underpaid, and treated as disposable workers (Brabeck and Xu, 2010; Brabeck et al., 2016; Suárez-Orozco et al., 2011). In García’s (2018) study, unauthorized immigrants reported that their employers discriminated against them by withholding pay. Moreover, the E-verify system utilized to deter unauthorized immigrants from being employed, such that employers are penalized for hiring them, adds to the disenfranchisement they experience (García, 2018). Unfortunately, the existing power differentials in the workplace suppress unauthorized workers’ ability to advocate for themselves (Yoshikawa et al., 2013). Their disillusionment with the promised “American Dream” is thus elevated due to the lack of economic opportunity.
Some studies indicate parental fear regarding the possibility of their children being taken under the custody of the foster care system if they are deported (Berger Cardoso et al., 2018; Chaudry et al., 2010; Dreby, 2012). Contingency plans are formulated so that children are taken care of by known others to minimize disruption in their lives. However, it can be difficult for mixed-status families to find caretakers, as other unauthorized family members or friends may risk their ability to stay in the country if they take on the responsibility. As children become aware of their family’s situation, they caution their parents by asking them to stay home for fear they will not return (Berger Cardoso et al., 2018; Cross et al., 2020). As they ponder the possibility of deportation, families consider migrating back to their country of origin to avoid family fragmentation (Doering-White et al., 2016).
Unauthorized immigrant parents carry a double burden living with the threat of deportation; they struggle to protect their livelihoods, while attempting to practice affectionate and reassuring parenting on a daily basis. Berger Cardoso et al. (2018) utilize the term “trapped parenting” to capture the levels of constraint unauthorized parents must endure in order to keep their families safe. Unlike persons with authorized status, mixed-status families shift priorities when presented with limited lifestyles. Fear associated with the anticipation of deportation evolves into a chronic stressor, impacting parent’s emotional and mental stability which alters their children’s well-being (García, 2018). Such stress diminishes parents’ ability to provide ordinary household environments. Parenting within this community becomes exhausting as parents attempt to navigate their family obligations under the limitations posed by their unauthorized status.
Theoretical framework
The study draws on Conger et al.’s (2010) Family Stress Model to highlight the mechanisms through which parental stress indirectly impacts children’s well-being. According to the Family Stress Model (Conger et al., 2010), parental coping mechanisms in light of economic hardship indirectly affect children. Parents’ inability to appropriately adjust to economic pressure is linked to behavioral and emotional distress (Conger and Conger, 2002; Masarik and Conger, 2017), hindering their ability to establish healthy and secure relationships with their children. Specifically, disrupted parenting practices such as punitive or harsh discipline, inconsistency, and detachment or withdrawal may promote the internalization and externalization of problems in children (Conger et al., 2010; Masarik and Conger, 2017). Moreover, parents’ ineffectiveness in producing a sense of security hinder their children’s capacity to reach their full potential (Brabeck et al., 2014). Conversely, individuals’ positive adaptation (i.e. effective coping mechanisms or social support) to economic insecurity is associated with positive parenting practices (i.e. warmth, nurturing behavior, increased involvement in children’s activities), which promote higher levels of prosocial behavior in children (Conger and Conger, 2002; Masarik and Conger, 2017).
While the framework is studied in light of economic insecurity, the model can also serve as a framework to analyze other stressors such as the threat of deportation for unauthorized immigrants (Brabeck and Xu, 2010; Masarik and Conger, 2017). Unauthorized immigrants experience higher levels of stress and anxiety as a result of their legal vulnerability (Arbona et al., 2010; García, 2018). In addition to the stress associated with the thought of family separation, mixed-status families also encounter economic hardship (Capps et al., 2016). Deportation of at least one parent often deprives a family of additional income, placing their basic necessities at stake (Artiga and Ubri, 2017; Dreby, 2012). Furthermore, Berger Cardoso et al. (2018) point to altered family processes in mixed-status families as a result of deportation risk; parents feel disempowered and may withdraw from discipline or other forms of parental authority that might encourage external intervention.
Based on the family stress model, unauthorized immigrants’ ability to parent effectively is jeopardized by their hypervigilant mentality due to the stress accumulated by external factors. In addition to the common stressors of parenting, unauthorized immigrants’ mental health and altered parental abilities might have unintended consequences on both the family unit and their children's development. Unlike their peers, children with unauthorized parents experience additional stress that can impact their biopsychosocial functioning into adulthood (Artiga and Ubri, 2017; Capps et al. 2016; Conger and Conger, 2002). Unauthorized parents’ vision of the U.S. as a place to raise children in a healthy and promising environment, which often drives their decision to migrate, is compromised when they do not feel safe. The inconsistency in immigration policies and lack of immigration reform further diminish the possibilities of living freely and in a place where the best interests of children are prioritized. The fear of deportation coupled with deportation’s consequences—such as family separation and economic, housing, and food insecurity (Chaudry et al., 2010)—will continue to exist as a national problem impacting millions of children without an overhaul of our country’s immigration system. For this reason, there is great need to expand research focused on how mixed-status families adapt their practices to a climate of fear and the ongoing instability they endure daily.
The current study
The goal of this study was to explore how the sociopolitical climate of harsh immigration rhetoric directed at Latinx immigrants impacts mixed-status families living in a new immigrant destination. We aimed to gain insights into how unauthorized immigrant parents prepare their children for experiences outside of the home in the context of a hostile environment for immigrants. In doing so, we sought to contribute further understanding of how interactions between societal structures and the individual shape the family realm.
Method
This paper is based on data from qualitative interviews conducted in the final wave of a longitudinal mixed-method study of Latinx families living in southeast Michigan (IRB HSBS HUM00083246). As part of the larger study, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 22 unauthorized immigrant mothers. The research team did not intend to focus solely on mothers’ insights, however, when participants were contacted to schedule the interviews, the mothers were often the ones who would volunteer to be interviewed explaining that they had a more flexible schedule which allowed them to meet with the research team.
Interviews lasted about 45 min and were conducted in Spanish at participants’ homes. The first author, a Latinx immigrant herself, conducted all of the interviews between December 2016 and July 2017, which was a time of increased vulnerability for the Latinx community given the recent election of Donald Trump. The interviewer's own immigrant status and years of experience working as an advocate and social worker for the Latinx immigrant community facilitated rapport-building. However, this insider status was also balanced by her awareness of being an outsider due to educational, socioeconomic, and documentation status differences. These insider/outsider considerations were revisited throughout the interview and data analysis phases of the study (Dwyer and Buckle, 2009). Through inductive analysis we aimed to identify themes within the data that provide us with greater understanding of the realities of unauthorized Latinx immigrant parents from their own perspective (Bhattacharya, 2017). This included parents’ explanation for their more guarded and fearful behaviors as well as their experiences raising children in such turbulent political climate.
Procedure
To recruit participants for the larger study, flyers in both English and Spanish were posted in community centers, shopping malls, youth centers, and churches throughout southeast Michigan. Interested participants contacted the study group at which time their eligibility was assessed through a brief pre-screening protocol. In order to qualify for the larger study both parents and adolescents had to identify as Latinx and the adolescents had to be either 13 or 14 years old at the start of the study. All interviewees in the present study participated in the quantitative phase of the project. An additional eligibility criterion for the qualitative portion of the project was that parents had to have been born outside of the U.S. Participants had the option to be consented and interviewed in English or Spanish, and the large majority chose Spanish. To protect the privacy of our sample, a Certificate of Confidentiality from the NIH was secured to prevent our research team from being forced to disclose any identifiable participant information. As another measure of data protection, a waiver of signature in the consent form was obtained from IRB. Participants indicated their consent by marking yes to the question confirming their agreement to being interviewed and audio recorded.
Interview questions inquired about participants' experiences raising children in a different country (See Appendix A for a list of questions). The interview protocol also explored different aspects of the Family Stress Model by focusing on the impact of immigration status on life in the U.S., and their parenting practices. For example, questions related to being an immigrant in the country were created to examine the environmental stressors and pressures that often lead to psychological distress for parents including acculturative stress and economic hardship. This in turn allows us to infer the impact of such stress on their children. Other questions focused on the direct impact of unauthorized status on how parents raised their children, and the types of struggles that accompany such status. Interviews were transcribed by a native Spanish speaker following a detailed and rigorous transcription protocol developed by the research team. Upon transcription, the Spanish interviews were translated into English and back-translated into Spanish according to translation guidelines outlined by Knight et al. (2009). The semi-structured interview protocol addressed parents' immigration experiences and whether their documentation status has influenced their family’s dynamics. Pseudonyms were adopted to protect participants' confidentiality.
Data management and analysis
Thematic analysis of interview data was conducted by coding and analyzing the final English version of the files. Data management was handled using the rigorous and accelerated data reduction (RADaR) technique (Watkins, 2017). This data management technique streamlines the analysis process through organizing the interviews in tables to facilitate revisions. Throughout the different phases of RADaR analysis, any data unrelated to the focal research question is eliminated. This process allows for more efficient analyses once the several phases of data reduction have been completed. Our goal was to find patterns in participants’ responses regarding unauthorized parents’ experiences raising children in the political climate under the Trump administration (Bhattacharya, 2017). The analysis team was composed of bilingual undergraduate and graduate students who first immersed themselves in the data becoming well acquainted with it by reading the transcripts and taking notes of each segment of data. Codes and sub-codes were then assigned to the data drawing from a database of codes developed by the team based on their notes and familiarity with the data. This database included clear definitions for and examples of codes, which were often revised to reflect new codes. The next step in the analysis was the clustering of codes into broader categories which allowed for themes to be identified from the data (Bhattacharya, 2017).
Throughout the coding process, team members checked in with one another at every step. Inter-rater reliability is addressed in RADaR by keeping track of not only congruence but also any disagreements between members as well as how these disagreements were resolved before moving to the next phase of the analysis (Watkins, 2017). When faced with disagreements, team members would reread the original interview passage, their notes, and revisit the codebook to clarify what each code encompassed. If necessary, the team would listen to the audio recording of the interview, followed by a discussion of their interpretation of participants’ response. This process ensured a trustworthy process with extensive discussion and clear communication across team members. The unfolding results were also shared with a multicultural group of researchers at different steps of the analysis process. These experts on issues impacting Latinx families in the U.S. were not part of the analysis team and provided important feedback through a peer debriefing process that enhanced the study’s validity (Grinnell and Unrau, 2011).
Results
Mothers ranged in age from 35 to 51 (M = 42.2) and had adolescents aged 15 to 16 (M = 15.55). The large majority (91%) were married with an average length of residence in the United States of 15.46 years (SD = 2.57). Most participants were of Mexican origin (77%), with the remaining being from countries in Central and South America. Eighteen percent of mothers had some college education, 27% graduated from high school, 4.5% attended some years of high school, but did not receive a diploma, 9% of participants attended up to middle school while 32% did not study beyond elementary school. In addition, 45% of families earned less than 20,000 per year and 55% earned between 20,000 and 50,000 with 91% of adolescents qualifying for free school lunch. Analysis of the interview transcripts revealed themes specific to the parenting experiences of unauthorized immigrants raising children in the context of harsh immigration rhetoric and the role of the Trump administration in inciting fear in the community. The most prevalent theme among these parents regarded a state of Ever-Present Fear and Stress harbored by both parents and children. Two sub-themes arose from this analysis: Political System Causes Uncertainty and Fear and Fear of Deportation and Family Separation. An additional theme present in the data reflected parents’ intense concerns with Obeying the Law and Avoiding Others to protect themselves from encounters with law enforcement which could potentially lead to their deportation.
Political System Causes Uncertainty and Fear. Parents explained how much their lives have changed since the Trump administration took office: “[I]t’s completely different. It’s true that Obama also deported people, but he was more human. If they arrested you at that time and you didn’t have a bad record, they gave you a permit” (Rosa). Another participant added: “Ohh [sic] for me I’ve had the fear that I may go out and never come back. Before I wasn’t afraid, but now I am because I hear that they stop you and then call immigration” (Carolina). Trump’s stance towards unauthorized immigrants became a common topic of discussion in the community: “[T]hat’s the conversation anywhere, about what is going on, the raids, the president wants to do this and that, the wall that he wants to build between the Mexico-United States border, something has change[d], definitely” (Beatriz). This participant also explained how this fear infiltrated the home: …it seems the school told kids about the president who left and how the new president was going to affect immigrants, they were going to be kicked out of the country. They said, “I don’t want you to leave mommy,” and I tell him, “Don’t worry, if I leave then you’re going to leave, you’ll go with me.”
In reflecting on how living with such uncertainty during the Trump administration impacted their children’s lives, parents hoped that this would be a temporary situation that required careful preparation of the entire family for possible deportation given the administration’s focus on separating parents from their children: …Right now, everyone is taking out double nationalities on their children, or they’re making notarized letters so that they can stay with their children in case something happens. So, I feel it makes sense… They should be prepared for at least some time while things get better, while the family gets together. They have to know that these things can happen. (Antonia)
Laura recounted an unforgettable interaction she had with her teenage son after the election results, which highlights the vulnerability they felt, despite her son having some legal protection, with the ever changing laws and constant legislative attempts to strip away their limited rights: “[W]hen are we getting the luggage ready?” and I tell him, “What luggage?”… “It’s that Trump won, we have to go,” and well that happened, and he said that at school there were kids that left, the fear that exists…even my son has his papers in order, thank God he has his social security number, his work permit, but thatisn’t a guarantee of anything anymore.
While others wished their children did not have to learn about inequities and injustices at such a young age, some tried to explain their situation carefully to avoid further trauma: [A]t the beginning, my daughter was a little scared. Like, she would say, “What are we going to do, mom, with this president who doesn’t want us?” I said, “We can’t do anything but live the day, and whatever comes…” Thank God, I think it hasn’t affected them much, and they’ve taken it little by little. They start realizing many things. I wish that they wouldn’t find out…It’s not something, too, a conversation I have with them every day. I talk about that as least as possible with them. I answer them when they ask me something. It’s not something I want to keep fresh that, “Oh, it can happen.” (Marta)
Parents also purposely avoided even thinking about these topics, while taking the necessary protections to remain safe, because of the toll that these uncertainties take on their well-being: “I try not to take it into account because I know it will affect me. I hear people talking about immigration police in Detroit and all that, so I say, definitely I won’t go there” (Araceli).
Fear of Deportation and Family Separation. Parents spoke passionately of how the prospect of family separation brings tremendous sadness and stress to the entire family. Their feelings were often summarized as an ever-present fear of having to be separated from their children, being sent back to their native country and, all of a sudden, having no means to support their families. Laura explained that “it’s very difficult, it’s very stressful the situation of an immigrant in this country, this country is very stressful.” Participants related how this fear of deportation forces them to prepare their children for possible family separation and the necessary steps to reunification: We tell them we are not safe here and at any time they might arrest us and things like that and they must know what we are going to do. Because in the first place, we don’t have any family here. It’s just my husband, my children and I. We don’t have anyone else to trust. We do have friends, but I always tell my eldest son that, God forbid, if both my husband and I are arrested he would have to be in charge of his sisters and we would have to sell the little we have to be able to leave because we won’t separate the family. I’m not a person who will stay here if my husband is deported. Although there are many needs over there and we came here to find a better future, I don’t want to have my family separated. I don’t believe in that. (Rosa)
Parents explained that, besides the inability to provide for their family, their deportation would result in the family living amidst violence back in their native countries, as illustrated by Blanca: I’m happier because now I see my children grow up here…now I hear a lot of violence in Mexico…I feel that I am freer here, and I feel that now Mexico you can’t even go out not even in a farm it’s no longer safe…it’s very dangerous.
Parents recounted children’s unwillingness to leave the only country they had ever known. The large majority had never traveled to their parents’ native country because of parental inability to re-enter the U.S. if they were to leave. What little they know about these places came from parents’ recollection of their childhood years or media coverage. Juana recalled her daughter telling her, in response to the prospect of having to live in Mexico: “Mom, I’m from here, I don’t know anyone in Mexico. You brought me here when I was a child.” These concerns are a constant reminder for these families as they witness immigration officers patrolling their streets and raids taking place in their neighborhoods: [We] have seen it, we see in the street when they [immigrants] are lowered and the patrol takes them away and they are scared…my little girl…she sometimes cries when the police comes and with all of that stuff the crazy guy was going to or wanted to [do], she sees the police she gets nervous, because she thinks that we are going to be separated because you know, they have already separated families and it is that what my children fear…[F]or example, we only go to the nearest diner and Wal-Mart, and things like that, because we are afraid of being caught by the police. (Sandra)
Another mother explained her reluctance to instill fear of deportation in her teenage daughter: I also wouldn’t want that she live her best years in a box because she is afraid something may happen, because I would love to have her here, but outside there is a world that we all have a right to experience, to see, to be free. (Claudia)
Obeying the Law and Avoiding Others. Participants explained that, in order to protect themselves from possible detainment and deportation, unauthorized immigrants as well as their children had to follow the law, avoid situations where police might be involved, and, as much as possible, avoid interacting with others in general: And we don’t go out. The children say, “Why don’t we go to the movies” well, because, you’re like, “If we go out, and we get stopped…”…those outings are coming to an end, of going to the restaurant that’s far, or going to the movies, or going to a fair. Ever since this man is in charge – very much. (Mireya)
These parents further reported how their avoidance of public places impacted the family’s leisure activities and their willingness to leave the house, as Antonia remarked: my husband risked traveling, or we went like to the lakes to visit in the summer. And this year, the difference is that we are scared even to go out to our surrounding areas. It’s not even going far anymore.
Participants’ concerns with interacting with law enforcement were conveyed through their experiences that “…if they stop you and then, they always ask you for the driver’s license and nowadays they are taking you to immigration and everything” (Beatriz). Parents explained having to remind their children to buckle up, every time they had to drive somewhere, in an effort to minimize potential interactions with police: I tell them, to please put on your seatbelt, because they are the kind of people that don’t want to put it on… he already knows, he is starting to understand that his mom doesn’t have a license. So every day I tell them to put on their seatbelt because…they will stop me. (Magdalena)
Parents did not feel safe from ICE even in their own homes and reported feeling “scared that they are going to come and knock on our door or if the police pull us over and make us get out of the car” (Celina). The same participant conveyed that being an immigrant places her in an automatic risky category where her behavior is scrutinized, stating, “We are immigrants but we try to do things much better, being under the law and doing everything correctly.”
These results highlight the impact of local law enforcement and ICE practices on mixed-status Latinx families that effectively criminalize immigrants’ own existence bolstered by restrictive policies at the national level. Unauthorized immigrant parents wished to spare their children the hardships they had experienced, but their hopes were tempered by the hostile feelings harbored by a significant portion of this country towards immigrants. Parents blamed politics for instigating racism and violence, with the president setting a poor example and a portion of the nation following in his footsteps, resulting in the times of fear and threat in which immigrant families are now living.
Discussion
This study contributes to our understanding of an ever-present fear among unauthorized immigrants and their families under the Trump presidential administration. Although enforcement raids and deportation have long existed, the ongoing dehumanization of unauthorized immigrants under the Trump administration has permeated the daily lives and activities of millions of families across the country. A significant portion of the existing literature on the impact of deportation on mixed-status families has focused on its aftermath and on metropolitan areas which hold a more dense immigrant population (Arbona et al., 2010; Berger Cardoso et al., 2018; García, 2018), yet this study aimed to highlight the experiences of mothers and their children under the threat of deportation in a new immigrant destination in the Midwest.
Findings indicate overwhelming feelings of uncertainty regarding their future as well as children’s opportunities to obtain a more prosperous life as a result of the political climate in which their interviews took place. The increase in anti-immigrant sentiment deeply impacted these mixed-status families and their community as they witnessed an escalation in restrictive immigration measures and increased ICE raids. Similarly, medical providers in Artiga and Ubri’s (2017) study also noted that Trump’s election stirred discontent among their immigrant patients on a daily basis. Furthermore, the anticipated structural changes resulting from draconian immigration policies illustrate tangible anti-immigrant outcomes that many unauthorized immigrants might not be prepared for. Families must adjust to inconsistent and rapid-changing realities within a smaller and often under-resourced Latinx community. Lamentably, an inconsistent environment propelled by fear can overwhelm parents to the point that it compromises their caregiving responsibilities, especially if the fear triggers painful migration experiences or trauma from their lives in their country of origin (Artiga and Ubri, 2017).
Our findings further showed how the increases in deportation and overall hostile environment during a heightened election year inevitably reach children whether at home or at school. It becomes difficult for parents to minimize the taxing situation when kids learn about it through media and community exposure, especially as these avenues of information prompt fearful and conflicting messages. Parents thus carry an additional burden, as they might not have the capacity nor support systems to explain the implications of their status in the current state, affecting their parenting practices. Participant responses captured the complexity of when and how unauthorized parents choose to prepare children for possible parental deportation. Mothers spoke to the importance of handling the situation “little by little” providing transparency while avoiding can be utilized as a harm reduction strategy for unauthorized parents when engaging in difficult conversations with their family. Although previous studies saw an increase in peer bullying and discrimination under the newly elected administration (Artiga and Ubri, 2017), the current study also showed that schools are not always equipped to appropriately handle conversations about the sociopolitical climate and might consequently negatively impact students with unauthorized family members.
Consistent with previous findings on unauthorized immigrants, the possibility of family separation was regularly brought up by the participants (Berger Cardoso et al., 2018; Brabeck and Hunter, 2014; Dreby, 2012). The thought of being separated impacts both parents’ and children’s mental health. Participants in Lykes et al.'s (2013) study shared about the trauma associated with conversations on deportation and detainment; it reminds families of deported spouses and the socioeconomic and emotional difficulties resulting from such events. The fear of separation speaks to the modification of established and traditional family structures. Because men are more likely to be targeted for deportation (Doering-White et al., 2016), mothers are left with enormous caregiving and financial responsibilities. However, parents fear for the future of their children if both parents are deported, especially if there is no contingency plan in place. Whereas previous studies speak to the impact of limited social support systems among those with higher levels of legal vulnerability (Brabeck et al., 2016), our findings suggest that parents also worry about their ability to gather the resources necessary in a timely manner to minimize harm; the sense of urgency is heightened during a time when feeling persecuted. As families avoid separation at all costs, the deportation threat provokes anxiety as parents begin to think about migrating to a country with rampant violence, and scarce resources and opportunities to support their children. As expressed by children, it is extremely difficult to envision a transition to a place never before visited, especially knowing they are accustomed to U.S. society given that many are also U.S. citizens. As deportation or forced migration become increasingly plausible realities, the consequential implications of family separation for the mental health of mixed-status families is alarming. Thus, as participants stated, to be an unauthorized immigrant parent in the U.S. is “very stressful.”
Moreover, an increase in the criminalization of unauthorized status provokes an alertness that limited the physical mobility and behavior of the families in this study, supporting previous literature on increased levels of constraint with changing policy (Doering-White et al., 2016; García, 2018). Participants indicated a lack of willingness to leave the house and identified certain places to avoid due to increased levels of ICE activity. A state of incapacitation affected their day-to-day activities, as there is no guarantee of returning home. The criminalization of their status also left them vulnerable in the face of law and order, making them shift their behavior to one of strict obedience. These types of constraints lead to social isolation for many families, which exacerbates a lack of resources and networks. Isolation is not a choice, but rather a reaction to the sociopolitical climate as well as an adaptive mechanism for protection. Parents are faced with complex decisions about how they want to interact with the world outside their home, which ultimately also impacts their children.
Through the Family Stress Model, we can see that the uncertainty produced by the sociopolitical climate exacerbates the fear of deportation, economic insecurity, and ultimately fear of family separation. In turn, parents struggle to successfully adapt themselves and their children to a constantly threatening environment. One mother did not allow her anxiety to limit her child’s external interactions as she saw their importance, whereas others confronted the situation by training their children to obey the law at all costs. Without mechanisms for support, children of unauthorized immigrant parents in new immigrant destinations face unique challenges resulting from the stress that infiltrates the family unit.
Implications for social work practice
Because the social work profession is committed to serving the most vulnerable and marginalized in our society, it is of vital importance for social workers to be cognizant of the impact of immigration enforcement on the psychosocial functioning of mixed-status families. Unlike metropolitan areas, new immigrant destinations tend to lack appropriate and ample resources for mixed-status families to thrive (Held et al., 2018). As such, social service agencies need an increased and more culturally sensitive labor force (Held et al., 2018). This includes hiring bilingual and bicultural providers so that families feel safe and comfortable, feelings that can be uncommon in new immigrant destinations which tend to have higher levels of discrimination (Held et al., 2018; Raffaelli and Wiley, 2013). In addition, providers must understand the power dynamics that often discourage clients from seeking help to effectively engage, and they should make confidentiality explicit to build rapport and trust.
It is incredibly difficult to withstand the emotional toll that comes with unauthorized status; it is even more arduous without support systems in place. Due to limited resources in new growth communities, social workers should leverage their networks to support families undergoing difficult transitions with special attention to altered family structures, financial insecurity, and parenting practices. It has been found that both direct experience with family separation and near or potential experience produces anxiety, with the former associated with depression and trauma (Lovato et al., 2018). Social workers must adopt a trauma-informed approach with mixed-status families, and be aware of the symptoms associated with loss, separation, and isolation (Lovato et al., 2018). Specifically, culturally-modified interventions are needed given the population’s unique positionality, such as group-based educational workshops that can spark conversations around mental health in this community (Held et al., 2018).
Moreover, it is necessary to address the effects of loss on families’ economic status, as financial stress can considerably impact physical well-being and deter families from acquiring legal counsel for immigration-related issues (Lovato et al., 2018). Although immediate family, Latinx community members, and other non-institutionalized forms of support are essential to their survival, unauthorized immigrants need guidance and resources. Social workers must understand the complexities of the migration experience; immigrants have to adjust to a different culture and learn how to navigate unfamiliar systems (Held et al., 2018; Negi et al., 2018; Raffaelli and Wiley, 2013). Thus, social work practice requires patience, and the ability to assist families in developing basic life and employment skills within their new context so that they feel empowered in supporting their children.
Local, community-based work is pivotal in informing unauthorized immigrants about resources within their area that could alleviate some of their strain. However, providers have expressed concern over unauthorized parents' ineligibility for government-based aid which is further magnified by the lack of available resources in these communities (Negi et al., 2018). Nonetheless, local agencies have been identified as centers for hard-to-reach populations given their direct role in relief distribution (Yoshikawa et al., 2013). Scholars point to the need for holistic community partnerships in new immigrant destinations where multiple services are offered in one location making them accessible and familiar (Held et al., 2018; Negi et al., 2018). This would also ease the workload and financial burden on some providers, and it could strengthen community ties. Partnerships are particularly important, as deportation threats can lead to community fragmentation; cultivating a sense of inclusion can bridge some of the mistrust between social services and community members. The presence of social workers in these spaces can also mediate relationships between families and different stakeholders including law enforcement, educational institutions, and employers (Gamble and Weil, 2010). However, social workers should maintain an analytical eye for harmful partnerships established within their community, such as a collaboration between ICE and local law enforcement.
Notably, there is a smaller pool of social workers in policy arenas, yet policy decisions often dictate the fate of many immigrants. Hatzenbuehler et al.’s (2017) study of state-level policy as a mental health determinant in Latinx immigrant communities found that adverse mental health outcomes were seen more regularly in states with heavier discriminatory or exclusionary policies, supporting the notion that there is a connection between state-sanctioned stigma and distress among Latinxs. Because immigration status serves as a deterrent to service eligibility and is used intentionally to criminalize and exclude unauthorized immigrants, social workers and allied professionals should engage in policy work that promotes social justice-oriented initiatives. Besides advocating for immigration reform, social workers are also mandated to be well-versed in local policy changes as they affect clients and communities, including advocacy efforts around basic needs such as driver’s licenses. In addition to educating themselves, social workers should strive to empower mixed-status families by providing them with accessible information to their rights irrespective of immigration status. Protection of these rights include but are not limited to anti-discriminatory and socially just employment and law enforcement practices. Although the climate often discourages engagement, it is ever more important to place policy advocacy at the forefront of the social work profession with participation from the community.
It is during this time when all levels of social work ought to be utilized for systems level change. On the micro-systemic level, social workers can serve as case managers or mental health professionals to attenuate some of the everyday hardships experienced by this community. On the meso-systemic level, social workers can tap into their community organizing and coalition-building skills. Lastly, on the macro-systemic level, social workers can aid with pro-immigrant rights legislation. Most importantly, the social work profession must abide by their commitment to stress the importance of the inherent dignity and human worth of every person throughout the process.
Limitations and future directions
Although findings reveal noteworthy perspectives from participants, this study carries limitations. The qualitative-driven data gathered through interviews could be strengthened with observational collection methods or quantitative data such as large-scale surveys. Furthermore, there is a need for direct interviews with children to assess the impact of deportation threats on their well-being. Children’s voices are of utmost importance, as they endure many challenges in light of the persecution experienced by their families, yet most studies convey information provided solely by unauthorized immigrant parents. Taking into account the ethical considerations of such an approach, the contribution to this body of research would be greatly strengthened with the inclusion of children’s stories. In addition, the small sample size and location in a new immigrant destination in the Midwest limits the study’s generalizability, though that was not a goal of the present research.
Future work in this area could continue exploring avenues of empowerment from which mixed-status families cultivate resilience during this trying sociopolitical climate. Although the environment and lack of authorized status substantially contribute to unauthorized immigrants’ hardship, social workers and other academics must utilize a strengths-based focus to assess supportive mechanisms that can mitigate the negative impacts. One such area, for example, is civic engagement and participation from the affected community. Working alongside marginalized communities to understand what drives them will be useful for all, as we seek to establish adequate systems of social and human capital. There is also a need for longitudinal research to assess the extent to which deportation threat affects children’s long-term development in light of the Family Stress Model, as well as more information on positive coping strategies within mixed-status families that result in prosocial behavior for children.
Conclusion
It is essential for academics and practitioners in contact with mixed-status families to be aware of the unique challenges faced by the community. The complex relationship between immigration status, lower socioeconomic status, and the anti-immigrant sociopolitical climate can be overwhelming for unauthorized individuals as employees and members of U.S. society, but perhaps most importantly as parents. Just as economic insecurity hinders parental capabilities and familial functioning, the threat of deportation adjusts parenting practices according to a fear of family separation and uncertainty that pervades their everyday lives. Whether living in heavily immigrant populated areas or new immigrant destinations, unauthorized immigrants are directly impacted by widespread xenophobic rhetoric and discriminatory policies. As the profession of social work continues to grow, it is imperative that social workers reach out to these communities, while practicing cultural humility, to advocate for and center the needs of these individuals that are often excluded from policy decisions.
Supplemental Material
sj-pdf-1-qsw-10.1177_14733250211014578 - Supplemental material for Latinx immigrants raising children in the land of the free: Parenting in the context of persecution and fear
Supplemental material, sj-pdf-1-qsw-10.1177_14733250211014578 for Latinx immigrants raising children in the land of the free: Parenting in the context of persecution and fear by Fernanda Lima Cross, Deborah Rivas-Drake and Jasmin Aramburu in Qualitative Social Work
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
References
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