The context of children in Yoruba popular culture

Introduction

The Yoruba are a major ethnic group in West Africa. They are principally domiciled in Nigeria and Benin, and partly in Togo and Côte d’Ivoire (Omobowale, 2008). Early Yoruba cultural civilisation dates back to 1000 BC, and it is traced on the one hand to Ile-Ife in present day Osun State, Nigeria (Atanda, 1980, 1996; Ojuade, 1992; Adepegba, 1986). On the other hand, Yoruba political ascendancy is traced to the military and political dominance of the Oyo Empire under the Alaafin of Oyo. The Alaafin had control over a vast expanse of a geographic area covering present-day Western (including Benin kingdom) and North-Central Nigeria and the West African coast between 16th and the 19th centuries (Akinjogbin, 1966; Ogundiran, 2009). The Yoruba culture is a repository of traditions, norms, values and social thought which structure social relations and actions according to indigenous value systems despite the over 100 years of colonisation induced modernity (Laitin, 1986; Okùnoye, 2010). A significant aspect of Yoruba popular culture propagated through proverbs and songs as well as everyday taken-for-granted interactions accentuates the value of children (Makinde, 2004; Orie, 2011). The Yoruba describe children as the heritage of the society, the harbinger of the future and the sustainer of the society, who must be cared for and adequately socialised to ensure societal continuity (Akinyemi, 2003; Ogunnaike and Houser, 2002). That value of children is conveyed through popular culture, with roots in the past and still very relevant and used in contemporary times. This study, therefore, examines children in Yoruba popular culture by (1) probing character formation through socialisation, (2) exploring the value of children and (3) discussing child wellbeing and education in Yoruba popular culture.

The discourse of popular culture has gained a strategic space in the humanities scholarship especially as from the 1980s. It initially started with the discussion of the distinction between high culture (Victorian or elite culture) and the culture of the masses (popular culture) (Haselstein et al., 2001, Mukerji and Schudson, 1986). Since then, popular culture has been recognised as a significant paradigm in the understanding of peoples (de Groot, 2016; Parker, 2011). Popular culture encompasses seemingly mundane aspects of social life including popular music, mass religions, indigenous and oral poetry and other cultural traits that are more common with mass populations. Scholarly focus on popular culture is not unconnected to the fact that elite culture, in practice and spread is not necessarily dominant among the mass population (de Groot, 2016; Storch, 2016). Popular culture has a strategic space both in historical and contemporary realities of a society (Parker, 2011; Storch, 2016). Most research on popular culture has been limited to popular music, religion, lifestyles, fashion and aesthetics (see, for example, Klein, 2012; Levine, 1990; Mantie, 2013; Storch, 2016; Wertheimer, 2006). Beyond these mentioned aspects of culture, popular culture permeates every aspect of human life and social relations. Particularly in the aspects of socialisation, child well being and the value placed on children, indigenous cultures possess a vast gamut of popular cultural processes. This is not to say that there is a dearth of research in child studies in and on Nigeria, especially in the humanities. Of course, there are, but most have focused on areas such as child rights, vulnerability, health and underage or child work, without a particular focus on children in popular culture (see, for example, Asakitikpi, 2016; Desmond et al., 2013; Olutayo, 1994; Omorodion, 2009; Togunde and Richardson, 2006; Toyo, 2006). This is a considerable lacuna, which this article addresses with a focus on children in Yoruba popular culture.

Popular culture is somewhat the voice of the subaltern, but it is propagated through interpersonal relations, the mass media and in contemporary times through the information and communication technology (ICT) (Parker, 2011). Popular culture captures the ‘suppressed’ culture with extensive patronage. It is widely practised among subcultures, groups and societies, and it communicates the values of its practitioners. Parker (2011: 169–170) posits that popular culture is ‘… the unauthorized utterance, the voice of the subaltern … This is a world of face-to-face meetings … but also increasingly one of unauthorized means of communication, often small-scale but potentially unlimited’. Popular culture may threaten the comfort zone of the dominant class, it may also not be institutionally acceptable, and it could be a culture of the ‘downtrodden and outcast’. It is, however, widely practised covertly or overtly, and it is mainly communicated and shared among the initiated. Some works have discussed popular culture among the Yoruba.

For example, Omobowale et al. (2017) examines the vulgar popular music of St. Janet and Baddo, Haynes (2003) discussed Gbenga Adewusi’s use of popular culture in Yoruba movie industry to campaign and mobilise the citizenry against military rule in Nigeria while Okunoye (2011) presents Lanrewaju Adepoju’s use of Ewi (oral poetry) released from the 1970s as records, cassettes and CDs to raise Yoruba consciousness about Nigerian politics (see also Akinyemi, 2007; Alabi, 2013; Haynes, 1995, 2006; Labinjoh, 1982; Nolte, 2009; Omojola, 2009; Saleh-Hanna, 2008). As seen so far, most works on popular culture in Nigeria are limited to music and drama about sexuality as well as politics. Once again, this research examines children in Yoruba popular culture. The next section discusses the ethnography of children among the Yoruba, while the third section presents the methodology. The fourth, fifth and sixth sections examine the socialisation process and character formation, the value of children and child wellbeing and education, respectively, and finally, the seventh section concludes the article.

The ethnography of children among the Yoruba

Children occupy a strategic space among the Yoruba. Children are critical for societal continuity, but such children must be properly socialised, and be psychologically and economically equipped to responsibly function within the society (Akinyemi, 2003; Awoniyi, 1975). As much as it is honourable to have children (omo niyi aye), the Yoruba also say,Omo beere, osi beere (too many children leads to impoverishment) and that omo ti a o ko, ni yoo gbe ile ti a ko ta (a child not adequately socialised would sell off or waste the family investment). To ensure a child is raised to become responsible, the Yoruba indigenous value system specifies that the immediate family environment led by parents or guardians must adequately socialise children in the indigenous norms and values because oto l’eko iwe; oto l’eko ile (modern education is different from normative education). Modern or Western education may bring about success, but normative training would ensure a responsible citizen and the sustenance of earned success.

Among the Yoruba, children are no doubt appreciated, and a childless marital relationship is often a source of concern for couples, and it may result in separation, divorce or extra-marital affairs by both parties (Hollos and Whitehouse, 2014; Imam-Tamim et al., 2016; Oyefara, 2017). The Yoruba state that eni w’aye ti ko bi’mo; d’abi ejo to rin l’ori apata ti a ko le ri ipase re (a childless person is like a snake that crawls on a rock, whose path cannot be seen). Children are like generational indicators that continue to establish and accentuate a family path, history and pedigree. In a situation of childlessness, the female partner is more affected because childbirth certifies a woman’s position in both her nuclear family and among her in-laws and ensures she has a stake in her home. It is important to note that despite modernity and the popularity of contemporary Pentecostalism values that preach the primacy of monogamy and the importance of the nucleated family system in order to protect the position of the wife irrespective of the challenging circumstances that a couple may be facing, the essentiality of having children in society as to secure the position of the wife remains a reality in many families (Akanle and Adeogun, 2014; Omobowale and Oyelade, 2017; Oyelade and Omobowale 2015).

Parents are normatively expected to take the birth, good health, welfare and success of their children of primary importance, while the children are deemed most valuable at parents’ old age. Christian missionaries introduced Western education to Yorubaland by about 1850. Moreover, due to the free education policy of the premier of the Western region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo in the 1950s, by Nigeria’s independence in 1960, the value of child education was culturally normative (Adebanwi, 2008). Parents who are unable to put their children in school for financial challenges opt to have their kids to be in foster care with relatives and other willing guardians with the expectation that such children would help with house chores while the guardians take on their educational responsibilities. Some other poor parents keep their children under their care but make them perform some after-school paid labour so that they could learn competitive earnings and survive at least at the fringes in Nigeria’s contemporary liberal economy and also financially help-out at home.

Despite the financial challenges that may put children in foster care and paid labour early in life, the need for formal education is paramount. Access to Western education may secure a child’s economic future and at least put him or her in the league of the educated elite. It is also expected that as parents age, children assume the responsibility for their welfare. Nigeria lacks a social welfare system. Public service retirees are often not paid retirement benefits for prolonged periods of time (Ogunkunle, 2013). Those who did basic jobs with poor incomes at the informal sector face possible drop into abject poverty at old age for lack of retirement benefits. Here, children who have acquired skills through formal education or vocation and are earning income are expected to give back to their parents at old age by catering for their needs, housing them and possibly provide luxuries. In short, the circle of existence is that parents care for their children when they are young (or have others do the job of fostering), socialise children to be responsible citizens and at old age, children give back to parents by caring for them financially and emotionally, are responsible for their healthcare and at death, give the parents a honourable funeral because eni omo sin lo bi’mo (a person that his or her child buries, is the one who had a child).

Methodology

Popular culture uniquely presents the context of particular cultural traits. Popular culture is captured in popular music, practices, indigenous songs and proverbial thoughts of a local population (de Groot, 2016; Omobowale, 2008; Omobowale et al., 2017). In order to understand a particular popular culture, it is essential to model the methodology on the elements of the popular culture within a focused local population. The data collected were qualitative, and they were primarily sourced from aspects of Yoruba popular culture such as proverbs and songs on children. Popular culture provides a dataset with deep contextual relevance in the understanding of indigenous peoples (Arias and Campo, 2009; Omobowale, 2008, 2014; Omobowale et al., 2017; Omomoyela, 2005). The Yoruba popular culture analysed were proverbial thoughts and indigenous songs on children as well as contemporary popular music on children, particularly those sung by Christy Essien Igbokwe, Funmi Adams, Prince Adekunle, King Sunny Ade and Princess Bunmi Olajubu who utilised aspects of Yoruba popular culture to produce popular music between 1970s and 1990s, and remain very relevant. The songs of these artists are the dominant popular music on children, and they remain evergreen especially among the Yoruba of Nigeria (Adebayo, 2017; Ajewole, 2015). Data were thematically contextually analysed to reflect their emphasis on character formation, the importance of children beyond wealth and child wellbeing and education.

Character formation: making the Omoluabi

The Yoruba consider character formation of a child as a significant function of the family of orientation and the immediate environment in the social development of the child (Akinyemi, 2003; Awoniyi, 1975). The primary concern here is to make an omoluabi out of a child. Omoluabi translates to a responsible person (Busari et al., 2017, Dauda, 2017; Omobowale, 2008). A responsible child is such who respects and honours parents and other elders and internalises normative values and conforms to same in actions and interactions. The essence of the omoluabi value is emphasised in taken-for-granted everyday-interactions within the family system and the society. Diverse proverbs, indigenous songs and popular music are relayed to highlight the value of the omoluabi. For example, a Yoruba proverb states thus, Ki eru mo ara re l’eru; ki iwofa mo ara re ni’wofa; ki omoluabi mo ara re l’eru Olorun (the slave should know himself/herself as a slave; the pawn should know he or she is a pawn; and a responsible person should know that he or she is a servant of God) (see Omomoyela, 2005: 74, 406). This proverb emphasises the importance of noble character. By implication, it views all who lack noble character or are considered irresponsible as of little social value. A responsible person is a servant or a child of God and considered superior to all others irrespective of their socio-economic statuses (Omomoyela, 2005). The Yoruba views God as the Olodumare (Omniscience or the all-knowing and graceful God). A servant or a child of the Olodumare is above all slaves and pawns and receives the best benevolence. Hence, a child is socialised to be an omoluabi to receive God’s favours in the midst of the challenges the local environment poses to survival. This is summarised succinctly thus, aanu Oluwa wa pelu omo to gbonran (the Lord’s favour/mercy is upon the obedient child).

Also, another proverb says, A tii kekere s’eru, m’oyi omoluabi (a slave does not appreciate the value of being a responsible person) (see Omowoyela, 2005: 363, 3684). This proverb indicates that a slave cannot appreciate the value of a responsible person. Slaves were socialised to function to satisfy the dictates of the master and do the master’s biddings always while a freeborn is socialised to be responsible and noble. A slave could not appreciate the full essence of being free, noble and respected in society. Such respect, however, comes only by acting and following normative values and not just by noble birth or being freeborn. Hence, a freeborn, who acted irresponsibly, would be castigated as acting as a slave. Furthermore, a child is socialised to respect and honour his or her parents. One of the most common indigenous songs which emphasises this says, Omo to m’oya re l’oju o, osi yoo ta’ mo na pa, iya to j’iya po l’ori re, baba to j’iya po lo ri re, omo to mo baba re l’oju o, osi yoo ta’mo na pa (a child who disrespects his or her mother would be impoverished, your mother suffered so much on you, your father suffered so much on you, a child who disrespects his or her father would be impoverished).

This indigenous song stipulates respect to parents at the pain of impoverishment. The first stage in the process of becoming an omoluabi or responsible being is at home, respecting parents and being obedient to normative values laid out within the home environment, following the social expectation of the larger society. The indigenous popular culture preaches that whoever fails to honour his or her parents cannot evolve omoluabi values and of course would become dysfunctional in the larger society and be impoverished. This philosophy is captured in Christy Essien Igbokwe’s (1981) Omo mi seun rere (my child, be responsible) track released in the album Ever Liked my Person? The song was an instant hit when it was released, and it remains popular till contemporary times especially in Southwestern Nigeria. Christy Essien Igbokwe utilised western musical instruments to present a significant value of Yoruba culture emphasising the importance of child socialisation to become an omoluabi. It relays a parent’s admonition to a child to act responsibly because a child’s misbehaviour is usually attributed to the shortcomings of the parents and that proper socialisation would guide a child in the noble path. Simply put, child socialisation is of primary importance in Yoruba culture, and the need to socially construct a responsible child is the responsibility of the parents and guardians. In the process of building a responsible child, the prevailing popular culture describes children as more valuable than material wealth as the next section shows.

Children, beyond material success

The social importance attached to children among the Yoruba cannot be overemphasised. The social value and importance of children with foundations in pre-colonial cultural values remain sacrosanct even in modern times (Babatunde and Setiloane, 2014). Most significant is the social construction on the superiority of children over wealth, which this section discusses. Even, success or wealth, without children among the Yoruba, is either incomplete or devalued. This section discusses the importance of children beyond material success, with inferences drawn from Yoruba popular culture to reveal the values attached to children. Aghajanian (1988) rightly notes that societies value children relative to their cultures. In African societies, children may secure a couple’s marriage, and the right of property and inheritance, provide social security and maintain family lineage among other factors (Dyer, 2007; Hoffman and Hoffman, 1973). These African values are generally codified in proverbs and songs. These codifications in popular culture connote the fact that children are more important than wealth or material success.

The Yoruba culture places a high premium on children as the outcome of any marriage. Any successful marriage in Yoruba society must be fruitful. This is codified thus, Olomo lo l’oko. (A wife who has a child is the husband’s owner) and omo lere aye (children are the gains of life). The first proverb describes a woman without a child as insecure in her marriage and places the one with a child as the owner of a husband. This is, of course, a patriarchal position, but it accentuates the place of the child in marriage. Thus, having a child is a security for a woman in her husband’s house and a seal of her conjugal ties with her husband. The second proverb designates the social meanings and values that children add to one’s life. It places children at the apex of the gains and benefits an individual may attain in life. Furthermore, the Yoruba describe children in deeply contextual terms such as omoniyi (a child is an honour), omojowolo (a child is more significant than money) and omotoso (a child is an adornment) among others (Igbafen, 2017). These expressions are indications of the matchless importance of children compared to wealth among the Yoruba.

Similarly, many Yoruba songs and proverbs portray children as more valuable than wealth. Hence, wealth is of secondary value. Some of such proverbs and proverbial songs state that omo niyi, omo nide, omo l’aseinde to ba dale (Children are prestige, children are like brass, children take care of the house for parents in old age and after death.) and ‘ina ku, o feru boju; ogede ku, o fomo re ropo, ojo a ba ku, omo eni ni wo ‘le de ni (When fire is out, ashes replaces it; when the banana tree dies, it replenishes through the young ones; when one dies, it is the children who replace one’ (Olajubu, 2008: 279). Also, another one says, eniti o wa l’aye, ti ko bi’mo; ola olola lo ni (an unfruitful human possesses another person’s wealth) while yet another says, omo ni njogun ile, atan ni njogun oko (the children inherit the home, the dumpsite inherits the automobile). These songs and proverbs emphasise the primacy of children in Yoruba culture. Children assure generational continuity, children care for their parents when they are aged, children are heirs to family wealth and a conjugal union without heirs translates to a ‘total’ loss at the demise of the couple. Children carry on the family pedigree and legacy even when material wealth is unsustainable.

Despite Western and modernisation influences, these proverbs and proverbial songs as elements of popular culture reveal the social significance of children in Yoruba culture. The value of children in Yoruba culture has also been celebrated in popular music by popular Nigerian artistes such as General Prince Adekunle and King Sunny Ade. Prince Adekunle (1971) in an album titled Omo niyi, omo nide, delves into Yoruba proverbs to describe children as honourable, brass and heirs at the parents’ demise. He further defines children as the assurance of the continuity of the home and that they cannot be bought at the market like tubers of yam. Burrowing from Biblical scriptures, Adekunle describes children as arrows in the hands of a mighty warrior and says that one who has children will not be shamed (see Psalm 127:3–5, King James Version) and at the end, he prays for the infertile to have their children. Likewise, King Sunny Ade (circa 1986) emphasised that children are the word of honour, life heritage and pillars of the house of honour and distinction that must not be destroyed. He admonishes that children must be well taken care of. It is important to note that the children who would be honourable and carry on the family heritage are those whose welfare and wellbeing are taken care of by parents.

Child wellbeing and education

Children are potentially vulnerable unless taken care of by adult members of the society, particularly parents and guardians who provide their needs. The responsibility of caring for the need of children is, of course, relative across cultures (Eekelaar, 2004). Yoruba popular culture presents child wellbeing and education as the variables and processes that make a child whole. Child wellbeing starts with prayers at the moment a child is born: Oluwa a daasi, Oluwa a kaa kun wa (the Lord will keep him, the Lord will count him among us). This is a major prayer among the Yoruba because under-5 mortality is a social reality in Nigeria. Nigeria had high under-5 mortality rates of 128 deaths per 1000 live births between 1990 and 2015 (Morakinyo and Fagbamigbe, 2017, see also UNICEF, 2016). Hence, that a child may not survive beyond 5 years of age is a social reality emitting constant fears that are psychologically mitigated by prayers such as the ones above embedded in the local popular culture. Hence, nursing mothers also sing the song: Omo mi kokonlo, o kere tika tika, Edumare ba n busi, ko tobi lanti lanti bi omo oyinbo (my child is small and skinny, may God make him big like a White child). This is a song that prays that a young Yoruba child will be healthy and active like a North American or European child. It sees the Western child as representing the status of the ideal healthy child. Aside praying, elements of the popular culture also emphasise balanced diet, good hygiene and immunisation. Hence, a local song states, We ki o mo, ge kana re, jeun to dara l’asiko, ma jeun ju (take your bath and be clean, trim your finger nails, eat balanced diet and do not be gluttonous) while another one popularly sung in post-natal clinics states, karun karun ko ma wo’le wa, lo gbabere ajesara (prevent (infant) diseases with immunisation).

Particularly in the 1980s, artistes advanced the immunisation programme through popular music. For example, Funmi Adams was a notable artist whose music popularised the immunisation programme in the 1980s. In the song Mama (circa 1987/1988), she sings about a thankful child who appreciates his or her mother for all the care extended, who had him or her immunised for good health, for giving good education and for all the protection provided. It is important to note that the late 1980s to the 1990s were periods of severe economic depression in Nigeria when the structural adjustment programme resulted in mass pauperisation (Okome, 2013). With contending needs competing for the limited resources available to families, children were immediate victims. Funmi Adams’ popular music utilised elements of the popular culture to re-emphasise the primacy of child care, welfare and education irrespective of the debilitating socio-economic environment. In Omolasho (circa 1988/1989), Funmi Adams reproduces indigenous proverbs and songs that admonish parents to give the best to children, because they are parents’ adornments. The song reiterates that a person could have a retinue of servants and workers; it is a child that remains the heir to carry on the family heritage and investment at parents’ death.

A child who would take up the responsibility of advancing the family heritage in modern times must be socialised appropriately and must internalise social ethics, otherwise will become irresponsible, remain economically dependent at adulthood and possibly become an outclass. Hence, again in Omode (Circa 1989/1990), Funmi Adams admonishes children not to be troublesome, advises parents to care for children within the limits of their financial capability and that children must abstain from hard drugs which could lead to mental disorder and ruin their lives (see also Okafor, 1998; Okurame, 2004). Furthermore, contemporary Yoruba popular culture presents formal education as a significant determinant of upwards mobility and sustenance in the privileged class. A local popular saying is, omo to sa ni ile iwe a se ako bata f’egbe re (a truant would be the carrier of his or her colleagues’ shoes). Such is an example of excruciating humiliation that a person could experience in Yoruba culture. It simply emphasises the importance of education to prevent a restriction to the poor class. Hence, another local song says, Bata re a dun ko ko ka, to b aka we re, bata re a dun ko o ka (your shoes will make loud sounds if you are educated). The Yoruba consider education as the bedrock of success, without which the future of a child may be futile. Hence, Princess Bunmi Olajubu album (Circa 1989/1990), factored on the local song, and her album was an instant hit. Bunmi Olajubu’s version of the song reiterated the value of child education in the midst of the economic challenges of the late 1980s and 1990s, for child progress and development.

Conclusion

Yoruba popular culture present children of maximum value above material wealth and all achievement a person could have. However, a child that would be of such value must internalise omoluabi values that are pivotal in a responsible and honourable presentation of a social being. Aside from the internalisation of the omoluabi values, children must be cared for and be in a state of wellbeing and be educated. In essence, children are not necessarily valuable just by virtue of birth, but by socialisation, care and education. Despite Nigeria’s poor socio-economic environment, Yoruba popular culture emphasises child wellbeing and education. Parents must normatively ensure the education and social progress of their children at all costs, even through foster care by relatives. An untrained child, lacking in normative values is a potential decadent in the nearest future and such a child may not be socially valuable and would be a cause of social stigma to his or her immediate social environment.