Nomads of the Void: Unpacking the Enigmatic Lives and Survival of Syrian Dom Refugee Women in North Lebanon

Introduction

After leading a nomadic lifestyle until the latter half of the twentieth century, the Dom population has predominantly settled across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. However, recent events in Syria have forced them to flee once again due to the thirteen-year civil war (Tarlan 2016a). Many of these displaced Dom individuals from Syria now reside among refugee communities in makeshift tent settlements along the Lebanon border (Diab and Saban 2022). Regrettably, they are often overlooked or marginalized as refugees from Syria, echoing the marginalization they experienced in their home country (ibid). This research delves into the various layers of discrimination and challenges that the Dom community faces in Lebanon, particularly examining how these layers intersect with their legal status and prospects for integration. Specifically, the study focuses on women within the community to shed light on the gender-specific dimensions of these obstacles, their coping strategies, and their enduring vulnerabilities.

Syrian Dom individuals in Lebanon and the broader region face numerous challenges accessing essential services such as legal aid, protection, electricity, and clean water (Bochi 2011; Yildiz and Peterson 2016; Tarlan 2017). Women and girls encounter additional difficulties in accessing basic necessities like sanitary products and gender-sensitive care (Tarlan 2016a; Rorke 2018). In Lebanon’s Akkar region, where much of the country’s Dom community resides, the Dom lack livelihood opportunities, literacy programs, and skill development training, exacerbating their vulnerability (Carpi 2014; Lyons et al. 2022; Jamaluddine et al. 2023). Syrian Dom women in Lebanon experience harassment, feelings of insecurity, and violence, both within and outside informal tented settlements. Sexual violence is predominantly perpetrated by employers, customers, and men within their community (Tarlan 2016b). The community’s marginalized status, compounded by economic, legal, and socio-cultural burdens, heightens their vulnerability, hindering their access to resources, services, and opportunities. Gender-based violence (GBV), gender discrimination, and the overall absence of gender-sensitive care are prevalent in these regions, exacerbated by factors such as the COVID-19 pandemic and economic crisis (Rafetry et al. 2023). Against this backdrop, Syrian Dom women remain particularly susceptible to human trafficking due to limited job opportunities and the nature of their work. According to their own testimonies, coercion into prostitution is often masked as an employment opportunity. The testimonies also highlight the lack of financial autonomy and decision-making power by women within households, further perpetuating their vulnerability.

Through a mixed methods approach, this study aims to unpack the layered forms of discrimination and adversity faced by the Syrian Dom community in Lebanon, with a focus on the interplay of these realities with protection and integration prospects. More specifically, the study aims to unpack the lived experiences and survival strategies of the women within this community to highlight the gender dimensions of these challenges, coping mechanisms, and persistent intersectional vulnerabilities. This research underscores the critical need for targeted support and intervention to address the pressing empowerment, economic, educational, protection, and psychosocial needs of Syrian Dom women and girls in North Lebanon.

The Dom Community Between Lebanon and Syria

The Dom community constitutes an ethnic minority spread across various Middle Eastern countries, including Lebanon, Jordan, the Palestinian territories, Turkey, Iraq, and Iran (IRIN 2011). Similar to the Gypsy communities in Europe, historians suggest that the Dom are descendants of itinerant performers who migrated from India centuries ago (Council of Europe, n.d.). Accurate demographic data is lacking, making it difficult to determine the exact population of the Dom community in the broader MENA region. While their total number is difficult to ascertain considering their absence from the statistical surveys as a disenfranchised community often without citizenship, a 2021 report estimates that five million Dom are spread out in Syria, Jordan, Iran, Lebanon, Iraq, Israel, Gaza, West Bank, Egypt, and Turkey, while a presence of small Dom communities has been detected in Gulf countries (Stoupa 2021). In Domari, the term Dom translates to man, but local populations in the MENA refer to Dom individuals (among other groups) as Nawar, a derogatory label linked to notions of poor hygiene, laziness, begging, and questionable morality (Al-Absi and Al-Absiová 2014). This label significantly influences interactions between the Dom and non-Dom populations in the Middle East, hindering understanding and kinship with other ethnic and religious groups (Insan Association 2011).

Domari serves as the primary language spoken within the Dom community. Domari is an amalgam of local dialects and Arabic influences, a language developed by borrowed words, reflecting what scholars deem “the history of wandering” (Hilleary 2013). Engaging in various occupations — metalwork, dentistry, basket-making, fortune-telling, dancing and music performing — the Dom community typically lacks reliance on steady income across the MENA (Stoupa 2021). They are often excluded from state welfare systems and public services, and most face limited access to education and healthcare (ibid). Additionally, discrimination against Dom individuals is prevalent, leading to lower wages compared to their Arab counterparts. While some have found employment as seasonal agricultural work, a substantial segment experiences unemployment due to stereotypes and the obsolescence of their traditional employment methods (ibid). There is no reliable data on the total number of Dom residing in Lebanon. They are unaccounted for in Lebanese census surveys (Maktabi 1999). According to the Swiss NGO Terre des Hommes, the estimated size of the Dom population in Beirut and South Lebanon is around 3,112, and there is little to no information available about their numbers elswhere (Tdh Lausanne and Insan Association 2011). In Lebanon, the Dom mostly live in or near poor, marginalized areas, such as Palestinian refugee camps (Mrazova 2018).

With the exception of a number of Dom individuals naturalized in 1994 through Lebanon’s Naturalization Decree 5247, ¹ the overwhelming majority in Lebanon are stateless and, live in poverty. They have been joined by a Dom population from Syria who share the same fate (Mrazova 2018). Findings from a joint research report by Terre des Hommes and Insan Association (2011) found that at least 68 percent of Dom children have never completed any level of schooling. More reports on the Dom community in Lebanon and their recent Syrian counterparts, found that this community endures extreme poverty and social marginalization, with minimal access to health, education, formal employment, and adequate housing. The naturaliztion law did not change their fate (Osseiran 2021; Daley 2016).

Having led a nomadic life until the mid-to-late twentieth century, the Dom population is now largely sedentary throughout the MENA, with the exception most recently of Syria, which the community needed to flee as a result of the country’s Civil War (Tarlan 2016a). A significant proportion of the Dom community that fled from Syria live among refugee communities in informal tented settlements on the border of Lebanon (Diab and Saban 2022). They are considered as “other” or “forgotten” refugees from Syria, mirroring the situation in the country they migrated from in their home country (Tarlan 2016b; Rorke 2018).

Prior to their entry into Lebanon, the Dom community in Syria reportedly consisted of between 100,000 to 300,000 individuals (Williams 2001; Berland and Rao 2004). Predominantly sedentary, the community included a few semi-nomadic groups, some of whom migrated beyond Syrian borders (ibid). Aleppo hosted the largest concentration of Dom people, with significant populations also residing in Damascus, Homs, and Latakia (Herin 2012). This group continues to face significant marginalization in the areas in Syria where they remain. It continues to be commonly known by various local terms including Nawar, a term widely prevalent across the Levant as previously described (ibid). These labels often reflect socio-economic similarities rather than ethnic distinctions, and the community is further segmented into clans (ibid).

Historically, the Dom population of Syria are believed to have migrated from India, traveling through Persia (Matras 2012). They were originally a nomadic caste known for their metalwork and entertainment skills (ibid). In Syria, the community is largely and unfairly associated with a disreputable and “immoral” lifestyle of thieves, beggars, and itinerants (Berland and Rao 2004). The Syrian Dom community was also stateless (Hilleary 2013; CEU 2016; Mrazova 2018). The Syrian Civil War prompted numerous reports of Syrian Dom refugees relocating to neighboring countries such as Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan — in many cases to join existing family networks in these locations (Williams 2001; Rorke 2018).

Methodology and Limitations

The research adopts a mixed-method approach encompassing both qualitative and quantitative data collection methods. Lebanese Developers (LD), a local non-governmental organization (NGO) that works closely on development projects for the Dom in Lebanon, provided direct access to the community. With the Syrian Dom community being semi-nomadic, tightly-knit and largely inaccessible, participants were subsequently identified through the LD networks. The primary data collection encompassed: (1) a survey of 50 Syrian Dom women (aged 13–35); (2) three focus group discussions (FGDs) with 15 Syrian Dom women (aged 13–35); (3) one FGD with five Syrian Dom men (aged 30–55); and (4) six key informant interviews (KIIs) with LD’s staff and protection experts from different humanitarian organizations operating in North Lebanon that interact with the Syrian Dom community. Data collection was completed in July 2023. The research team comprised the two co-authors of this paper, who led on data collection, transcription, translation and analysis.

The methodological approach adhered to a rights-based framework and “Do No Harm” principles. A trauma-sensitive approach was adopted across data collection (Edelman 2022; Karmakar and Duggal 2024; Diab and Al-Azzeh 2024), and all participants involved were provided information on the aims of this study. Informed consent was obtained from each participant prior to the interview/survey administration. The consent forms was explained in Arabic by the research team to participants who lacked literacy skills. Delving into specific details or further clarifications about various forms of abuse was intentionally avoided to prevent the inadvertent resurgence of traumatic experiences among participants.

The findings from this study do not represent the entire Syrian Dom population of the country, but rather a select sample from the Syrian Dom community in North Lebanon. All participants indicated that they were not formally registered as refugees or asylum seekers in Lebanon with UNHCR, and that they received support as non-registered refugees from a number of humanitarian organizations. All participants originated from Syria and possess no identification documents in Lebanon.

Data was thematically analyzed across the following main research questions: (1) What needs and risks do women and girls from the Syrian Dom community face, particularly in the areas of protection? (2) How are these needs and risks addressed and where are the gaps in protection schemes and responses? (3) What are the obstacles to accessing livelihood opportunities for the Syrian Dom community, and its women more specifically? (4) What types of discriminatory and isolationist practices do Syrian Dom women endure in Akkar? (5) What are understandings and views around gender dynamics, GBV and practices among study participants, and how/to what extent do Syrian Dom women combat these dynamics and practices within their communities?

A significant limitation of this study was the lack of women-friendly safe spaces in the informal tented settlements where they took place. Moreover, when women participants in FGDs were asked questions centered around protection and GBV, many did not feel comfortable responding openly in these settings. In these cases, participants provided their responses outside their settlements in spaces they designated, for fear of retribution from other community members. Thus, all interviews were conducted under challenging circumstances, making it hard to form a complete picture of gender norms within their community.

Theoretical Framework

Intersectionality theory provides a powerful lens through which to examine the complex and multi-dimensional forms of discrimination and adversity experienced by marginalized groups, such as the Syrian Dom women in North Lebanon. Rooted in the work of scholars like Kimberlé Crenshaw, intersectionality theory recognizes that individuals’ identities are shaped by intersecting social categories, such as race, gender, class, ethnicity, and legal status, and that these intersections produce unique experiences of oppression and privilege (Crenshaw 1991; Carbado et al. 2013). In the context of this study, intersectionality theory offers a framework for understanding the layered forms of discrimination faced by the Syrian Dom community in Lebanon. By recognizing the intersection of multiple axes of identity, including ethnicity, socio-economic status, and legal status, the study aims to unpack the dynamics that contribute to the marginalization of this community. Moreover, by focusing specifically on the women within the Syrian Dom community, the study highlights the gender dimensions of these challenges, acknowledging that gender intersects with other social categories to produce unique forms of oppression and vulnerability. Central to intersectionality theory is the recognition that individuals’ experiences are shaped not only by their membership in marginalized groups but also by the intersections of these identities.

Against the backdrop of this theoretical framework, it is essential to examine the nuanced interplay of identities and contexts influencing Syrian Dom women in Akkar. These women navigate a complex landscape shaped by multiple overlapping identity markers: ethnic belonging as Dom, gender identity as women, social roles within family and community, economic roles through their employment, and their status as refugees. These intersecting identities do not merely add to one another; rather, they interact in ways that produce specific forms of identity, expose unique vulnerabilities, and enable distinct forms of agency.

Intersectionality, as applied to migration contexts by Anthias (2012) and Bastia (2014), provides a framework to understand how identity dimensions and contexts interact. It reveals how social structures and power dynamics shape migrant women’s experiences, highlighting that vulnerabilities and identities are dynamic, constructed through social interactions and institutions. For Syrian Dom women in Akkar, gendered identity is influenced by ethnic background and familial relationships. As a marginalized group, they face sexualized and moralized stereotypes that impact their treatment in Lebanese society. These perceptions are tied to cultural narratives about their ethnicity and their public and familial roles. Such roles shape their vulnerability and agency, affecting their social and economic engagement. Familial settings impose traditional roles that can constrain, but they also provide platforms for agency, enabling influence over family and community dynamics.

As refugees, the intersection of statelessness with gender and ethnicity adds layers of discrimination and marginalization. These overlapping oppressions foster unique coping mechanisms and resilience strategies, illustrating dynamic identity formation. This discussion acknowledges the complex realities faced by Syrian Dom women in Lebanon and contributes to broader intersectional analyses of migration. It emphasizes the need to consider multiple, intersecting identities and their implications on migrants’ lived experiences, providing insights into systemic inequalities and identity dynamics.

Prospects for Syrian Dom Integration and Refuge in Lebanon

The precarious and restricted legal status of refugees and asylum seekers in Lebanon adds another layer to the Dom community’s vulnerability (Janmyr 2016). Lebanon is not a signatory to the 1951 UN Refugee Convention, leaving refugees and asylum seekers in the country lacking both legal documentation and various other forms of protection (ibid). Amid conversations around the delicate demographic balance in the country, citizenship remains entirely unattainable (Hall 2020). The registration of Syrian refugees by UNHCR in Lebanon was suspended by the government in 2015 (Diab 2023a, 2023b), essentially hindering the Syrian Dom community who were not registered from this form of access to protection. Heightened calls for their repatriation and forced return followed a few years later — peaking between 2019 and 2023 amid Lebanon’s inescapable political and economic collapse (ibid). According to testimonies from respondents, the Syrian Dom community in North Lebanon’s Akkar district faces significant challenges concerning their legal status, which severely impacts their access to essential services, employment opportunities, and the registration of births — issues that mirror the legal status challenges experienced by other Syrian refugees in Lebanon (FGD, July 2023).

For women within the Syrian Dom community, these problems not only restrict their rights and access, but push them into negative coping and survival mechanisms. According to FGDs with women from the community, this has forced them into prostitution and petty crime as a source of financial income — where they endure increasingly violent forms of abuse (ibid.). For children and minors within the community, this has hindered their fundamental right to education, and pushed them into some of the worst forms of child labor (Tdh Lausanne 2011). Men within the Syrian Dom community reported being susceptible to labor exploitation, frequently underpaid and subjected to long working hours (FGD, July 2023).

A 2021 UNHCR and Siren Associates study on statelessness in Lebanon’s Akkar district gives a glimpse into national trends for these communities (UNHCR and Siren Associates 2021). This study revealed that 71 percent of the stateless individuals identified in Akkar have Bedouin or Dom origins, which are the only two minorities currently present in Lebanon with nomadic roots (ibid). The demographic mapping conducted during the research estimated that approximately 850 stateless persons with Dom origins make up at least 24 percent of Akkar’s stateless population (ibid). While UNHCR continues to update data on the previously registered population, it also advocates for resuming registration activities to better manage needs and responses in Lebanon (UNHCR 2023). Many Syrians from the Dom community remain unregistered with UNHCR, and exact numbers are not available.

Placing Women in the Syrian Dom Community

Findings from this study indicate that the Syrian Dom community migrated to Lebanon due to the Syrian Civil War. According to respondent testimonies, the Syrian Dom community either: (1) obtained refugee status from UNHCR in Lebanon while resettling into Lebanese Dom settlements; (2) joined a number of Palestinian refugee camps across the country — often moving with Palestinian refugees from Syria; or (3) established informal tented settlements in North Lebanon close to the Syrian border (KII, July 2023). The community is known to be dispersed across Tripoli/Akkar, Sidon, Beirut, the Bekaa Valley, and Byblos (ibid.). As previously outlined, the Syrian Dom community and the Dom community that was already present in Lebanon face severe socio-economic inequalities, challenges to accessing appropriate shelter, clean water, decent job opportunities, education, and health services due to their lifestyle, legal status, and ethnic identity (Yildiz and Peterson 2016).

The challenges for Syrian Dom women are particularly severe, as traditional gender roles and practices continue to invisibilize them and push them to the margins of their societies. Like Romani women in Europe, ² Syrian Dom women face the additional burdens of sexism due to their ethnic identity. In Lebanon, they are often employed as dancers or resort to begging in the streets. According to key informants, women from the Dom community as a whole are often stigmatized within Arab cultures as embodying traits considered unacceptable for women, frequently resulting in a “whore stigma” associated with their involvement in sex work (KII, July 2023). While conventional notions of femininity for Arab women emphasize traits like privacy, modesty, and decency, the term nawarriya is used to label Dom women as “[. . .] promiscuous, sexually available, and lacking in shame” (Bochi 2021). A 2021 study attributes the sexual objectification of Dom women, to their lines of work, which typically involve activities such as street performing and dancing that thrust a woman’s body into the public gaze (ibid). According to the Syrian Dom women who partook in this study, these practices have:

[. . .] forcefully put us [women] in humiliating and vulnerable positions in many instances. We are invisible, yes. But we are seen by all the wrong people, and for all the wrong reasons. We are also only seen for our bodies, and objectified — mostly fetishized and sexualized. (FGD, July 2023).

Moreover, feminist movements remain almost entirely absent within the Dom community, and more traditional roles for men and women are upheld. While Syrian Dom women engage in income-generating activities, often working in agriculture and farming, men held complete control over the allocation of financial resources in the Syrian Dom households studied. Syrian Dom women also encounter several barriers, including being paid less than men for the same jobs. Surveyed Dom women reported that employers do not hire them due to their lack of literacy and specialized sectoral skills, as well as because of prevailing stereotypes that depict them as thieves or untrustworthy.

Because of the very limited income-generating activities afforded to them, as well as their stateless status in Lebanon, Syrian Dom women were found to be highly susceptible to forced prostitution, trafficking, abuse, violence, child marriage, and unwanted pregnancy (FGD, July 2023).

Being a Syrian, Dom and Refugee Woman in Akkar

All Syrian Dom FGD participants as well as those surveyed, including women, men, and adolescent girls, reportedly encountered difficulties accessing essential services such as legal aid, protection, electricity, and clean water (ibid.). For Syrian Dom women and adolescent girls, access to basic necessities such as sanitary products as well gender-sensitive care also remain limited. More broadly, key informant interviews with experts highlight an overall absence of livelihood opportunities, literacy programs, and skill development training for Akkar’s Syrian Dom community. Although most findings relate to insecurity, gender-based discrimination, and clear gender-related vulnerabilities, they also underscore notable examples of survivability, coping mechanisms, and income-generating practices.

Discussion and Concluding Remarks

The political economy of Lebanon significantly shapes local attitudes toward refugees and women’s issues, as well as sexual and GBV. Historically, Lebanon’s fragile political landscape, marked by sectarian tensions and economic instability, has fostered an environment of distrust and hostility toward refugees (Skulte-Ouaiss and Diab 2024; Diab and Crawley 2023). This backdrop fuels xenophobia and shapes public and policy attitudes toward the influx of refugees, often blaming them for exacerbating the country’s economic and social woes (Diab 2023a). Concerning sexual abuse and GBV, societal norms that prioritize family honor and stigmatize victims often hinder open discussion and effective interventions, leaving abuses inadequately addressed, particularly among refugee communities (Barada et al. 2021; Murray et al. 2021).

On the operational front, humanitarian and legal actors in Lebanon face substantial challenges, including severe funding shortages exacerbated by global economic strains and donor fatigue, particularly in protracted crises like that of Syrian refugees (Rafetry et al. 2023; Delacloche 2024). Bureaucratic hurdles and a complex legal framework complicate the delivery of aid and protection services (Mitri 2014). These factors not only limit the capacity of organizations to respond effectively but also affect their ability to reach the most vulnerable, including those suffering from sexual and GBV within hard-to-reach spaces and communities. The result is humanitarian responses that are often reactive rather than proactive, struggling to address both the immediate and long-term needs of refugees within Lebanon’s borders.

Syrian Dom refugee women have often been overlooked due to a complex interplay of socio-cultural and institutional factors. As a marginalized group within a marginalized community, their unique struggles are frequently overshadowed by broader refugee issues. Discrimination against the Dom people, who are often perceived as lower social status due to their historical roles, exacerbates this invisibility, even within refugee spaces. Gender biases further marginalize Syrian Dom women, rendering their specific needs and voices unheard in policy-making and humanitarian responses. Understanding the identity of these women across their gender diversity is entirely absent from these narratives. This oversight is compounded by a lack of targeted research and data, which leads to inadequate representation in programs designed to support refugees. Consequently, the vulnerabilities and needs of Syrian Dom women go unaddressed, perpetuating a cycle of exclusion and disadvantage.

A range of programs and services can help prevent, mitigate, and respond to survival sex and other forms of GBV, targeting Lebanese citizens, refugees, and other marginalized groups. However, these services hardly reach Syrian Dom refugee women, according to their own testimonies. Many Syrian Dom women participating in this study were unaware of the availability of these services. These services encompass legal assistance, psychological support, and healthcare provided through various NGOs, international organizations, and community groups (ABAAD 2020). Specialized programs aim to raise awareness and educate communities about the consequences of SGBV and the rights of survivors (ibid). For instance, several initiatives offer confidential counseling and safe shelter options for those in immediate danger (ibid). Moreover, partnerships between local NGOs and international bodies facilitate training for local law enforcement and healthcare providers to improve their responses to SGBV incidents and ensure they are handled with sensitivity and respect for the survivors’ dignity (UN Women 2019). Despite these efforts, experts interviewed highlight challenges such as funding limitations, social stigma, and legal barriers that often restrict the accessibility and effectiveness of these services, leaving many survivors without the support they need.

For Syrian Dom refugee women in Lebanon, the challenge is less about the availability of services for sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), education, and health, and more about the access to these services. Frequently, these women are not only entirely unaware of the support available but also often remain unseen within the broader refugee and host community networks. Their social invisibility and isolation mean that outreach efforts and information rarely reach them, effectively excluding them from assistance programs that are crucial for their protection and well-being. This lack of access exacerbates their vulnerability and marginalization. It highlights the need for targeted outreach and community engagement strategies that specifically address the unique barriers faced by this group, ensuring that they are informed about and able to access the necessary services.

Results of this research have highlighted urgent empowerment, economic, educational, protection, and psychosocial needs within the Syrian Dom community in the Akkar district, especially for the community’s women. This study was designed to gain insights into the myriad challenges faced by Syrian Dom women and girls and to identify the primary barriers that impede their access to livelihood opportunities and adequate protection. While these findings provide valuable insights into the specific needs of the Syrian Dom population in the Akkar district, particularly women, they do not encompass the entire Dom community throughout the country. Therefore, there remains a need for further in-depth studies focusing on the Dom population, especially women and children, to obtain a more comprehensive and nuanced understanding of their unique challenges and needs. Such a study could inform targeted interventions and policies.

This study emphasizes the need for expanded research and case studies on the Dom society in Lebanon, with a focus on specialized investigations into problems such as gender norms, family roles, GBV, and early and forced marriages. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for addressing the challenges that impede the integration of Syrian Dom women and adolescent girls into humanitarian and social inclusion programs.

The following recommendations focus on providing tailored support and essential services for Syrian Dom refugee women in Lebanon. To begin with, enhanced outreach to Syrian Dom communities is crucial. This can be achieved through mobile teams that engage directly with these communities using culturally sensitive methods, aiming to educate women about available services and their rights. This approach builds trust and breaks down barriers to their social isolation.

In addition, humanitarian actors and civil society organizations should establish community-based support networks in areas where this population resides. By training community leaders and peer educators within the Syrian Dom community, these networks will create vital links between Syrian Dom women and broader aid frameworks, facilitating access to necessary services. Providing tailored legal and psychological services through humanitarian actors is also imperative. Legal aid must be readily accessible, with practitioners trained to address the complexities of GBV within refugee contexts. Psychological support should be culturally and contextually informed to address the specific traumas these women experience.

Moreover, educational and vocational training programs offered through local grassroots organizations and schools should be specifically designed to meet the needs of Syrian Dom women. These programs should be flexible enough to accommodate their familial or community obligations, empowering them economically and enhancing their standing within the community. It is also essential to advocate for policy changes that recognize the unique challenges faced by Syrian Dom refugee women. This includes lobbying for their specific inclusion in all refugee assistance programs and ensuring that protective and inclusive policies are in place.

Finally, the establishment of monitoring and feedback mechanisms to assess the effectiveness of these services is crucial. Regular assessments and community feedback sessions will help service providers adapt and refine their approaches to better meet the needs of Syrian Dom women. By implementing these strategies, organizations and policymakers can more effectively support Syrian Dom refugee women in Lebanon, ensuring they have access to the services necessary to improve their safety, well-being, and economic independence.