The Rebirth: Can We Live?

Introduction

Professor Derrick Bell was a legal scholar and is considered by many to be the founder of critical race theory (CRT). This framework underscores the socially constructed nature of race and acknowledges the permanence of racism (Bell, 1980; Parker, 2003). Racism is evident in every facet of life for people of color, including public education (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Scholars, particularly those of color, utilize CRT to transform their realities (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). Likewise, this case study acknowledges the systemic nature of racism, its presence in the nation’s public schools, and its aim to disenfranchise people of color. Furthermore, it is intended to make this reality palpable to aspiring school leaders and to thwart color-blind school leadership that discounts race and refutes racism (Davis, Gooden, & Micheaux, 2015).

This case study uses select tenets of CRT and was inspired by Professor Bell’s (1987) controversial narrative, “The Right to Decolonize Black Minds.” In this tale, Black people in the United States become self-reliant after the discovery of “Slave Scrolls” that teach them how to survive and prosper under oppression. In the text, Bell reminds readers,

The Chronicle is not suggesting that black people need to be taught how to succeed, but reminds us that they have learned very early that too much success in competition with whites for things that really matter like money and power threatens black survival . . . The teachings in the Slave Scrolls cause black people to forget their basic lesson of survival through self-subordination, but their resulting success leads to a life-threatening reaction by whites that makes it necessary for blacks to relearn that lesson the hard way. (p. 223)

The following narrative should be read with an open mind, a sense of the supernatural, and the possibility of the extraordinary.

The Narrative

Nathaniel Stone is a middle-aged White male and the principal of Lakeshore Community High School (LCHS): a suburban high school near a major urban city in the Midwest region of the United States. LCHS is a public secondary school that has about 1,000 students. Seventy-five percent are White, 15% are Black, 5% are Hispanic, 3% are Asian, and 2% identify as multiracial. The student–teacher ratio is 15:1, and the teaching staff is 90% White. Many of the students of color who attend Lakeshore are bussed due to Court-ordered desegregation efforts. It should be noted that there are a handful Black students who live in the surrounding school community and are not bussed. They are, however, often mistaken for “bussed kids.”

At LCHS, three out of four Black and Hispanic students struggle academically, and racism is palpable. Black and Hispanic parents regularly complain about the disproportionate amount of disciplinary referrals their children receive and race-based teacher practices. These practices include the exclusion of Black and Hispanic students in honors and advanced placement courses, an overemphasis of athletics over academics at it relates to students of color, subtle tracking of Black and Hispanic males into programs that encourage careers instead of college readiness, and deficit language aimed at Black girls. Many of these accusations are handled in the usual way—a town hall meeting, a guest speaker, and promises to change the culture of the school. Unfortunately, no real structural changes have ever occurred at Lakeshore as a result of these remedies.

The school’s principal, Mr. Stone, has an interesting background. Unlike many of the White people who live in Lakeshore, he grew up knowing poverty. He was the first person in his family to attend college and worked two jobs for most of his youth. Nathaniel saw academics as the only way to improve his life chances. So, he worked hard to put himself through college and excelled. Moreover, he became a teacher because he wanted to inspire others in similar life circumstances. He taught mathematics for 5 years in a local elementary school, earned his master’s degree in educational leadership, and went on to become an assistant principal at a neighboring middle school. After a successful 4-year tenure, an opportunity to become principal of Lakeshore became available. The school board, in search of a new direction, chose Mr. Stone and he was ecstatic. He was a principal for only 2 years when “The Rebirth” arrived at LCHS.

The Rebirth

The Rebirth began as an underground movement, entrenched in Black and Hispanic music and culture: It was strong, it was proud, and it celebrated Black and Hispanic people. Initially, it was sparsely viewed on the Internet and whispered in the corners of urban communities. In time, groups of college students in schools across the nation began listening to the music as they enjoyed its positive messages, quality beats, and innovative lyrical delivery. After some time, adolescent students, especially those who lived in large to midsized urban cities, began to absorb this new music and accompanying lifestyle. The music was mostly Hip-Hop mixed with a little Rhythm & Blues and Salsa, not much different from what was receiving mainstream airplay. The critical difference, however, was the messages it relayed.

The music that defined The Rebirth contained messages of self-determination, academic achievement, fiscal empowerment, social responsibility, and critical analysis. At the same time, The Rebirth grew to be more than music; literary, visual, and performing arts were created by Black and Hispanic youth that equally complemented the movement. Within 3 years, music videos, movies, and literature began to reiterate the same positive imagery and messages. These things all seemed to speak directly to Black and Hispanic youth, and they consumed it vigorously. The proliferation of The Rebirth—its large-scale acceptance and positive counteracts could only be explained as supernatural—some dare say magical . . . 5 years after its inception and to the surprise of many (and dismay of some) Black and Hispanic students throughout the country formally at the bottom of most academic and social indicators started to make enormous gains.

At LCHS, Black and Hispanic students began to change as well. To explain, 2 years after Mr. Stone’s arrival at Lakeshore, Black and Hispanic students improved their grades seemingly overnight and were rarely seen, if at all, in the dean’s office for disciplinary infractions. In addition, their standardized test scores started to equal their White peers, and the students who were athletes became true scholar-athletes and better-balanced sports with their studies. Near the end of the fall semester as Mr. Stone reviewed the disciplinary referrals, suspensions, and demerits, he noted a difference: White students now outpaced Black and Hispanic students in discipline data. Although the previously cited changes were quite remarkable, they were not as well received in the school community as one might imagine. For this kind of change was not only academic, but it also transformed social norms. In fact, these new trends reversed a long-standing reality, which shifted the social position of White students. They were now the problem.

At the same time, Lakeshore’s Black and Hispanic students began to critique instances of poor teaching and biased grading, perceived disrespect from their White peers, and any hint of racism from administrators. They were determined to have a truly equitable educational experience at LCHS. Now, when they brought a complaint to Mr. Stone, it was well-documented, contained eyewitness testimony, and, in some cases, video footage. This was a far cry from the days when a student of color would make a wild claim about racism with no evidence to support it. Because of The Rebirth, Mr. Stone was mandated to respond to student complaints with a thorough investigation. He would work with his assistant principals to speak to all parties involved in the respective incident, record facts and times, and carefully review all relevant evidence (discipline referrals, student papers, eyewitness accounts, and video footage). Oftentimes, the end result would require him to discipline faculty members, reprimand staff and office personnel, and engage in litigious conversations with influential White families in the community. It all came to a head when the all-White school board voted to end the bussing program on the advice of the district’s legal counsel.

Interestingly, Mr. Stone never really considered himself to be a “social justice leader.” He simply felt that all children should receive a fair and sound public education. The events associated with The Rebirth made him start to really consider the ways in which students of color were positioned in the nation’s public schools. He could not stop thinking about questions like, why were so many Black girls disciplined more frequently and severely than all other girls and most boys? Why were so few Black and Hispanic students placed in honors and advanced placement courses? Why were the concerns of students of color oftentimes ignored, minimized, and deflected? How is power maintained in society-at-large? Why do people of color, in comparison with White people, identify inequities centered on race and power more easily? Mr. Stone started to recognize the critical role of school leaders in the struggle for educational equity and improved life chances for Black and Hispanic youth. And, although he was not what he considered to be a “social justice leader,” his recent actions told another story.

The Rebirth was causing a reactionary response as seen in the backlash against affirmative action, school desegregation, and diversity programs throughout the country. The Black and Hispanic students at LCHS predicted the school board’s stance on bussing and were well organized in their retort. They quickly countered board’s actions to end the bussing program with a prepared statement that they shared with media outlets. They also planned a sit-in, several protests, and a rally, which were to be covered by a prominent TV network. Mr. Stone was in a difficult position as his conscience told him that these students had valid arguments for the school’s continuation of the bussing program and not only the moral high ground but probably the legal high ground as well. As he pondered his next move, he received a phone call from the mayor’s office inviting him to a meeting in the city and urging him to be discrete.

The Meeting

The meeting was held in a colossal executive office building downtown. The meeting room was spacious with a large conference table and an equally large monitor for video conferencing purposes. The attendees at this private meeting were K-20 school leaders, the deputy mayor, local politicians, prominent businessmen, and several state-level officials. This group was indeed a collection of the most powerful and influential people in the region. It was implied that although certain leaders could not be there in person, they sent key representatives, as they were very interested in the end result. The deputy mayor and a local CEO of a prominent business in the city led the discussion. Mr. Stone noticed that there were no people of color at the table or anywhere near this meeting.

The CEO opened the meeting with an expression of gratitude for all who attended and then made a bold declaration that the meeting that was about to happen, never happened. Immediately, Mr. Stone had a bad feeling in his stomach, as he knew where this was headed. Next, the monitor came on showing a video feed that displayed the Capital Building as its background. The person on the screen was obviously some kind of government official, but he never disclosed his affiliation, position, or rank. He was only referred to as Mr. Smith. He opened the discussion by explaining how The Rebirth was spreading all over the country. The movement was now becoming a faction that encompassed a harsh critique of the U.S. public school system, local government, class status, and foreign policy. Mr. Stone knew that the people assembled in the room meant to stop The Rebirth with whatever means they had at their disposal. To add more complexity to the situation, Mr. Smith was obviously Black, although he might self-identify as multiracial. When the time came for an open discussion, someone questioned his loyalty to the mission he just proposed as he was a person of color. Mr. Smith replied that some causes are bigger than race and that the entire U.S. democracy and way of life could be at stake.

Generally, people around the table agreed with Mr. Smith. Someone from higher education stated that The Rebirth could be a good thing as students of color were now increasing their college attendance. The deputy mayor challenged this finding by noting that their acceptance may be at the expense of White students. Mr. Smith elaborated, explaining that if something was not done soon, what they knew as the underclass would gradually rise up and take over the country from the inside. He then discussed the new pipeline that many Black and Hispanic youth around the country were beginning to put into motion: a successful K-12 education—to college/university—to good paying job—to critical citizen/voter—to change agent. He warned that this would continue on a monumental scale if they were not speedy and deliberate in their (re)actions. Many business leaders in the room agreed with Mr. Smith’s rationale. Moreover, they felt that their participation in The Rebirth’s fall was about economics (money and power) and not necessarily Black and White, right and wrong. Then, everyone around the table talked about the impact of The Rebirth in their community. Mr. Stone began to see how Mr. Smith’s prediction might actually be true. Young people of color were committing fewer crimes, eating better, studying hard, getting into college, starting businesses, and becoming politically active. During the group’s conversation, Mr. Smith cited a recent example of the movement’s power wherein a group consisting of former gang members formed a company called “Make America Black Again” and created a website centered on Black nationalism and community activism. This new network is considered by many insiders to be the next Facebook.

Throughout the discussion, Mr. Smith reiterated that this meeting was not about race but about power and their collective future. The health care administrator reminded everyone at the table that people of color were demographically on their way to no longer being a minority in this country. A lawyer interjected that if a large number of Rebirth-influenced youth were successful over the next 7 to 10 years their impact would change the world as they now know it. Black and Hispanic people could very well seize control of industry, technology, and political positions. Mr. Stone could not believe his ears—The meeting was unreal. When he finally spoke, he talked about the controversy at his school as well the academic gains of Black and Hispanic students, which he had to admit, was refreshing. No one around the table was swayed. An older business leader at the table claimed that diversity was a good thing, but only in controlled phases. This much change, too fast, would be uncontrollable he further argued, and that was the unsetting part of the movement, the lack of control. Mr. Smith then began talking about ways to dismantle and undermine The Rebirth. He noted that although he could use the help of everyone at the table, the movement was going to fail, one way or another. Mr. Stone was in a daze for the rest of the meeting, but he heard something about legal challenges, the banning of certain artists, the manipulation of fear via public officials, an aggressive race-based attack campaign in the media, and the casting of certain Rebirth leaders as un-American because of their critique of systemic disparities.

Conclusion

Last, Mr. Smith explained that their researchers concluded that with intense pressure while The Rebirth would probably not die entirely, it would be lessened substantially. Moreover, the pressure would place enough doubt in the minds of Black and Hispanic youth that it would compel them to reject the positive messages promoted by the movement. Mr. Stone recognized the divide and conquer tactic. The monitor began to fade, and Mr. Smith thanked everyone and signed off. The organizers reassured everyone around the table that there were enough resources, people, and will to dismantle The Rebirth and that it would definitely happen. They then asked whether everyone was in agreement. Mr. Stone was still in a daze. He then heard someone say loudly, “Mr. Stone!” Nathaniel then woke up in his own bed in a cold sweat. It was all a dream . . . or was it?

Teaching Notes

Racism is systemic. As an ideology, it is material and ultimately consequential. As a practice, it is exemplified in the nation’s founding charter and in public schools throughout the United States (Bonilla-Silva, 2015; Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 1954; Parents Involved in Community Schools v. Seattle School District No. 1, 2007; Roberts v. Boston, 1850; U.S. Const. art. I, § 2). According to Beachum (2012), CRT is,

A framework that attempts to provide unique ways to examine, analyze, and explain the roles, rules, and recognition of race and racism in society. It has its origins in law as a response to critical legal studies (CLS). Critical race theory views racism as a natural aspect of everyday life in the United States, thus permeating everything from academic disciplines to legal decisions to the modern workplace. (p. 907)

CRT (see Table 1) presupposes educational policies and practices as inequitable and unjust in regard to students of color as historical, social, and political realities posit the normalization of inequitable, unjust, and racist practices (Bell, 1980, 1987; Zamudio, Russell, Rios, & Bridgeman, 2011).

OPEN IN VIEWER

Table 1.

Basic Tenets of CRT.

CRT tenet	Definition	Source
Interest convergence	The interest of other racial groups will only be accommodated when it converges with the interests of Whites.	Bell (1980)
Legal storytelling	Counter narratives that frame an experience or policy outcome that is contradictory to the master narrative.	Delgado and Stefancic (2001)
Ordinariness	Racism is systemic and deeply embedded in American life.	Bell (1980)
Whiteness as property	A type of racial identity delineated by the framers and intended to safeguard White wealth and privilege.	Bell (1987)

Note. CRT = critical race theory.

CRT helps to explain lingering educational challenges such as microaggressions and low expectations placed on students of color (Milner, 2010; Villegas & Lucas, 2002), resegregation and underfunding (Tatum, 2007), and the overrepresentation and misplacement of students of color in special education programs (Harry & Klingner, 2014). Interestingly, despite the prevalence of race-based outcomes in the places that we call schools, race and racism are seldom mentioned in educational leadership preparation programs in explicit ways (Gooden & Dantley, 2012; Watson & Rivera-McCutchen, 2016). Moreover, Davis et al. (2015) conducted a CRT analysis of the educational leadership standards drafted by the Interstate School Leaders Licensure Consortium (ISLLC) and the Educational Leaders Constituent Council (ELCC) and found them to be void of the words “race, ethnicity, and culture” (p. 355). These practices serve to promote color-blind school leadership that perpetuates the status quo. As a remedy, we proffered this case study.

Although the above chronicle may be shocking to some readers, the late Derrick Bell regularly utilized fictional narratives to grab people’s attention and to provide context coupled with racial analyses for complex situations. The use of a chronicle in this case study allows us to more poignantly address the realities of what could happen if Black and Hispanic students were to suddenly become successful on a large scale. It illuminates the ways in which the success of certain groups of people could be based on the failure of other groups of people. In this light, CRT is a useful tool to remove the blinders of meritocracy, neutrality, incremental change, and false hope. Last, the following questions may be used to counteract color-blind school leadership: