Abstract
Are religious schools fit to prepare students with the social competencies required for life in a pluralistic society, or do they offer a sheltered school experience, which deprives them of adequate socialization opportunities? This question has emerged in public discourse in response to the growing presence of religious schools in many western democracies, including Australia, where their growth has been prolific in the past 30 years. In this article, the tensions around the place of religion within Australia’s education system and the adequacy of religious schools to prepare students to contribute to the nation’s social cohesion and pluralistic workplaces are investigated.
Keywords
Introduction
In contexts where freedom of religious expression is viewed as a fundamental human right, governments must weigh the rights of parents to immerse their children in an education program that aligns with their religious convictions and equitably provide a high-quality education for all children. In Australia, this tension has sometimes been referred to as ‘the religious difficulty’ (Maddox, 2014), and has been the source of considerable debate.
Successive Australian governments have established policies that have allowed for parental choice and fostered considerable growth in the number of religious- or faith-based schools. Whilst the growing presence of such schools has been widely acknowledged (Bonnor and Caro, 2007; Buckingham, 2010), concerns have been raised about implications for the social fabric of the nation (Maddox, 2015). Buckingham (2010: 16) contends that ‘most of the unease about the growth of religious schools stems from fears that they will undermine social stability and cohesion’. Such fears imply a claim that research has not yet comprehensively substantiated or challenged. In essence, the claim is that: Religious schools do not adequately equip their graduates with the competencies required to form relationships that bridge the social, cultural and religious differences that exist within Australia’s pluralistic society.
Australian schools and the ‘religious difficulty’
Foundational to the formation of Australia’s education system have been the principles of egalitarianism (Maddox, 2014) and equal opportunity for all. Those who have founded and shaped it have held the view that every child, irrespective of their family’s wealth, ethnicity, culture or religious beliefs, should have access to a quality education that equips them to take their place as an active and engaged citizen in society. This aim continues to be voiced in contemporary educational discourse (Bonnor and Caro, 2007; Maddox, 2015; Packer, 2013).
One challenge confronting modern Australian education are tensions surrounding the place of religious belief and expression in schools. The national conversation, both historically and in the current climate, has centred on how governments can provide an education that develops students in all areas of learning and is respectful of the diversity of religious beliefs and traditions of their families.
Some theorists and policy-makers address this challenge by separating religious belief and its expression from education and advocating a form of secularism that moves religion from public places like schools into the privacy of homes and churches (Byrne, 2013; Hill, 2004; Pike, 2004). This approach is reflected in Maddox’s (2014) summation of the history that has shaped the development of Australia’s schools. She writes that the founders concluded that: … classrooms would need to be secular, which meant keeping out any religious content, whether activities such as prayers or Bible readings or lesson materials such as ‘Scripture history’. (Maddox, 2014: 3682–3687)
This separation of religious belief from a young person’s education is sometimes deemed to be incomprehensible, particularly by many who either hold strongly to a religious worldview (Cooling et al., 2016; Edlin, 1999) or judge this form of secularism to be inconsistent with the practice of classical liberalism and the freedom of religious expression within a western democracy (Callan and White, 2003). Some who would challenge this view of secularism argue that religion and education cannot be so easily separated (Edlin, 1999; Hill, 2011; Hogg, 2012; Pike, 2004).
The rise of religious schools in Australia and the emerging concerns
It is widely acknowledged that in the past 30 years, Australia’s educational landscape has altered as a result of the growth in the non-government sector and the emergence of faith-based schools (Buckingham, 2010; Long, 1996; Maddox, 2015). In addition to the government/public, Catholic and Anglican schools that have historically provided educational services, many of the new schools have been established by church groups representing what have been termed Australia’s ‘minority faiths’, including Islamic, Baptist, Adventist and Assemblies of God (Buckingham, 2010).
Arguably, one of the consequences of this trend is a greater degree of religious segregation within the school population. Classrooms that once tended to reflect the diversity of Australia’s population may be becoming more homogenous (Maddox, 2011). One concern emerging in the literature in response to this prolific growth is the potential for the social cohesion of Australian society to be undermined (Bonnor and Caro, 2007; McGaw, 2007). It has been suggested that the immersion of young Australians in religious schools may impede their social and civic development, and it is feared that they may not develop the skills necessary to form relationships that promote democratic values and transcend religious, social and cultural differences (Klenowski, 2009; McGaw, 2006; Maddox, 2014). Some have argued that these skills are more effectively nurtured in non-religious or secular schooling environments (Gundara, 2008; Packer, 2013).
Bonding and bridging social capital
Within the national conversation around this issue of religious schools the concept of social capital and its various forms (bonding and bridging) have played a key role, having been introduced to many Australian educators by Barry McGaw (2006). McGaw, as cited by Bonnor and Caro (2007: 107), has suggested that: Given the growth of the non-government sector, we need specifically to consider whether that development, in the name of choice and, with government funding, in the name of fiscal fairness, has positive or negative effects on educational outcomes and on bridging social capital and, ultimately, social cohesion.
Putnam (2000) contends that bonding social capital is evident when high levels of trust (or thick trust) and norms of reciprocity characterize a relationship or relational network. He suggests that it is common for this to be evident when a social identity is shared (e.g. familial, cultural or religious). This form of social capital is viewed by some theorists as being critical to the well-being of the individual, and includes the familial, intimate and ‘close’ relationships within a person’s social context (Coleman, 1990).
Bridging social capital, in contrast, is formed when relationships are established with people who may not share a common social identity, and a lower level of trust (or thin trust) is present (Kawachi et al., 2004; Putnam, 2000). It is this capacity to ‘bridge’ that allows communities to thrive, because individuals can form relationships in the midst of social, cultural and religious diversity.
The national conversation
These concepts of bonding and bridging social capital have been adopted in recent years by McGaw (2008) and others as a means to frame a national conversation. When applying them to the growing presence of religious schools within Australia’s education sector, some theorists have asserted that students attending these schools may be embedded in a social context that is dense in bonding social capital, but devoid of opportunities to develop the social and civic competencies needed to form bridging social capital in the pluralistic world beyond the school (Bonnor and Caro, 2007; Dill, 2009; McGaw, 2008). Ken Boston, as cited by Wilson (2003: 26) states: Bridging refers to relations among people who initially may be strangers to each other; perhaps divided by culture, religion and most potently by the social and economic means at their disposal… Bridging is accomplished when children and young people learn that common principles, values, norms of justice and reasonable behaviour are the means for understanding different points of view and getting on well with each other. Learnt in public schools, these are the building blocks of trust so essential to a liberal society and economy. Public schools are the only universally accessible institutions available to accomplish and enhance such bridging as well as bonding, and to lay down the foundation for future reserves of trust, across classes, religions, suburbs and cultures.
Existing evidence to substantiate or challenge the claim
Whilst this claim concerning the fitness of religious schools to effectively socialize children is often made, there is a scarcity of empirical research to either substantiate or challenge it. Referring specifically to the Christian school sector in Australia, Long, as cited by Maddox (2014: 233), states ‘this sector has been the subject of very little research, and arguably of even less national discussion’. And on the international front, Lawton and Cairns (2005: 250), referring to religious or faith-based schools, write: The extent to which faith schools do offer significantly different models of education, both theoretical and practical, which are able to impact on individual pupil attainment or their spiritual, moral, social and cultural development, or on overall school outcomes, is for the most part untested. We need, therefore, to work towards developing an agenda for research into faith schools.
Methodology
In order to consider the veracity of the claim that religious schools in Australia do not adequately equip their graduates to form bridging social capital, a qualitative research design was adopted (Stake, 1995; Yin, 2009). Using a qualitative methodology provided the means to take a holistic view and to recognize that the impact of schooling in the area of social and civic development is complemented by other influences within the complex and multifaceted social ecology (Bronfenbrenner, 2005) that nurtures the formation of a child and young adult.
Whilst there are many forms of religious schools that could have been recruited, this study specifically targeted three evangelical Christian schools, or what Long (1996) refers to as themelic schools.
The schools recruited were all coeducational with enrolments exceeding 1000 students, and each was located in the outer suburbs of the state’s capital city and served communities within lower to middle socioeconomic areas.
Two features of the schools in the study that differentiated them from many other religious or church-based schools were: (i) their employment policies; and (ii) the ubiquitous influence of a Christian worldview or educational philosophy throughout their teaching and learning programs and practices. When employing staff, these schools discriminated on the basis of religious belief and insisted that all staff be members of a Christian church and hold to a Christian faith. They also expected their staff to integrate a Christian or biblical orthodoxy throughout their teaching and learning programs.
One of the features that differed across the three recruited schools was the enrolment policy and practice. Two of the schools were defined as ‘open’, welcoming enrolments from families irrespective of their religious beliefs and affiliations. In contrast, one of the schools, at the time of the study, operated a ‘closed’ policy where only families who were actively involved in a Christian church could enrol their children. This element of the study’s design provided the opportunity to consider whether the enrolment practices of a school had any impact on the formation of social and civic competencies.
To develop an understanding of the extent to which the students educated in these schools were able to form bridging social capital, the investigation focused predominantly on the workplace environments of 18 recent graduates, aged 17–19 years, who had been educated in the participating schools. In order to develop an understanding of the social dynamics of each of the graduates, the data were collected from not less than two, but wherever possible three, sources, which aimed to provide what Stake (1995) refers to as data-source triangulation. In addition to interviewing graduates, the reflections and insights of their parents and a workplace contact provided additional perspectives.
The inclusion of interviews with a contact from each graduate’s workplace was important, for two reasons. Firstly, it provided an opportunity for someone external to the family and school to make judgements about their capacity to form bridging social capital, and secondly, the workplace was viewed as a social context that was likely to be defined by religious, ethnic and socioeconomic diversity where the graduate’s relational engagement could be examined. One of the criteria applied during the recruitment process was that each graduate needed to be involved in a workplace that put them into contact with people from a variety of social, cultural and religious backgrounds. Many of the graduates involved were employed in cafes or retail stores, and it was contacts from within these contexts who were interviewed for the purposes of this study.
During the data collection phase, 50 semi-structured individual interviews were conducted. The number of interview questions varied between six when interviewing workplace contacts and eight or nine for parents and graduates; however, a series of probes was also pre-planned. The data generated from the individual interviews were supplemented with data from a document analysis process. The documents gathered included a small number of newsletters, posters and reports from the participating schools to help form a picture of the school environment. Samples of the questions asked can be found in Appendix 1.
It is important to recognize that the sample of graduates may not be representative of their broader cohort groups. This study relied on graduates volunteering their time to participate in an interview and agreeing to allow the researcher to interview their parent(s) and a workplace contact. It is conceivable that the magnitude of the commitment required and the voluntary nature of the design may have attracted graduates who were civically minded and socially confident. Further, these graduates were from one specific group of religious-based evangelical Christian schools. Therefore, it cannot be assumed that they are necessarily representative of the graduates from all forms of religious schools; however, through these in-depth conversations, insights have been gained that can broaden our knowledge of the impact that this form of schooling can have on the social and civic development of young Australians.
One of the challenges that had to be resolved during the design phase of the study was to establish the means through which judgements could be made about the graduates’ social and civic competence. In other studies, this has been considered by surveying graduates of religious schools and focusing, inter alia, on the extent to which they had been politically engaged or actively involved in community activities and volunteerism (Pennings et al., 2011). In the study described within this article, the central focus has been on gaining insights into the post-school relational dynamics of graduates, by drawing on the perspectives of parents and workplace contacts as well as graduates.
In addition to identifying the most appropriate data sources, a framework was needed to provide some common language around what was meant by the concept of social and civic competencies. In order to achieve this end, some research undertaken by the Curriculum Corporation (2003) became informative. Essentially, the social and civic values identified by the Curriculum Corporation’s researchers as constituting the foundation for social cohesion within a community were used as the basis for making judgements about the competence of the graduates recruited in this study. Those values included: honesty, respect, responsibility, social justice, excellence, care, and ‘inclusion and trust’.
Following each of the interviews, the recorded audio files were transcribed and, along with the documents that had been gathered, were analysed using NVivo software and the coding techniques recommended by Charmaz (2006). The major findings were identified by carefully analysing the statements made by participants and noting the key themes that were present in the data. Upon careful analysis, a number of key findings were generated, including some that related specifically to the claim being explored in this article.
Responding to the claim – the findings
The capacity to bridge
The findings of this study challenge the perceptions and claims found in the literature that assert that students who are educated in the evangelical Christian schools that form part of Australia’s education system may lack the social and civic competencies required to form relational connections in pluralistic social contexts (Bonnor and Caro, 2007; Buckingham, 2010; Dill, 2009; Maddox, 2014). It was evident in the data that all of the graduates involved had formed bridging social capital, as defined by Putnam (2000), within pluralistic social contexts, including their workplaces.
When the experiences of the graduates and the observations of parents and workplace contacts were considered within the study, it was clear that a few graduates did, at times, face challenges in these new post-school contexts, but they were able to develop bridging social capital by forming relationships with those who did not necessarily share their religious identity or worldview. For example, one workplace contact responded to a question about the graduate’s ability to form relationships that transcended cultural and religious differences by saying: ‘Absolutely! she can communicate with a whole range of varied people and beliefs.’ Another referred to a relationship that the graduate had formed with a colleague who lived an ‘alternative lifestyle’ and was older than her. This employer also noted that the graduate had developed a good working relationship and friendship with a colleague who identified as bisexual. Others spoke highly of the graduates’ interpersonal skills and commended their ability to work alongside colleagues whom they described as being ‘difficult’ or ‘colourful’ people. With respect to the bridging of religious differences, one employer described how the graduate was able to establish points of common interest and interact in such a way that the different religious or ideological beliefs became a point of ‘discussion’ rather than a ‘tension’ point.
When considering the relational dynamics of the workplace, it was apparent that a distinction could be made between what happened within the confines of the workplace and outside of it. Two of the employers noted that the graduates tended not to socialize outside of work hours with their colleagues as much as others. For example, after acknowledging the capacity of one of the graduates to develop sound working relationships within the workplace, including with people very different from her, her employer went on to state that she did not connect socially outside of work with her colleagues as much as some of her peers. A similar observation was made by another workplace contact. He explained that the graduate whom he managed had a network of school friends that remained ‘tight’, and he appeared to be less interested in socializing with his work colleagues outside of work hours. It seems, therefore, that some of the graduates tended to maintain a degree of relational distance with their work colleagues.
It is also important to note that the evidence derived from the interviews indicated that the capacity to develop relational connections with people in post-school environments, including with those whose social identity and religious beliefs may be different from their own, did not vary across the schools. It seems that the nature of the enrolment policy of the graduate’s school and the degree of religious diversity present in the student body had negligible influence. There was no evidence to suggest that those from the closed enrolment school lacked the social and civic attributes required to form relationships that transcended the differences present within pluralistic workplaces and post-school education and training institutions.
These findings and conclusions are not dissimilar to those of a research project undertaken by Pennings et al. in North America, which aimed to: ‘determine if Christian schools were indeed dividing and weakening communities or if Christian schools are instead trending toward serving a public good by generating graduates who are committed to their communities and to larger cultural engagement’ (Pennings et al., 2011: 24). In effect, they were seeking to identify whether the graduates of North America’s Christian schools were engaging within the community, or remaining in segregated or isolated networks. Their findings indicated that the graduates were not only engaged, but felt that their high schools had prepared them with the social attributes needed to connect relationally (Pennings et al., 2011).
While the findings of the Australian-based study described in this article indicated that the graduates were able to engage relationally and form bridging social capital in Australia’s pluralistic workplaces and other social contexts, the interview data did suggest that a small number of them faced some challenges and experienced a period of what might be termed cultural adjustment.
Cultural adjustment – not culture shock
In order to gain insights into the social and civic competence of the graduates involved in this study, careful attention was directed towards understanding the challenges they had to confront during the period of transition between graduation from school and entrance into their post-school pluralistic worlds. At the outset of the study, it was deemed to be conceivable that the segregated nature of their schooling and the religious teachings to which they had been exposed may have impeded the graduates’ capacity to establish relationships in these new social contexts. In effect, this study aimed to determine whether the ‘hot-house’ approach to schooling, as some have defined it (Maddox, 2014), created a social environment that was so sheltered, different and removed from the pluralistic community beyond its boundaries that their graduates might become overwhelmed by the challenges they were forced to confront during the transition.
Whilst the majority of the graduates did not find the transition challenging, a small group of graduates from the closed enrolment school found a few aspects somewhat confronting. This group of female graduates, who during their schooling years had minimal contact with people from beyond the Christian community, found the extensive and frequent use of coarse language and sexual references within general conversations both surprising and mildly confronting. One graduate stated that she was initially surprised by the way some of the boys felt at ease to comment on the body shape of her friends, and by some of the topics of conversation that they viewed as normal and acceptable. One of the graduates pointed out that the transition had not been a ‘culture shock’, but had been a ‘pretty big change’ from the ‘Christian environment’ to which she was accustomed. Importantly, there was no evidence within the interview data to suggest that these things were deemed to be a reason to create significant relational distance. It was viewed as something that was different from what they had experienced during the schooling years and was easily navigated.
It is important to note that no attempt was made in the research design of the study to make a comparison between the challenges confronted by the graduates of evangelical Christian schools, and others within the education sector. It was therefore beyond the scope of the study to ascertain the magnitude of the transitional challenges for this group of graduates relative to those who attended other schools. The study’s aim was to listen to the voices of the graduates, their parents and those who work alongside them in workplaces, and to discover the nature of the challenges, if any, that they have had to confront and how they navigated them.
In addition to noting the challenges that were navigated by the graduates, it also became apparent that, when entering their post-school social worlds, they would at times create some relational distance.
Relational distance managed
In addition to establishing ‘if’ the graduates were able to connect relationally in post-school pluralistic contexts, the data also revealed insights into ‘how’ they navigated some of the challenges that confronted them – both in the workplace and beyond. One of the tactics they employed was the management of what has been defined in this study as relational distance. This concept recognizes that some relational connections are closer than others. This difference in relational distance is something that the graduates appeared to carefully manage on the basis of the degree to which they experienced an alignment or misalignment of values.
When entering a social context that brought together a diverse range of people, there was a tendency for the graduates, in some circumstances, to create some relational distance, while being friendly, respectful and polite. The evidence within the interview data suggested that the creation of relational distance often occurred not on the basis of religious differences becoming evident, but at the point where there was a significant misalignment of values. One parent described this point as the ‘line’ that his son drew and would not cross. Prior to this graduate’s departure to work in the mining industry, he and his parents discussed the clash of values he was likely to experience and the importance of making good choices. During the interview, this particular graduate described the challenges that had confronted him and the tactics he had employed to ensure he connected socially with his colleagues, but was not pressured to compromise his personal values. He explained how he intentionally allocated some time for socializing over a few drinks, but made sure he did not get caught up in the ‘drinking culture’. Similarly, the parent of another graduate suggested that her daughter’s clarity about how she wanted to live her life and her ingrained values provided the compass for knowing when to create some relational distance. Both of these graduates appeared to have established, with a degree of clarity, personal moral and ethical boundaries which determined at what point they distanced themselves from situations or individuals. Similar boundaries appeared to be influential for other graduates. One graduate referred to this notion of establishing boundaries as an inner resolve in the face of pressure to compromise, and also referred to becoming more careful and guarded in situations of this kind where pressure was exerted by people he did not know well.
There was also evidence within the data to indicate that some graduates adopted a precautionary posture in new social contexts, while others were proactive. One of the graduates explained that when she entered new social contexts she would initially create some relational distance and ‘suss people out’ in order to determine if they shared some common values. Her approach might be deemed to be precautionary and may reflect her more quiet or cautious nature. This tactic also seemed to be employed by some others. In contrast, a more proactive rather than cautious posture was adopted by others. For example, one graduate described how he would actively engage in relationship-building and seek to develop friendships until it became apparent that there was a significant misalignment of values, and then relational distance was created in a responsive way.
Irrespective of whether the graduates were proactive or cautious when managing relational distance, there was no evidence within the interview data to suggest that they were disrespectful or condescending towards others. For example, when one graduate was in a situation where she needed to work alongside someone whom others in the group struggled with, her employer explained that she made the best of it and just created some distance by not fully and enthusiastically engaging. Other graduates seemed to adopt a similar approach when values clashed or if frustrations arose. It was apparent that when values dissonance arose, it was unlikely to be confronted or raised in the workplace, but was sometimes discussed with the graduate’s parents. Even when dealing with difficult people, one parent stated that she was confident that her daughter would always be respectful and tolerant. This view was confirmed by her employer and was consistent with the content of the interview with the graduate. Another employer commented that the graduate in her workplace was always courteous and respectful towards her workmates.
Many of the graduates either avoided or minimized their exposure to situations where they knew that excessive consumption of alcohol or drug use would be involved or ‘clubbing’ was the preferred activity of the group. While some had developed close friendships with people engaged in that culture, some would refuse to be involved in events of that nature. Others would strategically limit their involvement so that they found the balance between being socially connected, but not engaging to a point where their self-imposed moral or ethical boundaries were compromised. When referring to the friends of one of the graduates who were caught up in the party scene, his employer said of him: ‘he’s just slowly pulled out of those social circles or made decisions not to conform to their actions’. It is important to note that while this phenomenon of creating distance when ‘clubbing’ or excessive drinking etc. was involved characterized many of the graduates, it did not apply to all. At least one of the graduates and his friends actively engaged in activities of this nature.
The behaviour of the graduates and the way they created relational distance might be defined as them displaying ‘tolerance with limits’ – the ‘limit’ being the point at which the behaviour of other individuals exposed a significant misalignment of values between them and the graduate.
Social and civic competence
In addition to exploring the relational dynamics of the post-school social worlds of the graduates, the study also sought to investigate whether the social and civic attributes identified by the Curriculum Corporation (2003) researchers were evident in the behaviours of the graduates. The data revealed that the workplace contacts and parents were of the view that many of the social and civic attributes (honesty, respect, tolerance and understanding, care, inclusivity and responsibility) were reflected in the behaviours of the graduates, but there were two exceptions – excellence and social justice. With respect to excellence, it was not identified as an attribute that was widely reflected in the behaviour of the graduates; however, it was also apparent that how the value was defined and understood by participants also varied. There was substantial evidence in the interview data to suggest that the graduates generally had a good work ethic, but the pursuit of excellence that involved always doing their best was not a defining feature of their collective behaviour. When social justice was explored, it became apparent that a number of graduates were involved in various forms of volunteering, however, there was insufficient evidence to conclude that they were committed to the principles of social justice. One parent suggested that her child’s commitment to social justice was quite ‘superficial’.
Summary
In broad terms, this study set out to investigate how development of the social and civic competencies required to become active and relationally engaged citizens is influenced by the educative environment of a religious school. Integral to the study’s aim was a desire to consider the veracity of a claim found in the educational literature, which asserts that the socialization of students within a religious school may undermine development of these competencies.
The impact of religious segregation was explored by evaluating the social and civic competence of some graduates who attended three of Western Australia’s large evangelical Christian schools and investigating how formation of their social and civic values and attributes were shaped by their school experiences and factors beyond the school.
Importantly, on the question of the influence of religious schooling on the development of the social and civic competencies required to form bridging social capital, this study’s findings do not support the above-mentioned claim. This study found no evidence to suggest that the young Australian graduates who participated lacked the competencies required to engage relationally in the pluralistic social contexts that formed part of their post-school social worlds. Consequently, this study questions the assumptions that are made about these schools and recommends that a more nuanced view of their role within the educational landscape be adopted.
On the basis of the findings of the study being reported in this article, it would appear that the assertions of those who have fears about the presence of evangelical Christian schools within Australia’s segregated education system and their potential to undermine the social cohesion of workplaces and the broader community may well be unfounded. It would appear that it is too simplistic to assume that social and civic competence can only be nurtured in school environments that are ‘non-religious’ or secular in their orientation – such an assertion is not supported by this particular evidence.
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.